Mark Twain Papers, The Bancroft Library (CU-MARK).
MARK TWAIN
Illustrated by True Williams, Edward F. Mullen, and Others
Edited by
Harriet Elinor Smith and Edgar Marquess Branch
Associate Editors
Lin Salamo, Robert Pack Browning
Contributing Editors
Richard Bucci, Victor Fischer, Michael B. Frank, Kenneth M. Sanderson
A Publication of the Mark Twain Project
of The Bancroft Library
General Editor, Robert H. Hirst
University of California Press
Berkeley Los Angeles London
1993, 2016
Editorial work for this volume has been supported by a grant to
The Friends of The Bancroft
Library from the
L. J. SKAGGS AND MARY C. SKAGGS FOUNDATION
and by matching funds from the
NATIONAL ENDOWMENT FOR THE HUMANITIES,
an independent federal agency.
Without such generous support, these editions could
not have been produced.
ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
Editorial work for this volume was made possible by the continuing generosity of the American taxpayer, and by the support of reviewers, panelists, Council, and staff members of the National Endowment for the Humanities, an independent federal agency, which has funded the Mark Twain Project by outright and matching grants since 1966. We are indeed grateful for this intellectual and material support, part of which the Endowment provided for the present volume by matching a major gift from the L. J. Skaggs and Mary C. Skaggs Foundation, without whose generous support this book could not have been produced.
The Endowment’s recent grants were also made possible by an outpouring of private support for the Project. Without this self-imposed tax on Mark Twain’s most loyal readers, neither this volume nor the Project itself would exist today. We therefore want to thank the following major donors: Betty G. Austin; The House of Bernstein, Inc.; J. Dennis Bonney; Edmund G. and Bernice Brown; Class of 1938, University of California, Berkeley; Chevron Corporation; Chronicle Books; Don L. Cook; the late Alice Gaddis; Launce E. Gamble; Dr. Orville J. Golub; Marion S. Goodin; Constance Crowley Hart; the late James D. Hart; William Randolph Hearst Foundation; Hedco Foundation; Janet S. and William D. Hermann; Kenneth E. Hill; Hal Holbrook; Koret Foundation; Mark Twain Foundation; Bobby for Frank and Georgiana Massa; Robert N. Miner; Jeanne G. O’Brien and the late James E. O’Brien; Connie J. and David H. Pyle; Catherine D. Rau; Verla K. Regnery Foundation; John W. and Barbara Rosston; Marion B. and Willis S. Slusser; Thomas More Storke Fund; Koji Tabei; Gretchen Trupiano; the late John Russell Wagner; Mrs. Paul L. Wattis; and two generous donors from California who prefer to remain anonymous.
Space prevents our listing every recent contributor here, but we do want to thank the following for their timely generosity: Jonathan Arac; Harold Aspiz; Howard G. Baetzhold; Lawrence I. Berkove; Paul Berkowitz; Kevin J. and Margaret A. Bochynski; Dr. and Mrs. Richard J. Borg; Harold I. and Beula Blair Boucher; Boone Brackett, M.D.; The Brick Row Book Shop; Richard Bridgman; Louis J. and Isabelle Budd; James E. Caron; William A. and Mildred Clayton; Jean R. and Sherman Chickering; Hennig Cohen; Marvin M. Cole; James L. Colwell; Frederick C. Crews; Sally J. Letchworth in memory of Susan Letchworth Dann; Dow Chemical Corporation Foundation; Victor A. Doyno; William J. Duhigg, Jr.; William W. Escherich; Dorothy D. Eweson; Shelley Fisher Fishkin; Friends of Caxton; Guy G. Gilchrist, Jr.; Jay E. Gillette; Dorothy Goldberg; Stephen L. and Barbara H. Golder; Shoji Goto; James C. Greene; John Mitchell Hardaway; Katherine Heller; Judith B. Herman; Mr. and Mrs. Stephen G. Herrick; Dr. and Mrs. David S. Hubbell; George J. Houlé Rare Books & Autographs; Hiroyoshi Ichikawa; Dr. Janice Beaty Janssen; Fred Kaplan; Lawrence Kearney; Dr. Charles C. Kelsey; Holger Kersten; Harlan Kessel; Paul R. and Elisa S. Kleven; Lucius Marion Lampton; J. William Larkin, Jr.; Jennifer S. Larson; Dr. Roger Keith Larson; Mary-Warren Leary; William S. Linn; Joseph H. Towson for Debbie L. Lopez; George J. Houle in memory of Matthias (Matt) P. Lowman; The Honorable Thomas J. Mac Bride; William J. McClung; Hugh D. McNiven; James H. Maguire; Thomas A. Maik; Ronald R. Melen; Jay and Elise Miller; F. Van Dorn Moller; Ann Elizabeth and Robert Murtha; Makoto Nagawara; Suzanne Naiburg; Emily V. Nichols; Hiroshi Okubo; David Packard; Thelma Schoonmaker Powell; Reader’s Digest Foundation; Taylor Roberts; Dr. Verne L. Roberts; Brandt Rowles; Kenneth M. Sanderson; John R. Shuman; Elinor Lucas Smith; Jeffrey Steinbrink; Forrest E. and Dorothy A. Tregea; Marlene Boyd Vallin; Robert W. Vivian; Willard D. Washburn; F. A. West; Merilynn Laskey Wilson; Edward O. Wolcott; Harold A. Wollenberg; Laurel A. and Jeffrey S. Wruble.
We thank the Mark Twain Committee of the Council of The Friends of The Bancroft Library, particularly its current members, for continuing efforts on our behalf: Janet S. Hermann and Barbara Boucke, co-chairs; Cindy A. Barber; A. D. Brugger; Edwin V. Glaser; Stephen G. Herrick; and Willis S. Slusser, as well as Kimberley L. Massingale, secretary to the Council. We thank Noel Polk for his careful scrutiny of the text and apparatus on behalf of the Committee on Scholarly Editions of the Modern Language Association. And we also thank the following individuals for documents and information that have enriched the annotation or helped establish the text: Fred Clagett; Kenneth D. Craven, Harry Ransome Humanities Research Center, University of Texas at Austin; James Gilreath and James H. Hutson, Library of Congress; Dorothy Goldberg; William Hare, New London County (Conn.) Historical Society; Jeffrey Kintop, Nevada State Library and Archives; Mitsuo Kodama, President, Iwaki Meisei University, Fukushima, Japan; Jo McIntyre, Mitchell Library, State Library of New South Wales, Sydney; Nancy S. MacKechnie, Vassar College Library; Michael H. Marleau; John Melton, John Carroll University, Cleveland; Spiro Peterson and Frank Jordan, Jr., Miami University English Department, Oxford, Ohio; Evelyn Walker, Rush Rhees Library, University of Rochester; Ronald G. Watt, Historical Department of the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints; Geoffrey A. White, Hawaii State Archives; and Patricia C. Willis, Beinecke Rare Book and Manuscript Library, Yale University Library.
Professor Branch has received invaluable assistance over many years from the staff of the Miami University Library. We are especially indebted to Donald E. Oehlerts, former Director of the Miami University Libraries, and Judith A. Sessions, Dean and Miami University Librarian. We thank the entire staff of the Miami University Edgar Weld King Library, especially C. Martin Miller, Elizabeth Brice, Frances McClure, and James Bricker of Special Collections; Richard H. Quay and William Wortman of the Division of Humanities and Social Science; Documents Librarians Jean Sears, Margaret Lewis, and Judy Austin; and Sarah Barr, Karen Clift, and Scott Van Dam of the Interlibrary Loan Service. At the University of California, Berkeley, we have relied on the unsurpassed collections of western Americana in The Bancroft Library. For indispensable help with these collections we thank Anthony S. Bliss, Walter V. Brem, Jr., Franz Enciso, Vivian C. Fisher, Peter E. Hanff, Bonnie Hardwick, Irene M. Moran, David B. Rez, Terri A. Rinne, and William M. Roberts. We are likewise grateful to Philip Hoehn of the Map Room, and Leon D. Megrian, Jo Lynn Milardovich, and Rhio Barnhart of the Interlibrary Borrowing Service in the General Library.
Judith Abrams and Kathy Fallon each typed the text of Roughing It with exemplary accuracy. Fran Mitchell at the University of California Press coordinated production with her customary expertise. Christine Taylor and Janet Stephens of Wilsted and Taylor Publishing Services gave us valuable advice about book design, and expert typesetting that would have pleased Mark Twain. Allen McKinney, John Eastman, and Kevin McGehee of Graphic Impressions provided exceptionally fine photographs, particularly of the illustrations from the first edition and of the draft manuscript pages in the Introduction. Tina Espinosa, Kevin Kolb, John Parsons, and Susan Stanley of Eureka Cartography thoughtfully designed the maps.
We are, finally, grateful to our associates in the Mark Twain Project, both for their help with routine tasks and for their collaborative spirit. To edit Mark Twain in their company is to brave a continual stream of newfound information, exacting standards, and unsparing criticism, even-handedly applied to all. We thank Richard Bucci for his meticulous collation of newspaper and first-edition texts. We thank Kenneth M. Sanderson for applying his bibliographical expertise to the welter of Roughing It reprints. Michael B. Frank thoughtfully read and greatly improved the notes. Victor Fischer was an indispensable guide, often laying aside his own work to help solve problems with Roughing It. Several generations of editorial assistants cheerfully supported the work: Kandi B. Arndt, Scott Bean, Courtney L. Clark, Shawna L. Fleming, Laura Goodale, Simon J. Hernandez, Amy Horlings, Carol Kramer, Jane Murray, Kevin Skaggs, and Deborah Ann Turner. Administrative assistant Dorothy (“Sunny”) Gottberg dispatched office business with unflagging energy and all-enduring patience. To each of these colleagues we renew our heartfelt thanks.
H.E.S. E.M.B. L.S. R.P.B.
ROUGHING
IT
BY
MARK TWAIN
(SAMUEL L. CLEMENS)
FULLY ILLUSTRATED BY EMINENT ARTISTS
TO
CALVIN H. HIGBIE,
Of California,
An Honest Man, a Genial Comrade, and a Steadfast Friend,
THIS BOOK IS INSCRIBED
By the Author,
In Memory of the Curious Time
When We Two
WERE MILLIONAIRES FOR TEN DAYS.
PREFATORY
This book is merely a personal narrative, and not a pretentious history or a philosophical dissertation. It is a record of several years of variegated vagabondizing, and its object is rather to help the resting reader while away an idle hour than afflict him with metaphysics, or goad him with science. Still, there is information in the volume; information concerning an interesting episode in the history of the Far West, about which no books have been written by persons who were on the ground in person, and saw the happenings of the time with their own eyes. I allude to the rise, growth and culmination of the silver-mining fever in Nevada—a curious episode, in some respects; the only one, of its peculiar kind, that has occurred in the land; and the only one, indeed, that is likely to occur in it.
Yes, take it all around, there is quite a good deal of information in the book. I regret this very much; but really it could not be helped: information appears to stew out of me naturally, like the precious ottar of roses out of the otter. Sometimes it has seemed to me that I would give worlds if I could retain my facts; but it cannot be. The more I caulkxxiv.19 up the sources, and the tighter I get, the more I leak wisdom. Therefore, I can only claim indulgence at the hands of the reader, not justification.
THE AUTHOR.
2. Envious Contemplations
3. Innocent Dreams
4. Light Traveling Order
5. The “Allen”
6. Inducements to Purchase
7. The Facetious Driver
8. Pleasing News
9. The Sphynx
10. Meditation
11. On Business
12. Author as Gulliver
13. A Tough Statement
14. Third Trip of the Unabridged
15. A Powerful Glass
16. An Heirloom
17. Our Landlord
18. Dignified Exile
19. Drinking Slumgullion
20. A Joke without Cream
21. Pullman Car Dining-Saloon
22. Our Morning Ride
23. Prairie Dogs
24. A Cayote
25. Showing Respect to Relatives
26. The Conductor
27. The Superintendent as a Teacherxxva.30–31
28. Jack and the Elderly Pilgrim
29. Crossing the Platte
30. An Inhuman Spectaclexxvb.2
31. A New Departure
32. Suspended Operations
33. A Wonderful Lie
34. Tail-Piece
35. “Here he comes!”xxvb.7
36. Changing Horses
37. Riding the Avalanche
38. Indian Country
39. A Proposed Fist-Fightxxvb.11
40. From behind the Door
41. Slade asxxvb.13 Executioner
42. An Unpleasant View
43. Unappreciated Politeness
44. Tail-Piecexxvb.16
45. Slade in Court
46. A Wife’s Lamentationxxvb.18
47. The Concentrated Inhabitant
48. The South Pass (Full Page)
49. The Parted Streamxxvb.22
50. It Spoiled the Melon
51. Given Over to the Cayote and the Raven
52. “Don’t come here!xxvb.26”
53. “Think I’m a dam fool?xxvb.27”
54. The “Destroying Angel”
55. Effects of “Valley Tan”
56. One Crest
57. The Other
58. The Vagrant
59. Portrait of Heber Kimball
60. Portrait ofxxvia.2 Brigham Young
61. The Contractors before the King
62. I Was Touched
63. The Endowment—xxvia.6 Tail-Piece
64. Favorite Wife and Dxxvia.7 4
65. Needed Marking
66. A Remarkable Resemblance
67. The Family Bedstead
68. The Miraculous Compass
69. Three Sides to a Question
70. Result of High Freights
71. A Shriveled Quarter
72. An Object of Pity
73. Tail-Piece
74. Tail-Piece
75. Goshootxxvia.18 Indians Hanging around Stations
76. The Drive for Life
77. Greeley’s Ride
78. Bottling an Anecdote
79. Tail-Piece
80. Contemplation
81. The Washoe Zephyr
82. The Governor’s House
83. Dark Disclosures
84. The Irish Brigade
85. Recreation
86. The Tarantula
87. Light Thrown on the Subject
88. I Steered
89. The Invalid
90. The Restored
91. Our House
92. At Business
93. Firexxvia.38 at Lake Tahoe (Full Page)
94. “You might think he was an American horse.”xxvia.40–41
95. Unexpected Elevation
96. Universally Unsettled
97. Riding the Plug
98. Wanted Exercise
99. Borrowing Made Easy
100. Free Rides
101. Satisfactory Voucherxxvia.48
102. Needs Praying For
103. Map of Toll-Roadsxxvia.50
104. Unloading Silver Bricks
105. View in Humboldt Mountains
106. Going to Humboldt
107. Ballou’s Bedfellow
108. Pleasures of Camping Out
109. The Secret Search
110. “Cast your eye on that!xxvib.3”
111. “We’ve got it!xxvib.4”
112. Incipient Millionaires
113. Rocks—Tail-Piece
114. “Do you see it?”
115. Farewell Sweet River
116. The Rescue
117. “Mr. Arkansas”
118. An Armed Ally
119. Crossing the Flood
120. Advance in a Circle
121.xxvib.14 The Songster
122. The Foxes Have Holes—Tail-Piece
123. A Flat Failure
124. The Last Match
125.xxvib.19 Discarded Vices
126. Flames—Tail-Piece
127. Camping in the Snow (Full Page)
128. It Was Thus We Met
129. Taking Possession
130. A Great Effort
131. Reärrangingxxvib.26 and Shifting
132. We Left Lamented
133. Picture of Townsend’s Tunnel
134. Quartz Mill in Nevadaxxvib.30
135. Another Process of Amalgamation
136. First Quartz Mill in Nevada
137. A Slice of Rich Ore
138. The Saved Brother
139. On a Secret Expedition
140. Mono Lakexxvib.37 (Full Page)
141. Rather Soapy
142. A Bark under Full Sail
143. A Model Boarding House
144. Life amid Death
145. A Jump for Life
146. “Stove heap gone!xxvib.43”
147. Tail-Piecexxvib.44
148. Interviewing the “Wide West”
149. Worth a Million
150. Millionaires Laying Plans
151. Dangerously Sick
152. Worth Nothing
153. Enforcing axxvib.51 Compromise
154. One of My Failures
155. Target Shooting
156. As City Editor
157. The Entire Market
158. A Friend Indeed
159. Union—Tail-Piece
160. An Educational Report
161. No Particular Hurry
162. Bird’sxxviia.5 Eye View of Virginiaxxviia.5 and Mountxxviia.6 Davidson
163. A New Mine
164. “Take a few?”xxviia.8
165. Portrait of Mr. Stewart
166. Selling a Mine
167. Couldn’t Wait
168. The Great “Flour Sack” Procession (Full Page)
169. Tail-Piece
170. A Nabob
171. Magnificence and Misery
172. A Friendly Driver
173. Astonishes the Natives
174. Col. Jack “Weakens”xxviia.19
175. Committeeman andxxviia.20 Minister
176. Scottyxxviia.22 Regulating Matters
177. Neverxxviia.23 Shook His Mother
178. Scotty as a Sunday Schoolxxviia.24 Teacher
179. The Man Who Had Killed axxviia.26 Dozen
180. The Unprejudiced Jury
181. A Desperado Giving Reference
182. Satisfying a Foe
183. Tail-Piece
184. Impartingxxviia.33 Information
185. A Walking Battery
186. Overhauling His Manifest
187. Ship—Tail-Piece
188. The Heroes and Heroines of the Story
189. Dissolute Author
190. Unlooked-for Appearance ofxxviia.40–41 the Lawyer
191. The Storm Increasedxxviia.42
192. Jonah Outdone
193. Dollinger
194. “Low bridge!”xxviia.45
195. Shortening Sail
196. Lightening Ship
197. The Marvelousxxviia.48 Rescue
198. Silver Bricks
199. Timber Supports
200. From Gallery to Gallery
201. Jim Blaine
202. Hurrah for Nixon
203. Miss Wagner
204. Waiting for a Customer
205. Was to Be There
206. The Monument
207. Where Is the Ram?—Tail-Piece
208. Chinese Wash Bill
209. Imitation
210. Chinese Lottery
211. Chinese Merchant at Home—Tail-Piecexxviib.9
212. An Old Friend
213. Farewell and Accident
214. “Gimme a cigar!xxviib.12”
215. The Herald of Glad News
216. Flag—Tail-Piece
217. An Eastern Landscapexxviib.15
218. A Variable Climate
219. Sacramento and Three Hours Away
220. “Fetch her out!xxviib.19”
221. “Well, if it ain’t a child!xxviib.20”
222. A Genuine Live Woman
223. The Grace of a Kangaroo
224. Dreams Dissipated
225. The “One-Horsexxviib.24 Shay” Outdone
226. Hard on the Innocents
227. Dry Bones Shaken
228. “Oh, what shallxxviib.28 I do!”
229. “Get out your towel my dear!xxviib.30”
230. “We will omit the benediction!xxviib.32”
231. Slinking
232. A Prize
233. A Look in at the Window
234. “Do it, stranger.xxviib.36”
235. The Old Collegiate
236. Striking a Pocket
237. Tom Quartz
238. An Advantage Taken
239. After an Excursion
240. The Three Captains
241. The Old Admiral
242. Desertedxxviib.44 Field
243. Williams
244. Scene on the Islandsxxviib.46
245. Fashionable Attire
246. A Bite
247. Reconnoitering
248. Eating Tamarinds
249. Looking for Mischief
250. A Family Likeness
251. Satxxviib.53 Down to Listen
252. “My brother all same—we twins!xxviib.54–55”
253. Extraordinary Capers
254. A Load of Hay
255. Marching through Georgia—Tail-Piece
256. Sandwich Island Girls
257. Original Ham Sandwich
258. I Kissed Him for His Motherxxviiia.7–8
259. An Outsider—Tail-Piece
260. An Enemy’s Prayer
261. Visiting the Missionaries
262. Full Church Dress
263. Playing Empire
264. Royalty and Its Satellites
265. A High Private—Tail-Piece
266. A Modern Funeral
267. Former Funeral Orgies
268. A Passenger
269. Moonlight on the Water
270. Going into the Mountains (Full Page)
271. Evening—Tail-Piece
272. The Demented
273. Discussing Turnips
274. Greeley’s Letter
275. Kealakekua Bay and Cook’s Monument
276. The Ghostly Builders
277. On Guard
278. The Tabu Brokenxxviiib.1
279. Tail-Piecexxviiib.2
280. Surf-Bathing—Successxxviiib.3
281. Surf-Bathing—Failurexxviiib.4
282. Thexxviiib.5 City of Refuge
283. The Queen’s Rock
284. Tail-Piece
285. The Pillar of Fire
286. The Crater
287. Breakingxxviiib.10 Through
288. Fire Fountains
289. Lava Stream
290. A Tidal Wave
291. Trip on the Milky Way
292. A View in the Iao Valley (Full Page)
293. Magnificent Sport
294. Eleven Miles to See
295. Chased by a Storm
296. Leaving Work
297. Tail-Piece
298. Our Amusements
299. Severe Case of Stage-Frightxxviiib.23
300. My Three Parquette Allies
301. Sawyer in the Circle
302. A Predicament
303. Best Partxxviiib.27 of the Joke
304. The End
CONTENTS
CHAPTER 2 Arrive at St. Joseph—Only Twenty-five Pounds Baggage Alowed—Farewell to Kid Gloves and Dress Coats—Armed to the Teeth—The “Allen”—A Cheerful Weapon—Persuaded to Buy a Mule—Schedule of Luxuries—We Leave “the States”xxix.10—Our Coachxxix.10–11—Mails for the Indians—Between a Wink and an Earthquake—A Modern Sphynx and How She Entertained Us—A Sociable Heifer
CHAPTER 3 “The Thoroughbrace Is Broke”—Mails Delivered Properly—Sleeping under Difficulties—A Jackass Rabbit Meditating, and on Business—A Modern Gulliver—Sage-brush—Overcoats as an Article of Diet—Sad Fate of a Camel—Warning to Experimenterste
CHAPTER 4 Making Our Bed—Assaults by the Unabridged—At a Station—Our Driver a Great and Shining Dignitary—Strange Place for a Front Yard—Accommodations—Double Portraits—An Heirloom—Our Worthy Landlord—“Fixings and Things”—An Exile—Slumgullion—A Well Furnished Table—The Landlord Astonished—Table Etiquette—Wild Mexican Mules—Stage-coaching and Railroading
CHAPTER 5 New Acquaintances—The Cayote—A Dog’s Experiences—A Disgusted Dog—The Relatives of the Cayote—Meals Taken Away from Home
CHAPTER 6 The Division Superintendent—The Conductor—The Driver—One Hundred and Fifty Miles’ Drive without Sleep—Teaching a Subordinate—Our Old Friend Jack and a Pilgrim—Ben Holladayxxx.4 Compared to Moses
CHAPTER 7 Overland City—Crossing the Platte—Bemis’s Buffalo Hunt—Assault by a Buffalo—Bemis’s Horse Goes Crazy—An Impromptu Circus—A New Departure—Bemis Finds Refuge in a Tree—Escapes Finally by a Wonderful Method
CHAPTER 8 The Pony Express—Fifty Miles without Stopping—“Here He Comes!xxx.13”—Alkali Water—Riding an Avalanche—Indian Massacre
CHAPTER 9 Among the Indians—An Unfair Advantage—Lyingxxx.16 on Our Arms—A Midnight Murder—Wrath of Outlaws—A Dangerous, Yet Valuable Citizen
CHAPTER 10 History of Slade—A Proposed Fist-Fight—Encounter with Jules—Paradise of Outlaws—Slade as Superintendent—As Executioner—A Doomed Whisky Seller—A Prisoner—A Wife’s Bravery—An Ancient Enemy Captured—Enjoying a Luxury—Hob-nobbing with Slade—Too Polite—A Happy Escape
CHAPTER 11 Slade in Montana—On a Spreexxx.26—In Court—Attack on a Judge—Arrest by the Vigilantes—Turn-outxxx.27 of the Miners—Execution of Slade—Lamentations of His Wife—Was Slade a Coward?
CHAPTER 12 A Mormon Emigrant Train—The Heart of the Rocky Mountains—Pure Saleratus—A Natural Ice-House—An Entire Inhabitant—In Sight of “Eternal Snow”—The South Pass—The Parting Streams—An Unreliable Letter Carrier—Meeting of Old Friends—A Spoiled Watermelon—Down the Mountain—A Scene of Desolation—Lost in the Dark—Unnecessary Advice—U.S. Troops and Indians—Sublime Spectacle—Another Delusion Dispelled—Among the Angels
CHAPTER 13 Mormons and Gentiles—Exhilarating Drink, and Its Effect on Bemis—Salt Lake City—A Great Contrast—A Mormon Vagrant—Talk with a Saint—A Visit to the Kingxxx.41—A Happy Simile
CHAPTER 14 Mormon Contractors—How Mr. Street Astonished Them—The Case before Brigham Young, and How He Disposed of It—Polygamy Viewed from a New Position
CHAPTER 15 A Gentile Den—Polygamy Discussed—Favorite Wife and Dxxxi.6 4—Hennery for Retired Wives—Children Need Marking—Cost of a Gift to No. 6—A Penny-Whistle Gift and Its Effects—Fathering the Foundlings—It Resembled Him—The Family Bedstead
CHAPTER 16 The Mormon Bible—Proofs of Its Divinity—Plagiarism of Its Authors—Story of Nephi—Wonderful Battle—Kilkenny Cats Outdone
CHAPTER 17 Three Sides to All Questions—Everything a Quarterxxxi.15—Shriveled Up—Emigrants and White Shirts at a Discount—“Forty-Niners”—Above Par—Real Happiness
CHAPTER 18 Alkali Desert—Romance of Crossing Dispelled—Alkali Dust—Effect on the Mules—Universal Thanksgiving
CHAPTER 19 The Digger Indians Compared with the Bushmen of Africa—Food, Life and Characteristics—Cowardly Attack on a Stage-coachxxxi.23—A Brave Driver—The Noble Red Man
CHAPTER 20 The Great American Desert—Forty Miles on Bones—Lakes without Outlets—Greeley’sxxxi.27 Remarkable Ride—Hank Monk, the Renowned Driver—Fatal Effects of “Corking” a Story—Bald-Headed Anecdote
CHAPTER 21 Alkali Dust—Desolation and Contemplation—Carson City—Our Journey Ended—We Are Introduced to Several Citizens—A Strange Rebuke—A Washoe Zephyr at Play—Its Office Hours—Governor’s Palace—Government Offices—Our French Landlady Bridget O’Flannigan—Shadow Secrets—Cause for a Disturbance at Once—The Irish Brigade—Mrs. O’Flannigan’s Boarders—The Surveying Expedition—Escape of the Tarantulas
CHAPTER 22 The Son of a Nabob—Start for Lake Tahoe—Splendor of the Views—Trip on the Lake—Camping out—Reinvigorating Climate—Clearing a Tract of Land—Securing a Title—Out-housexxxii.1 and Fences
CHAPTER 23 A Happy Life—Lake Tahoe and Its Moods—Transparency of the Waters—A Catastrophe—Fire! Fire!—A Magnificent Spectacle—Homeless Again—We Take to the Lake—A Storm—Return to Carson
CHAPTER 24 Resolve to Buy a Horse—Horsemanship in Carson—A Temptation—Advice Given Me Freely—I Buy the Mexican Plug—My First Ride—A Good Bucker—I Loan the Plug—Experience of Borrowers—Attempts to Sell—Expense of the Experiment—A Stranger Taken In
CHAPTER 25 The Mormons in Nevada—How to Persuade a Loan from Them—Early History of the Territory—Silver Mines Discovered—The New Territorial Government—A Foreign One and a Poor One—Its Funny Struggles for Existence—No Credit, No Cash—Old Abe Curryxxxii.19 Sustains It and Its Officers—Instructions and Vouchers—An Indian’s Endorsement—Toll-Roadsxxxii.20
CHAPTER 26 The Silver Fever—State of the Market—Silver Bricks—Tales Told—Off for the Humboldt Mines
CHAPTER 27 Our Manner of Going—Incidents of the Trip—A Warm but Too Familiar a Bedfellow—Mr. Ballouxxxii.26 Objects—Sunshine amid Clouds—Safely Arrived
CHAPTER 28 Arrive at the Mountains—Building Our Cabin—My First Prospecting Tour—My First Gold Mine—Pockets Filled with Treasures—Filtering the News to My Companions—The Bubble Pricked—All Not Gold That Glitters
CHAPTER 29 Out Prospecting—A Silver Mine at Last—Making a Fortune with Sledge and Drill—A Hard Road to Travel—We Own in Claims—A Rocky Country
CHAPTER 30 Disinterested Friends—How “Feet” Were Sold—We Quit Tunnelingxxxii.38–39—A Trip to Esmeralda—My Companions—An Indian Prophecyxxxii.39–40—A Flood—Our Quarters during It
CHAPTER 31 The Guests at “Honey Lake Smith’s”—“Bully Old Arkansas”—Our Landlordxxxiii.2–3—Determined to Fight—The Landlord’s Wife—The Bully Conquered by Her—Another Start—Crossing the Carson—A Narrow Escape—Following Our Own Track—A New Guide—Lost in the Snow
CHAPTER 32 Desperate Situation—Attempts to Make a Fire—Our Horses Leave Us—We Find Matches—One, Two, Three and the Last—No Fire—Death Seems Inevitable—We Mourn over Our Evil Lives—Discarded Vices—We Forgive Each Other—An Affectionate Farewell—The Sleep of Oblivion
CHAPTER 33 Return of Consciousness—Ridiculous Developments—A Station-Housexxxiii.14–15—Bitter Feelings—Fruits of Repentance—Resurrected Vices
CHAPTER 34 About Carson—Gen.xxxiii.18 Buncombe—Hyde vs. Morgan—How Hyde Lost His Ranch—The Great Land-Slidexxxiii.19 Case—The Trial—Gen.xxxiii.19 Buncombe in Court—A Wonderful Decision—A Serious Afterthought
CHAPTER 35 A New Travelingxxxiii.23 Companion—All Full and No Accommodations—How Capt.xxxiii.24 Nye Found Room—And Caused Our Leaving to be Lamented—The Uses of Tunnelingxxxiii.25—A Notable Example—We Go into the Claimxxxiii.26 Business and Fail—At the Bottom
CHAPTER 36 A Quartz Mill—Amalgamation—“Screening Tailings”—First Quartz Mill in Nevada—Fire Assay—A Smart Assayer—I Stake for an Advance
CHAPTER 37 The Whiteman Cement Mine—Story of Its Discovery—A Secret Expedition—A Nocturnal Adventure—A Distressing Position—A Failure and a Week’s Holiday
CHAPTER 38 Mono Lake—Shampooing Made Easy—Thoughtless Act of Our Dog and the Results—Lye Water—Curiosities of the Lake—Free Hotel—Some Funny Incidents a Little Overdrawn
CHAPTER 39 Visit to the Islands in Mono Lakexxxiv.2—Ashes and Desolation—Life amid Death—xxxiv.3Our Boat Adrift—A Jump for Life—A Storm on the Lake—A Mass of Soap Suds—Geological Curiosities—A Week on the Sierras—A Narrow Escape from a Funny Explosion—“Stove Heap Gone”
CHAPTER 40 The “Wide West” Mine—It Is Interviewedxxxiv.8 by Higbie—A Blind Lead—Worth a Million—We Are Rich at Last—Plans for the Future
CHAPTER 41 A Rheumatic Patient—Day Dreams—An Unfortunate Stumble—I Leave Suddenly—Another Patient—Higbie in the Cabin—Our Balloon Burstxxxiv.14—Worth Nothing—Regrets and Explanations—Our Third Partner
CHAPTER 42 What to Do Next?—Obstacles I Had Met With—“Jack of All Trades”—Mining Again—Target Shooting—I Turn City Editor—I Succeed Finely
CHAPTER 43 My Friend Boggs—The School Report—Boggs Pays Me an Old Debt—Virginia City
CHAPTER 44 Flush Times—Plenty of Stock—Editorial Puffing—Stocks Given Me—Salting Mines—A Tragedian in a New Role
CHAPTER 45 Flush Times Continue—Sanitary Commission Fund—Wild Enthusiasm of the People—Would Not Wait to Contribute—The Sanitary Flour Sack—It Is Carried to Gold Hill and Dayton—Final Reception in Virginia—Results of the Sale—A Grand Total
CHAPTER 46 The Nabobs of Those Days—John Smith as a Traveler—Sudden Wealth—A Sixty-Thousand-Dollar Horse—A Smart Telegraph Operator—A Nabob in New York City—Charters an Omnibus—“Walk Rightxxxiv.35 in, It’s All Free”—“You Can’t Pay a Cent”—“Hold on, Driver, I Weaken”—Sociability of New Yorkersxxxiv.36
CHAPTER 47 Buck Fanshaw’s Death—The Cause Thereof—Preparations for His Burial—Scotty Briggs the Committeemanxxxiv.39—He Visits the Minister—Scotty Can’t Play His Hand—The Minister Gets Mixed—Both Begin to See—“All Downxxxv.2 but Nine”—Buck Fanshaw as a Citizen—How to “Shakexxxv.3 Your Mother”—The Funeral—Scotty Briggs as a Sunday School Teacher
CHAPTER 48 The First Twenty-six Graves in Nevada—The Prominent Men of the County—The Man Who Had Killed His Dozen—Trial by Jury—Specimen Jurors—A Private Graveyardxxxv.8—The Desperadoes—Whomxxxv.9 They Killed—✱xxxv.9teSatisfaction without Fighting
CHAPTER 49 Fatal Shooting Affray—Robbery and Desperate Affray—A Specimen City Official—A Marked Man—A Street Fight—Punishment of Crime
CHAPTER 50 Capt.xxxv.15 Ned Blakely—Bill Noakesxxxv.15 Receives Desired Information—Killing of Blakely’s Mate—A Walking Battery—Blakely Secures Noakesxxxv.17—Hang First and Be Tried Afterwardxxxv.17—Capt.xxxv.17 Blakely as a Chaplain—The First Chapter of Genesis Read at a Hanging—Noakesxxxv.19 Hung—Blakely’s Regrets
CHAPTER 51 The Weekly Occidentalxxxv.21—A Ready Editor—A Novel—A Concentration of Talent—The Heroes and the Heroines—The Dissolute Author Engaged—Extraordinary Havoc with the Novel—A Highly Romantic Chapter—The Lovers Separated—Jonah Outdonexxxv.24—A Lost Poem—The Aged Pilot Man—Storm on the Erie Canal—Dollinger the Pilot Man—Terrific Gale—Danger Increases—A Crisis Arrived—Saved as if by a Miracle
CHAPTER 52 Freights to California—Silver Bricks—Undergroundxxxv.29 Mines—Timber Supports—A Visit to the Mines—The Caved Mines—Total of Shipments in 1863
CHAPTER 53 Jim Blaine and His Grandfather’s Ram—Filkins’sxxxv.33 Mistake—Old Miss Wagner and Her Glass Eye—Jacopsxxxv.34, the Coffin Dealer—Waiting for a Customer—His Bargain with Old Robbins—Robbins Sues for Damage and Collects—A New Use for Missionaries—The Effect—His Uncle Lemxxxv.37 and the Use Providence Made of Him—Sad Fate of Wheeler—Devotion of His Wife—A Model Monument—What about the Ram?
CHAPTER 54 Chinese in Virginia City—Washing Bills—Habit of Imitation—Chinese Immigration—A Visit to Chinatown—Messrs. Ah Sing, Hong Wo, See Yup, etc.xxxvi.4
CHAPTER 55 Tired of Virginia City—An Old Schoolmate—A Two Years’ Loan—Acting as an Editor—Almost Receive an Offer—An Accident—Three Drunken Anecdotes—Last Look at Mountxxxvi.8 Davidson—A Beautiful Incident
CHAPTER 56 Off for San Francisco—Western and Eastern Landscapes—The Hottest Place on Earth—Summer and Winter
CHAPTER 57 California—Novelty of Seeing a Woman—“Well,xxxvi.14 if It Ain’t a Child!”—One Hundred and Fifty Dollars for a Kiss—Waiting for a Turn
CHAPTER 58 Life in San Francisco—Worthless Stocks—My First Earthquake—Reportorial Instincts—Effects of the Shocks—Incidents and Curiosities—Sabbath Breakers—The Lodger and the Chambermaid—A Sensible Fashion to Follow—Effects of the Earthquake on the Ministers
CHAPTER 59 Poor Again—Slinking as a Business—A Model Collector—Misery Loves Company—Comparing Notes for Comfort—A Streak of Luck—Finding a Dime—Wealthy by Comparison—Two Sumptuous Dinners
CHAPTER 60 An Old Friend—An Educated Miner—Pocket-Miningxxxvi.29—Freaks of Fortune
CHAPTER 61 Dick Baker and His Cat—Tom Quartz’s Peculiarities—On an Excursion—Appearance on His Return—A Prejudiced Cat—Empty Pockets and a Roving Life
CHAPTER 62 Bound for the Sandwich Islands—The Three Captains—The Old Admiral—His Daily Habits—His Well Fought Fields—An Unexpected Opponent—The Admiral Overpowered—The Victor Declared a Hero
CHAPTER 63 Arrival at the Islands—Honolulu—What I Saw There—Dress and Habits of the Inhabitants—The Animal Kingdom—Fruits and Delightful Effects
CHAPTER 64 An Excursion—Capt.xxxvii.6 Phillips and His Turn-out—A Horseback Ride—A Vicious Animal—Nature and Art—Interesting Ruins—All Praise to the Missionaries
CHAPTER 65 Interesting Mementoes and Relics—An Old Legend of a Frightful Leap—An Appreciative Horse—Horse-Jockeys and Their Brothers—A New Trick—A Hay Merchant—Good Country for Horse Lovers
CHAPTER 66 A Saturday Afternoon—Sandwich Island Girls on a Frolic—The Poi Merchant—Grand Gala Day—A Native Dance—Church Membership—Cats and Officials—An Overwhelming Discovery
CHAPTER 67 The Legislature of the Island—What Its President Has Seen—Praying for an Enemy—Women’s Rights—Romantic Fashions—Worship of the Shark—Desire for Dress—Full Dress—Not Paris Style—Playing Empire—Officials and Foreign Ambassadors—Overwhelming Magnificence
CHAPTER 68 A Royal Funeral—Order of Procession—Pomp and Ceremony—A Striking Contrast—A Sick Monarch—Human Sacrifices at His Death—Burial Orgies
CHAPTER 69 “Once More upon the Watersxxxvii.29”—A Noisy Passenger—Several Silent Ones—A Moonlight Scene—Fruits and Plantations
CHAPTER 70 A Droll Character—Mrs. Beazeleyxxxvii.32 and Her Son—Meditations on Turnips—A Letter from Horace Greeley—An Indignant Rejoinder—The Letter Translated but Too Late
CHAPTER 71 Kealakekua Bay—Death of Capt.xxxvii.36 Cook—His Monument—Its Construction—On Board the Schooner
CHAPTER 72 Young Kanakas in New England—A Temple Built by Ghosts—Female Bathers—I Stood Guard—Women and Whiskyxxxviii.3—A Fight for Religion—Arrival of Missionaries
CHAPTER 73 Native Canoes—Surf-Bathingxxxviii.6—A Sanctuary—How Built—The Queen’s Rock—Curiosities—Petrified Lava
CHAPTER 74 Visit to the Volcano—The Crater—Pillar of Fire—Magnificent Spectacle—A Lake of Fire
CHAPTER 75 The North Lake—Fountains of Fire—Streams of Burning Lava—Tidal Waves
CHAPTER 76 A Reminiscence—Another Horse Story—My Ride with the Retired Milk Horse—A Pic-nickingxxxviii.16 Excursion—Dead Volcano of Haleakalaxxxviii.16–17—Comparison with Vesuvius—An Inside View
CHAPTER 77 A Curious Character—A Series of Stories—Sad Fate of a Liar—Evidence of Insanity
CHAPTER 78 Return to San Francisco—Ship Amusements—Preparing for Lecturing—Valuable Assistance Secured—My First Attempt—The Audience Carried—“All’s Wellxxxviii.24 That Ends Well”
CHAPTER 79 Highwaymen—A Predicament—A Huge Joke—Farewell to California—At Home Again—Great Changes. Moral
APPENDIX A. Brief Sketch of Mormon History
APPENDIX B. The Mountain Meadows Massacre
APPENDIX C. Concerning a Frightful Assassination That Was Never Consummated
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CHAPTER 1
My brother had just been appointed
Secretary of Nevada Territoryan—an office of such majesty that it concentrated in
itself the duties and dignities of Treasurer, Comptroller, Secretary of State, and
Acting Governor in the Governor’s absence. A
salary of eighteen hundred dollars a year and the title of “Mr. Secretary,” gave to
the great position an air of wild and
imposing grandeur. I was young and ignorant, and I envied my brother. I coveted his distinction and
his financial splendor, but particularly and especially the long, strange journey
he was going
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I only proposed to stay in Nevada three months—I had no thought of staying longer than that. I meant to see all I could that was new and strange, and then hurry home to business. I little thought that I would not see the end of that three-month pleasure excursion for six or seven uncommonly long yearsan!
I dreamed all night about Indians, deserts, and silver bars, and in due time, next day, we took shipping at the St. Louis wharf on board a steamboat bound up the Missouri river2.31.
We were six days going from St. Louis to “St. Joe2.32”—a trip that was so dull, and sleepy, and eventless that it has left no more impression on my memory than if its duration had been six minutes instead of that many days. No record is left in my mind, now, concerning it, but a confused jumble of savage-looking snags, which we deliberately walked over with one wheel or the other; and of reefs which we butted and butted, and then retired from and
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CHAPTER 2
The first thing we did on that glad evening that landed us at St. Joseph was to hunt up the stage-office, and pay a hundred and fifty dollars apiece for ticketsan per overland coach to Carson City, Nevada.
The next morning, bright and early, we took a hasty breakfast, and hurried to the
starting-place. Then an inconvenience presented itself which we had not properly appreciated
before, namely, that one cannot make a
heavy traveling trunk stand for twenty-five pounds of baggage—because it weighs a
good deal more. But that was all we could
take—twenty-five pounds each. So
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We took two or three blankets for protection against frosty weather in the mountains. In the matter of luxuries we were modest—we took none along but some pipes and five pounds of smoking
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By eight o’clock everything was ready, and we were on the other side of the river. We jumped into the stage, the driver cracked his whip, and we bowled awayanand left “the States” behind usan. It was a superb summer morning, and all the landscape was brilliant with sunshine. There was a freshness and breeziness, too, and an exhilarating sense of emancipation from all sorts of cares and responsibilities, that almost made us feel that the years we had spent in the close, hot city, toiling and slaving, had been wasted and thrown away. We were spinning along through Kansas, and in the course of an hour and a half we were fairly abroad on the great Plains. Just here the land was rolling—a grand sweep of regular elevations and depressions as far as the eye could reach—like the stately heave and swell of the ocean’s bosom after a storm. And everywhere were cornfields, accenting with squares of deeper green, this limitless expanse of grassy land. But presently this sea upon dry ground was
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Our coach was a great swinging and swaying stage, of the most sumptuous
description—an imposing cradle on wheelsan. It
was drawn by six handsome horses, and by the side of the driver sat the “conductor,”
the legitimate captain of the craft;
for it was his business to take charge and care of the mails, baggage, express matter,
and passengers. We three were the only
passengers, this trip. We sat on the back seat, inside.
We changed horses every ten miles, all day long, and fairly flew over the hard, level road. We jumped out and stretched our legs every time the coach stopped, and so the night found us still vivacious and unfatigued.
After supper a woman got in, who lived about fifty miles further on, and we three had to take turns at sitting outside with the driver and conductor. Apparently she was not a talkative woman. She would sit there in the gathering twilight and fasten her steadfast
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“The mosquitoes are pretty bad, about here, madam.”
“You bet!”
“What did I understand you to say, madam?”
“You bet!”
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“Danged if I didn’t begin to think you fellers was deef and dumb. I did, b’ gosh. Here I’ve sot, and sot, and sot, a bust’n9.3 muskeeters and wonderin’ what was ailin’ ye. Fust I thot you was deef and dumb, then I thot you was sick or crazy, or suthin’, and then by and by I begin to reckon you was a passel of sickly fools that couldn’t think of nothing to say. Wher’d ye come from?”
The Sphynx was a Sphynx no more! The fountains of her great deep were broken up, and she rained the nine parts of speech forty days and forty nightsan, metaphorically speaking, and buried us9.10 under a desolating deluge of trivial gossip that left not a crag or pinnacle of rejoinder projecting above the tossing waste of dislocated grammar and decomposed pronunciation!
How we suffered, suffered, suffered! She went on, hour after hour, till I was sorry I ever opened the mosquito question and gave her a start. She never did stop again until she got to her journey’s end toward daylight; and then she stirred us up as she was leaving the stage (for we were nodding, by that time), and said:
“Now you git out at Cottonwood, you fellers, and lay over a couple o’ days, and I’ll be along some time to-night, and if I can do ye any good by edgin’ in a word now and then, I’m right thar. Folks ’ll tell you ’t I’ve always ben kind o’ offish and partic’lar for a gal that’s raised in the woods, and I am, with the rag-tag and bob-tail, and a gal has to be, if she wants to be anything, but when people comes along which is my equals, I reckon I’m a pretty sociable heifer after all.”
We resolved not to “lay by at Cottonwood.”
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CHAPTER 3
About an hour and a half before daylight we were bowling along smoothly over the road—so smoothly that our cradle only rocked in a gentle, lulling way, that was gradually soothing us to sleep, and dulling our consciousness—when something gave away under us! We were dimly aware of it, but indifferent to it. The coach stopped. We heard the driver and conductor talking together outside, and rummaging for a lantern, and swearing because they could not find it—but we had no interest in whatever had happened, and it only added to our comfort to think of those people out there at work in the murky night, and we snug in our nest with the curtains drawn. But presently, by the sounds, there seemed to be an examination going on, and then the driver’s voice said:
“By George, the thoroughbrace is broke!”
This startled me broad awake—as an undefined sense of calamity is always apt to do. I said to myself: “Now, a thoroughbrace is probably part of a horse; and doubtless a vital part, too, from the dismay in the driver’s voice. Leg, maybe—and yet how could he break his leg waltzing along such a road as this? No, it can’t be his leg. That is impossible, unless he was reaching for the driver. Now, what can be the thoroughbrace of a horse, I wonder? Well, whatever comes, I shall not air my ignorance in this crowd, anyway.”
Just then the conductor’s face appeared at a lifted curtain, and his lantern glared in on us and our wall of mail matter. He said:
“Gents, you’ll have to turn out a spell. Thoroughbrace is broke.”
We climbed out into a chill drizzle, and felt ever so homeless and dreary. When I found that the thing they called a “thoroughbrace” was the massive combination of belts and springs which the coach rocks itself in, I said to the driver:
“I never saw a thoroughbrace used up like that, before, that I can remember. How did it happen?”
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I knew that he was in labor with another of those winks of his, though I could not see his face, because he was bent down at work; and wishing him a safe delivery, I turned to and helped the rest get out the mail-sacks. It made a great pyramid by the roadside when it was all out. When they had mended the thoroughbrace we filled the two boots again, but put no mail on top, and only half as much inside as there was before. The conductor bent all the seat-backs down, and then filled the coach just half full of mail-bags from end to end. We objected loudly to this, for it left us no seats. But the conductor was wiser than we, and said a bed was better than seats, and moreover, this plan would protect his thoroughbraces. We never wanted any seats after that. The lazy bed was infinitely preferable. I had many an exciting day, subsequently, lying on it reading the statutes and the Dictionary11.20, and wondering how the characters would turn out.
The conductor said he would send back a guard from the next station to take charge of the abandoned mail-bags, and we drove on.
It was now just dawn; and as we stretched our cramped legs full length on the mail-sacks11.26, and gazed out through the windows across the wide wastes of greensward clad in cool, powdery mist, to where there was an expectant look in the eastern horizon, our perfect enjoyment took the form of a tranquil and contented ecstasy. The stage whirled along at a spanking gait, the breeze flapping curtains and suspended coats in a most exhilarating way; the cradle swayed and swung luxuriously, the pattering of the horses’ hoofs, the cracking of the driver’s whip, and his “Hi-yi! g’lang!” were music; the spinning ground and the waltzing trees appeared to give us a mute hurrah as we went by, and then slack up and look after us with interest, or envy, or something; and as we lay and smoked the pipe of peace and compared all this luxury with the years of tiresome city life that had gone before it, we felt that there
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After breakfast, at some station whose name I have forgotten, we three climbed up on the seat behind the driver, and let the conductor have our bed for a nap. And by and by, when the sun made me drowsy, I lay down on my face on top of the coach, grasping the slender iron railing, and slept for an hour or more. That will give one an appreciable idea of those matchless roads. Instinct will make a sleeping man grip a fast hold of the railing when the stage jolts, but when it only swings and sways, no grip is necessary. Overland drivers and conductors used to sit in their places and sleep thirty or forty minutes at a time, on good roads, while spinning along at the rate of eight or ten miles an hour. I saw them do it, often. There was no danger about it; a sleeping man will seize the irons in time when the coach jolts. These men were hard worked, and it was not possible for them to stay awake all the time.
By and by we passed through Marysville, and over the Big Blue and Little Sandy; thence about a mile, and entered Nebraska. About a mile further on, we came to the Big Sandyan—one hundred and eighty miles from St. Joseph.
As the sun was going down, we saw the first specimen of an animal known familiarly
over two
thousand miles of mountain
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Our party made this specimen “hump himself,” as the conductor said. The Secretary13.19 started him with a shot from the Colt; I commenced spitting at him with my weapon; and all in the same instant the old “Allen’s” whole broadside let go with a rattling crash, and it is not putting it too strong to say that the rabbit was frantic! He dropped his ears, set up his tail, and left for San Francisco at a speed which can only be described as a flash and a vanish! Long after he was out of sight we could hear him whiz.
I do not remember where we first came across “sage-brush13.26,” but
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It is an imposing monarch of the forest in exquisite miniature, is the “sage-brush.” Its foliage is a grayish green, and gives that tint to desert and mountain. It smells like our domestic sage, and “sage-tea” made from it tastes like the sage-tea which all boys are so well acquainted with. The sage-brush14.16 is a singularly hardy plant, and grows right in the midst of deep sand, and among barren
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When a party camps, the first thing to be done is to cut sage-brush; and in a few minutes there is an opulent pile of it ready for use. A hole a foot wide, two feet deep, and two feet long, is dug, and sage-brush chopped up and burned in it till it is full to the brim with glowing coals. Then the cooking begins, and there is no smoke, and consequently no swearing. Such a fire will keep all night, with very little replenishing; and it makes a very sociable camp-fire, and one around which the most impossible reminiscences sound plausible, instructive, and profoundly entertaining.
Sage-brush is very fair fuel, but as a vegetable it is a distinguished failure. Nothing can abide the taste of it but the jackass and his illegitimate child the mule. But their testimony to its nutritiousness is worth nothing, for they will eat pine knots, or anthracite coal, or brass filings, or lead pipe, or old bottles, or anything that comes handy, and then go off looking as grateful as if they had had oysters for dinner. Mules and donkeys and camels have appetites that anything will relieve temporarily, but nothing satisfy. In Syria, once, at the head-waters of the Jordan, a camel took charge of my overcoatan while the tents were being pitched, and examined it with a critical eye, all over, with as much interest as if
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I was about to say, when diverted from my subject, that occasionally one finds sage-bushes five or six feet high, and with a spread of branch and foliage in proportion, but two or two and a half feet is the usual height.
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CHAPTER 4
As the sun went down and the evening chill came on, we made preparation for bed. We stirred up the hard leather letter-sacks, and the knotty canvas bags of printed matter (knotty and uneven because of projecting ends and corners of magazines, boxes and books). We stirred them up and redisposed them in such a way as to make our bed as level as possible. And we did improve it, too, though after all our work it had an upheaved and billowy look about it, like a little piece of a stormy sea. Next we hunted up our boots from odd nooks among the mail-bags where they had settled, and put them on. Then we got down our coats, vests, pantaloons and heavy woolen shirts, from the arm-loops where they had been swinging all day, and clothed ourselves in them—for, there being no ladies either at the stations or in the coach, and the weather being hot, we had looked to our comfort by stripping to our underclothing, at nine o’clock in the morning. All things being now ready, we stowed the uneasy Dictionary where it would lie as quiet as possible, and placed the water canteens18.17 and pistols where we could find them in the dark. Then we smoked a final pipe, and swapped a final yarn; after which, we put the pipes, tobacco and bag of coin in snug holes and caves among the mail-bags, and then fastened down the coach curtains all around, and made the place as “dark as the inside of a cow,” as the conductor phrased it in his picturesque way. It was certainly as dark as any place could be—nothing was even dimly visible in it. And finally, we rolled ourselves up like silk-worms, each person in his own blanket, and sank peacefully to sleep.
Whenever the stage stopped to change horses, we would wake up, and try to recollect where we were—and succeed—and in a minute or two the stage would be off again, and we likewise. We began to get into country, now, threaded here and there with little
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Every time we avalanched from one end of the stage to the other, the Unabridged Dictionary would come too; and every time it came it damaged somebody. One trip it “barked” the Secretary’s elbow; the next trip it hurt me in the stomach, and the third it tilted Bemis’s nose up till he could look down his nostrils—he said. The pistols and coin soon settled to the bottom, but the pipes, pipe-stems, tobacco and canteens clattered and floundered after the Dictionary every time it made an assault on us, and aided and abetted the book by spilling tobacco in our eyes, and water down our backs.
Still, all things considered, it was a very comfortable night. It wore gradually away, and when at last a cold gray light was visible
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We jumped out in undress uniform. The driver tossed his gathered reins out on the ground, gaped and stretched complacently, drew off his heavy buckskin gloves with great deliberation and insufferable dignity—taking not the slightest notice of a dozen solicitous inquiries after his health, and humbly facetious and flattering accostings, and obsequious tenders of service, from five or six hairy and half-civilized station-keepers and hostlers who were nimbly unhitching our steeds and bringing the fresh team out of the stables—for in the eyes of the stage-driver20.21 of that day, station-keepers and hostlers were a sort of good enough low creatures, useful in their place, and helping to make up a world, but not the kind of beings which a person of distinction could afford to concern himself with; while, on the contrary, in the eyes of the station-keeper and the hostler, the stage-driver was a hero—a great and shining dignitary, the world’s favorite son, the envy of the people, the observed of the nations. When they spoke to him they received his insolent silence meekly, and as being the natural and proper conduct of so great a man; when he opened his lips they all hung on his words with admiration (he never honored a particular individual with a remark, but addressed it with a broad generality to the horses, the stables, the surrounding country and the human underlings); when he discharged a facetious insulting personality at a hostler, that hostler was happy for the day; when he uttered his one jest—old as the hills, coarse, profane, witless, and inflicted on the same audience, in the same language, every time his coach drove up there—the varlets roared, and slapped their thighs, and
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The hostlers and station-keepers treated the really powerful conductor of the coach merely with the best of what was their idea of civility, but the driver was the only being they bowed down to and worshipped. How admiringly they would gaze up at him in his high seat as he gloved himself with lingering deliberation, while some happy hostler held the bunch of reins aloft, and waited patiently for him to take it! And how they would bombard him with glorifying ejaculations as he cracked his long whip and went careering away.
The station buildings were long, low huts, made of sun-dried21.18, mud-colored bricks, laid up without mortar (adobes, the Spaniards call these bricks, and Americans shorten it to “ ’dobies”te✱21.20). The roofs, which had no slant to them worth speaking of, were thatched and then sodded or covered with a thick layer of earth, and from this sprung a pretty rank growth of weeds and grass. It was the first time we had ever seen a man’s front yard on top of his house. The buildings consisted of barns, stable-room for twelve or fifteen horses, and a hut for an eating-room for passengers. This latter had bunks in it for the station-keeper and a hostler or two. You could rest your elbow on its eaves, and you had to bend in order to get in at the door. In place of a window there was a square hole about large enough for a man to crawl through, but this had no glass in it. There was no flooring, but the ground was packed hard. There was no stove, but the fire-place served all needful purposes. There were no shelves, no cupboards, no closets. In a corner stood an open sack of flour, and nestling against its base were a couple of black and venerable tin coffee-pots, a tin teapot21.35, a little bag of salt, and a side of bacon.
By the door of the station-keeper’s21.37 den, outside, was a tin wash-basin, on the ground. Near it was a pail of water and a piece of yellow
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The station-keeper up-ended24.5 a disk of last week’s bread, of the shape and size of an old-time cheese, and carved some slabs from it which were as good as Nicolson24.7 pavementan, and tenderer.
He sliced off a piece of bacon for each man, but only the experienced old hands made out to eat it, for it was condemned army bacon which the United States would not feed to its soldiers in the forts, and the stage company had bought it cheap for the sustenance of their passengers and employés24.12. We may have found this condemned army bacon further out on the plains than the section I am locating it in, but we found it—there is no gainsaying that.
Then he poured for us a beverage which he called “Slumgullion24.15–16,” and it is hard to think he was not inspired when he named it. It really pretended to be tea, but there was too much dish-rag, and sand, and old bacon-rind in it to deceive the intelligent traveler. He had no sugar and no milk—not even a spoon to stir the ingredients with.
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“All! Why, thunder and lightning, I should think there was mackerel enough there for six.”
“But I don’t like mackerel.”
“Oh—then help yourself to the mustard.”
In other days I had considered it a good, a very good, anecdote, but there was a dismal plausibility about it, here, that took all the humor out of it.
Our breakfast was before us, but our teeth were idle.
I tasted and smelt, and said I would take coffee, I believed. The
“Coffee! Well, if that don’t go clean ahead of me, I’m d—d25.23!”
We could not eat, and there was no conversation among the hostlers and herdsmen—we all sat at the same board. At least there was no conversation further than a single hurried request, now and then, from one employé25.31 to another. It was always in the same form, and always gruffly friendly. Its western freshness and novelty startled me, at first, and interested me; but it presently grew monotonous, and lost its charm. It was:
“Pass the bread, you son of a skunk!” No, I forget—skunk was not the word; it seems to me it was still stronger than that; I know it was, in fact, but it is gone from my memory, apparently. However,
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We gave up the breakfast, and paid our dollar apiece and went back to our mail-bag bed in the coach, and found comfort in our pipes. Right here we suffered the first diminution of our princely state. We left our six fine horses and took six mules in their place. But they were wild Mexican fellows, and a man had to stand at the head of each of them and hold him fast while the driver gloved and got himself ready. And when at last he grasped the reins and gave the word, the men sprung suddenly away from the mules’ heads and the coach shot from the station as if it had issued from a cannon. How the frantic animals did scamper! It was a fierce and furious gallop—and the gait never altered for a moment till we reeled off ten or twelve miles and swept up to the next collection of little station-huts and stables.
So we flew along all day. At 2 p.m. the belt of timber that fringes the North Platte and marks its windings through the vast level floor of the Plains came in sight. At 4 p.m. we crossed a branch of the river, and at 5 p.m. we crossed the Platte itselfan, and landed at Fort Kearnyte✱26.22, fifty-six hours out from St. Joe—three hundred miles!
Now that was stage-coaching on the great overland, ten or twelve years ago, when perhaps not more than ten men in America, all told, expected to live to see a railroad follow that route to the Pacific. But the railroad is there, now, and it pictures a thousand odd comparisons and contrasts in my mind to read the following sketch, in the New York Times, of a recent trip over almost the very ground I have been describing. I can scarcely comprehend the new state of things:
ACROSS THE CONTINENT.
At26.33 4:20 P.M., Sunday, we rolled out of the station at Omaha and started westward on our long jaunt. A26.34 couple of hours out, dinner was announced—an “event” to those of us who had yet to experience what it is to eat in one of Pullman’s hotels on wheels; so stepping into the car next forward of our sleeping palace, we found ourselves in the dining car.26.37It26.37 was a revelation to us, that first dinner on Sunday; and though we continued
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CHAPTER 5
Another night of
alternate tranquillity and turmoil. But morning came, by and by. It was another glad
awakening to fresh breezes, vast expanses of level
greensward, bright sunlight, an impressive solitude utterly without visible human
beings or human habitations, and an atmosphere of
such amazing magnifying properties that trees that seemed close at hand were more
than three miles away. We resumed undress uniform,
climbed a-top of the flying coach, dangled our legs
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Along about an hour after breakfast we saw the first prairie-dog villages, the first antelope, and the first wolf. If I remember rightly, this latter was the regular cayotean (pronounced ky-o-te) of the farther deserts. And if it was, he was not a pretty creature or respectable either, for I got well acquainted with his race afterward, and can speak with confidence. The cayote is a long, slim, sick and sorry-looking skeleton, with a gray wolf-skin stretched over it, a tolerably bushy tail that forever sags down with a despairing
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It makes his head swim. He stops, and looks all around; climbs the nearest sand-mound, and gazes into the distance; shakes his head reflectively, and then, without a word, he turns and jogs along back to his train, and takes up a humble position under the hindmost wagon, and feels unspeakably mean, and looks ashamed, and hangs his tail at half-mast for a week. And for as much as a year
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The cayote lives chiefly in the most desolate and forbidding deserts, along with the lizard, the jackass rabbit33.5 and the raven, and gets an uncertain and precarious living, and earns it. He seems to subsist almost wholly on the carcases of oxen, mules and horses that have dropped out of emigrant trains and died, and upon windfalls of carrion, and occasional legacies of offal bequeathed to him by white men who have been opulent enough to have something better to butcher than condemned army bacon. He will eat anything in the world that his first cousins, the desert-frequenting tribes of Indians will, and they will eat anything they can bite. It is a curious fact that these latter are the only creatures known to history who will eat nitro-glycerine and ask for more if they survive.
The cayote of the deserts beyond the Rocky Mountains has a peculiarly hard time of it, owing to the fact that his relations, the Indians, are just as apt to be the first to detect a seductive scent on the desert breeze, and follow the fragrance to the late ox it emanated from, as he is himself; and when this occurs he has to content himself with sitting off at a little
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We soon learned to recognize the sharp, vicious bark of the cayote as it came across the murky plain at night to disturb our dreams among the mail-sacks; and remembering his forlorn aspect and his hard fortune, made shift to wish him the blessed novelty of a long day’s good luck and a limitless larder the morrow.
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CHAPTER 6
Our new conductor (just shipped) had been without sleep for twenty hours. Such a thing was very frequent. From St. Joseph, Missouri, to Sacramento, California, by stage-coach35.3, was nearly nineteen hundred miles, and the trip was often made in fifteen days (the cars do it in four and a half, now), but the time specified in the mail contracts, and required by the schedule, was eighteen or nineteen days, if I remember rightlyan. This was to make fair allowance for winter storms and snows, and other unavoidable causes of detention. The stage company had everything under strict discipline and good system. Over each two hundred and fifty miles of road they placed an agent or superintendent, and invested him with great authority. His beat or jurisdiction of two hundred and fifty miles was called a “division.” He purchased horses, mules,35.14 harness, and food for men and beasts, and distributed these things among his stage stations, from time to time, according to his judgment of what each station needed. He erected station buildings and dug wells. He attended to the paying of the station-keepers, hostlers, drivers and blacksmiths, and discharged them whenever he chose. He was a very, very great man in his “division”—a kind of Grand Mogul, a Sultan of the Indies, in whose presence common men were modest of speech and manner, and in the glare of whose greatness even the dazzling stage-driver dwindled to a penny dip. There were about eight of these kings, all told, on the overland35.24 route.
Next in rank and importance to the division-agent came the “conductor.” His beat was the same length as the agent’s—two hundred and fifty miles. He sat with the driver, and (when necessary) rode that fearful distance, night and day, without other rest or sleep than what he could get perched thus on top of the flying vehicle. Think of it! He had absolute charge of the mails, express
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Next in real and official rank and importance, after the conductor, came my delight, the driver—next in real but not in apparent importance—for we have seen that in the eyes of the common herd the driver was to the conductor as an admiral is to the captain of the flag-ship. The driver’s beat was pretty long, and his sleepingtime at the stations pretty short, sometimes; and so, but for the grandeur of his position his would have been a sorry life, as well as a hard and a wearing one. We took a new driver every day or every night (for they drove backwards and forwards36.33 over the same piece of road all the time), and therefore we never got as well acquainted with them as we did with the conductors; and besides, they would have been above being familiar with such rubbish as passengers, anyhow, as a general thing. Still, we were always eager to get a sight of each and every new driver as soon as the watch changed,
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The station-keepers, hostlers, etc., were low, rough characters, as already described; and from western Nebraska to Nevada a considerable sprinkling of them might be fairly set down as outlaws—fugitives from justice, criminals whose best security was a section of country which was without law and without even the pretense37.25 of it. When the “division-agent” issued an order to one of these parties he did it with the full understanding that he might have to enforce it with a navy six-shooter, and so he always went “fixed” to make things go along smoothly. Now and then a division-agent was really obliged to shoot a hostler through the head to teach him some simple matter that he could have taught him with a club if his circumstances and surroundings had been different. But they were snappy, able men, those division-agents, and when they tried to teach a subordinate anything, that subordinate generally “got it through his head.”
A great portion of this vast machinery—these hundreds of men and coaches, and thousands of mules and horses—was in the hands of Mr. Ben Holladay37.38. All the western half of the business was in his
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No doubt everybody has heard of Ben Holladay38.4—a man of prodigious energy, who used to send mails and passengers flying across the continent in his overland stage-coaches like a very whirlwind—two thousand long miles in fifteen days and a half, by the watch! But this fragment of history is not about Ben Holladay38.8, but about a young New York boy by the name of Jack, who traveled with our small party of pilgrims in the Holy Land (and who had traveled to California in Mr. Holladay’s38.10 overland coaches three years before, and had by no means forgotten it or lost his gushing admiration of Mr. H.) Aged nineteen. Jack was a good boy—a good-hearted and always well-meaning boy, who had been reared in the city of New York, and although he was bright and knew a great many useful things, his Scriptural education had been a good deal neglected—to such a degree, indeed, that all Holy Land history was fresh and new to him, and all Bible names mysteries that had never disturbed his virgin ear. Also in our party was an elderly pilgrim who was the reverse of Jack, in that he was learned in the Scripturesan and an enthusiast concerning them. He was our encyclopedia, and we were never tired of listening to his speeches, nor he of making them. He never passed a celebrated locality, from Bashan to Bethlehem, without illuminating it with an oration. One day, when camped near the ruins of Jericho, he burst forth with something like this:
“Jack, do you see that range of mountains over yonder that bounds the Jordan valley? The mountains of Moab, Jack! Think of it, my boy—the actual
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“Moses who?” [falling inflection]39.6.
“Moses who! Jack, you ought to be ashamed of yourself—you ought to be ashamed of such criminal ignorance. Why, Moses, the great guide, soldier, poet, lawgiver of ancient Israel! Jack, from this spot where we stand, to Egypt, stretches a fearful desert three hundred miles in extent—and across that desert that wonderful man brought the children of Israel!—guiding them with unfailing sagacity for forty years over the sandy desolation and among the obstructing rocks and hills, and landed them at last, safe and sound, within sight39.14 of this very spot; and where we now stand they entered the Promised Land with anthems of rejoicing! It was a wonderful, wonderful thing to do, Jack! Think of it!”
“Forty years? Only three hundred miles? Humph! Ben Holladay39.17 would have fetched them through in thirty-six hoursan!”
The boy meant no harm. He did not know that he had said anything that
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At noon on the fifth day out, we arrived at the “Crossing of the South Platte,” alias“Julesburg,” alias “Overland City,”an four hundred and seventy miles from St. Joseph—the strangest, quaintest, funniest frontier town that our untraveled eyes had ever stared at and been astonished with.
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CHAPTER 7
It did seem strange enough to see a town again after what appeared to us such a long acquaintance with deep, still, almost lifeless and houseless solitude! We tumbled out into the busy street feeling like meteoric people crumbled off the corner of some other world, and wakened up suddenly in this. For an hour we took as much interest in Overland City as if we had never seen a town before. The reason we had an hour to spare was because we had to change our stage (for a less sumptuous affair, called a “mud-wagon”an) and transfer our freight of mails.
Presently we got under way again. We came to the shallow, yellow, muddy South Platte, with its low banks and its scattering flat sand-bars and pigmy islands—a melancholy stream straggling through the centre of the enormous flat plain, and only saved from being impossible to find with the naked eye by its sentinel rank of scattering trees standing on either bank. The Platte was “up,” they said—which made me wish I could see it when it was down, if it could look any sicker and sorrier. They said it was a dangerous stream to cross, now, because its quicksands were liable to swallow up horses, coach and passengers if an attempt was made to ford it. But the mails had to go, and we made the attempt. Once or twice in midstream the wheels sunkte into the yielding sands so threateningly that we half believed we had dreaded and avoided the sea all our lives to be shipwrecked in a “mud-wagon41.23” in the middle of a desert at last. But we dragged through and sped away toward the setting sun.
Next morning, just before dawn, when about five hundred and fifty miles from St. Joseph, our mud-wagon broke down. We were to be delayed five or six hours, and therefore we took horses, by invitation, and joined a party who were just starting on a buffalo huntan. It was noble sport galloping over the plain in the dewy freshness
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“Well, it was not funny, and there was no sense in those gawks making themselves so facetious over it. I tell you I was angry in earnest for a while42.14. I should have shot that long gangly lubber they called Hank, if I could have done it without crippling six or seven other people—but of course I couldn’t, the old ‘Allen’s’ so confounded comprehensive. I wish those loafers had been up in the tree; they wouldn’t have wanted to laugh so. If I had had a horse worth a cent—but no, the minute he saw that buffalo bull wheel on him and give a bellow, he raised straight up in the air and stood on his heels. The saddle began to slip, and I took him round the neck and laid close to him, and began to pray. Then he came down and stood up on the other end awhile, and the bull actually stopped pawing sand and bellowing to contemplate the inhuman spectacle. Then the bull made a pass at him and uttered a bellow that sounded perfectly frightful, it was so close to me, and that seemed to literally prostrate my horse’s reason, and make a
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“Take it up in the tree with me? Why, how you talk. Of course I didn’t. No man could do that. It fell in the tree when it came down.”
“Oh—exactly.”
“Certainly. I unwound the lariat, and fastened one end of it to the limb. It was the very best green raw-hide, and capable of sustaining tons. I made a slip-noose45.8 in the other end, and then hung it down to see the length. It reached down twenty-two feet—half way to the ground. I then loaded every barrel of the Allen with a double charge. I felt satisfied. I said to myself, if he never thinks of that one thing that I dread, all right—but if he does, all right anyhow—I am fixed for him. But don’t you know that the very thing a man dreads is the thing that always happens? Indeed it is so. I watched the bull, now, with anxiety—anxiety which no one can conceive of who has not been in such a situation and felt that at any moment death might come. Presently a thought came into the bull’s eye. I knew it! said I—if my nerve fails now, I am lost. Sure enough, it was just as I had dreaded, he started in to climb the tree—”
“What, the bull?”
“Of course—who else?”
“But a bull can’t climb a tree.”
“He can’t, can’t he? Since you know so much about it, did you ever see a bull try?”
“No! I never dreamt of such a thing.”
“Well, then, what is the use of your talking that way, then? Because you never saw a thing done, is that any reason why it can’t be done?”
“Well, all right—go on. What did you do?”
“The bull started up, and got along well for about ten feet, then slipped and slid back. I breathed easier. He tried it again—got up a little higher—slipped again. But he came at it once more, and this time he was careful. He got gradually higher and higher, and my spirits went down more and more. Up he came—an inch at a time—with his eyes hot, and his tongue hanging out. Higher and higher—hitched his foot over the stump of a limb, and looked up, as much as to say, ‘You are my meat, friend.’ Up again—higher and
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“Bemis, is all that true, just as you have stated it?”
“I wish I may rot in my tracks and die the death of a dog if it isn’t.”
“Well, we can’t refuse to believe it, and we don’t. But if there were some proofs—”
“Proofs! Did I bring back my lariat?”
“No.”
“Did I bring back my horse?”
“No.”
“Did you ever see the bull again?”
“No.”
“Well, then, what more do you want? I never saw anybody as particular as you are about a little thing like that.”
I made up my mind that if this man was not a liar he only missed it by the skin of his teeth. This episode reminds me of an incident of my brief sojourn in Siam, years afterward. The European citizens of a town in the neighborhood of Bangkok had a prodigy among them by the name of Eckert, an Englishman—a person famous for the number, ingenuity and imposing magnitude of his lies. They were always repeating his most celebrated falsehoods, and always trying to “draw him out” before strangers; but they seldom succeeded. Twice he was invited to the house where I was visiting, but nothing could seduce him into a specimen lie. One day a planter named Bascom, an influential man, and a proud and sometimes irascible one, invited me to ride over with him and call on Eckert. As we jogged along, said he:
“Now, do you know where the fault lies? It lies in putting Eckert on his guard. The minute the boys go to pumping at Eckert he knows perfectly well what they are after, and of course he shuts up his shell. Anybody might know he would. But when we get there, we must play him finer than that. Let him shape the conversation to suit himself—let him drop it or change it whenever he wants to. Let him see that nobody is trying to draw him out. Just let him have his own way. He will soon forget himself and begin to grind out lies like a mill. Don’t get impatient—just keep quiet, and let
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Eckert received us heartily—a pleasant-spoken, gentle-mannered creature. We sat in the veranda an hour, sipping English ale, and talking about the king, and the sacred white elephant, the Sleeping Idolan, and all manner of things; and I noticed that my comrade never led the conversation himself or shaped it, but simply followed Eckert’s lead, and betrayed no solicitude and no anxiety about anything. The effect was shortly perceptible. Eckert began to grow communicative; he grew more and more at his ease, and more and more talkative and sociable. Another hour passed in the same way, and then all of a sudden Eckert said:
“Oh, by the way! I came near forgetting. I have got a thing here to astonish you. Such a thing as neither you nor any other man ever heard of—I’ve got a cat that will eat cocoanut48.16! Common green cocoanut—and not only eat the meat, but drink the milk. It is so—I’ll swear to it.”
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A quick glance from Bascom—a glance that I understood—then:
“Why, bless my soul, I never heard of such a thing. Man, it is impossible.”
“I knew you would say it. I’ll fetch the cat.”
He went in the house. Bascom said:
“There—what did I tell you? Now, that is the way to handle Eckert. You see, I have petted him along patiently, and put his suspicions to sleep. I am glad we came. You tell the boys about it when you go back. Cat eat a cocoanut—oh, my! Now, that is just his way, exactly—he will tell the absurdest lie, and trust to luck to get out of it again. Cat eat a cocoanut—the innocent fool!”
Eckert approached with his cat, sure enough.
Bascom smiled. Said he:
“I’ll hold the cat—you bring a cocoanut.”
Eckert split one open, and chopped up some pieces. Bascom smuggled a wink to me, and proffered a slice of the fruit to puss. She snatched it, swallowed it ravenously, and asked for more!
We rode our two miles in silence, and wide apart. At least I was silent, though Bascom cuffed his horse and cursed him a good deal, notwithstanding the horse was behaving well enough. When I branched off homeward, Bascom said:
“Keep the horse till morning. And—you need not speak of this —— foolishness to the boys.”
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CHAPTER 8
In50.1 a little while50.1 all interest was taken up in stretching our necks and watching for the “pony-rider”—the fleet messenger who sped across the continent from St. Joe to Sacramento, carrying letters nineteen hundred miles in eight daysan! Think of that for perishable horse and human flesh and blood to do! The pony-rider was usually a little bit of a man, brim full50.6 of spirit and endurance. No matter what time of the day or night his watch came on, and no matter whether it was winter or summer, raining, snowing, hailing, or sleeting, or whether his “beat” was a level straight road or a crazy trail over mountain crags and precipices, or whether it led through peaceful regions50.11 or regions that swarmed with hostile Indians, he must be always ready to leap into the saddle and be off like the wind! There was no idling-time for a pony-rider on duty. He rode fifty miles without stopping, by daylight50.14, moonlight, starlight, or through the blackness of darknessan—50.15 just as it happened. He rode a splendid horse50.16 that was born for a racer50.16 and fed and lodged like a gentleman;50.17 kept him at his utmost speed for ten miles, and then, as he came crashing up to the station where stood two men50.18 holding fast a fresh, impatient steed, the transfer of rider and mail-bag was made in the twinkling of an eye, and away flew the eager pair50.20 and were out of sight before the spectator could get hardly the ghost of a look. Both rider and horse went “flying light.” The rider’s dress was thin50.23 and fitted close; he wore a “roundabout50.23” and a skull-cap, and tucked his pantaloons into his boot-tops50.24 like a race-rider. He carried no arms—he carried nothing that was not absolutely necessary,50.26 for even the postage on his literary freight was worth two dollars an ouncetean✱50.27. He got but little frivolous correspondence to carry—50.28 his bag had business letters in it, mostly. His horse was stripped of all unnecessary weight, too. He wore a little wafer of a
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We had had a consuming desire, from the beginning, to see a pony-rider, but51.22 somehow or other51.22 all that passed us51.22 and all that met us51.23 managed to streak by in the night, and so we heard only a whiz and a hail, and the swift phantom of the desert was gone51.24 before we could get our heads out of the windows. But now we were expecting one along every moment, and would see him in broad daylight. Presently the driver exclaims:
“Here he comes51.28!”
Every neck is stretched further, and every eye strained wider. Away across the endless dead level of the prairie51.30 a black speck appears against the sky, and it is plain that it moves. Well, I should think so! In a second or two it becomes a horse and rider, rising and falling, rising and falling—sweeping toward us nearer and nearer—growing more and more distinct, more and more sharply defined—nearer and still nearer, and the flutter of the hoofs comes faintly to the ear—another instant a whoop and a hurrah from our upper deck, a wave of the rider’s hand, but no reply, and man and horse
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So sudden is it all, and so like a flash of unreal fancy, that52.3 but for the flake of white foam left quivering and perishing on a mail-sack52.4 after the vision had flashed by and disappeared, we might have doubted whether we had seen any actual horse and man at all, maybe52.7.te
We rattled through Scott’s Bluffs Pass, by and by. It was along here somewhere that we first came across genuine and unmistakable alkali water in the road, and we cordially hailed it as a first-class curiosity, and a thing to be mentioned with eclat in letters to the ignorant at home. This water gave the road a soapy appearance, and in many places the ground looked as if it had been whitewashed. I think the strange alkali water excited us as much as any wonder we had come upon yet, and I know we felt very complacent and conceited, and better satisfied with life after we had added it to our list of things which we had seen and some other people had not. In a small way we were the same sort of simpletons as those who climb unnecessarily the perilous peaks of Mont Blanc and the Matterhorn, and derive no pleasure from it except the reflection that it isn’t a common experience. But once in a while one of those parties trips and comes darting down the long mountain crags52.22 in a sitting posture, making the crusted snow smoke behind him, flitting from bench to bench, and from terrace to terrace, jarring the earth where he strikes, and still glancing and flitting on again,
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This is all very fine, but let us not be carried away by excitement, but ask calmly, how does this person feel about it in his cooler moments next day, with six or seven thousand feet of snow and stuff on top of him?
We crossed the sand hills near the scene of the Indian mail robbery and massacre of 1856, wherein the driver and conductor perished, and also all the passengers but one, it was supposed; but this must have been a mistake, for at different times afterward on the Pacific coast I was personally acquainted with a hundred and thirty-three or four people who were wounded during that massacre,
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The most trustworthy tradition avers, however, that only one man, a person named Babbitt, survived the massacre, and he was desperately woundedan. He dragged himself on his hands and knee (for one leg was broken) to a station several miles away. He did it during portions of two nights, lying concealed one day and part of another, and for more than forty hours suffering unimaginable anguish from hunger, thirst and bodily pain. The Indians robbed the coach of everything it contained, including quite an amount of treasure.
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CHAPTER 9
We passed Fort Laramie in the night, and on the seventh morning out we found ourselves in the Black Hills, with Laramie Peakan at our elbow (apparently) looming vast and solitary—a deep, dark, rich indigo blue in hue, so portentously did the old colossus frown under his beetling brows of storm-cloud. He was thirty or forty miles away, in reality, but he only seemed removed a little beyond the low ridge at our right. We breakfasted at Horseshoe station55.7, six hundred and seventy-six miles out from St. Joseph. We had now reached a hostile Indian country, and during the afternoon we passed La Prele station55.10, and enjoyed great discomfort all the time we were in the neighborhood, being aware that many of the trees we dashed by at arm’s length concealed a lurking Indian or two. During the preceding night an ambushed savage had sent a bullet through the pony-rider’s jacket, but he had ridden on, just the same, because pony-riders were not allowed to stop and inquire into such things except when killed. As long as they had life enough left in them they had to stick to the horse and ride, even if the Indians had been waiting for them a week, and were entirely out of patience. About two hours and a half before we arrived at La Prele station55.19–20, the keeper in charge of it had fired four times at an Indian, but he said with an injured air that the Indian had “skipped around so’s to spile everything—and ammunition’s blamed skurse, too.” The most natural inference conveyed by his manner of speaking was, that in “skipping around,” the Indian had taken an unfair advantage. The coach we were in had a neat hole through its front—a reminiscence of its last trip through this region. The bullet that made it wounded the driver slightly, but he did not mind it much. He said the place to keep a man “huffy” was down on the Southern Overland, among the Apaches, before the company moved the stage-line55.30 up on the northern route. He said the
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We shut the blinds down very tightly that first night in the hostile Indian country, and lay on our arms. We slept on them some, but most of the time we only lay on them. We did not talk much, but kept quiet and listened. It was an inky-black night, and occasionally rainy. We were among woods and rocks, hills and gorges—so shut in, in fact, that when we peeped through a chink in a curtain, we could discern nothing. The driver and conductor on top were still, too, or only spoke at long intervals, in low tones, as is the way of men in the midst of invisible dangers. We listened to rain-drops pattering on the roof; and the grinding of the wheels through the muddy gravel; and the low wailing of the wind; and all the time we had that absurd sense upon us, inseparable from travel at night in a close-curtained vehicle, the sense of remaining perfectly
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“Help! help! help!” [It was our driver’s voice.]
“Kill him! Kill him like a dog!”
“I’m being murdered! Will no man lend me a pistol?”
“Look out! head him off! head him off!”
[Two pistol shots; a confusion of voices and the trampling of many feet, as if a crowd were closing and surging together around some object; several heavy, dull blows, as with a club; a voice that said appealingly, “Don’t, gentlemen, please don’t—I’m a dead man!” Then a fainter groan, and another blow, and away sped the stage into the darkness, and left the grisly mystery behind us.]
What a startle it was! Eight seconds would amply cover the time it occupied—maybe even five would do it. We only had time to plunge at a curtain and unbuckle and unbutton part of it in an awkward and hindering flurry, when our whip cracked sharply overhead, and we went rumbling and thundering away, down a mountain “grade.”
We fed on that mystery the rest of the night—what was left of it, for it was waning fast. It had to remain a present mystery, for all we could get from the conductor in answer to our hails was something that sounded, through the clatter of the wheels, like “Tell you in the morning!”
So we lit our pipes and opened the corner of a curtain for a chimney, and lay there in the dark, listening to each other’s story of how
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So we chatted and smoked the rest of the night comfortably away, our boding anxiety being somehow marvelously dissipated by the real presence of something to be anxious about.
We never did get much satisfaction about that dark occurrencean. All that we could make out of the odds and ends of the information we gathered in the morning, was that the disturbance occurred at a station; that we changed drivers there, and that the driver that got off there had been talking roughly about some of the outlaws that infested the region (“for there wasn’t a man around there but had a price on his head and didn’t dare show himself in the settlements,” the conductor said); he had talked roughly about these characters, and ought to have “drove up there with his pistol cocked and ready on the seat alongside of him, and begun business himself, because any softy would know they would be laying for him.”
That was all we could gather, and we could see that neither the conductor nor the new driver werete much concerned about the matter. They plainly had little respect for a man who would deliver offensive opinions of people and then be so simple as to come into their presence unprepared to “back his judgment,” as they pleasantly phrased the killing of any fellow-being who did not like said opinions. And likewise they plainly had a contempt for the man’s poor discretion in venturing to rouse the wrath of such utterly reckless wild beasts as those outlaws—and the conductor added:
“I tell you it’s as much as Slade himself wants to do!”
This remark created an entire revolution in my curiosity. I cared nothing now about the Indians, and even lost interest in the murdered driver. There was such magic in that name, Slade! Day or night, now, I stood always ready to drop any subject in hand, to listen to something new about Slade and his ghastly exploits. Even before we got to Overland City, we had begun to hear about Slade and his “division”an (for he was a “division-agent”) on the Overland;
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[begin page 60]
CHAPTER 10
Really and truly, two-thirds60.1 of the talk of drivers and conductors had been about this man Slade, ever since the day before we reached Julesburg. In order that the eastern reader may have a clear conception of what a Rocky Mountain desperado is, in his highest state of development, I will reduce all this mass of overland gossip to one straightforward narrativean, and present it in the following shape:
Slade was born in Illinois, of good parentagean. At about twenty-six years of age he killed a man in a quarrel and fled the countryan. At St. Joseph, Missouri, he joined one of the early California-bound emigrant trains, and was given the post of train-master. One day on the plains he had an angry dispute with one of his wagon-drivers, and both drew their revolvers. But the driver was the quicker artist, and had his weapon cocked first. So Slade said it was a pity to waste life on so small a matter, and proposed that the pistols be thrown on the ground and the quarrel settled by a fist-fight. The unsuspecting driver agreed, and threw down his pistol—whereupon Slade laughed at his simplicity, and shot him deadan!
He made his escape, and lived a wild life for a while60.19, dividing his time between fighting Indians and avoiding an Illinois sheriff, who had been sent to arrest him for his first murder. It is said that in one Indian battle he killed three savages with his own hand, and afterward cut their ears off and sent them, with his compliments, to the chief of the tribean.
Slade soon gained a name for fearless resolution, and this was sufficient merit to procure for him the important post of overland division-agent at Julesburg, in place of Mr. Jules, removed. For some time previously, the company’s horses had been frequently stolen, and the coaches delayed, by gangs of outlaws, who were wont to laugh at the idea of any man’s having the temerity to resent
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[begin page 63]
After a while63.4, seeing that Slade’s energetic administration had restored peace and order to one of the worst divisions of the road, the overland stage company transferred him to the Rocky Ridge division in the Rocky Mountains, to see if he could perform a like miracle there. It was the very paradise of outlaws and desperadoes. There was absolutely no semblance of law there. Violence was the rule. Force was the only recognized authority. The commonest misunderstandings were settled on the spot with the revolver or the knife. Murders were done in open day, and with sparkling frequency, and nobody thought of inquiring into them. It was considered that the parties who did the killing had their private reasons for it; for other people to meddle would have been looked upon as indelicate. After a murder, all that Rocky Mountain etiquette required of a spectator was, that he should help the gentleman bury his game—otherwise his churlishness would surely be remembered against him the first time he killed a man himself and needed a neighborly turn in interring him.
Slade took up his residence sweetly and peacefully in the midst of this hive of horse-thieves and assassins, and the very first time one of them aired his insolent swaggerings in his presence he shot him dead! He began a raid on the outlaws, and in a singularly short space of time he had completely stopped their depredations on the stage stock, recovered a large number of stolen horses, killed several of the worst desperadoes of the district, and gained such a dread ascendancy over the rest that they respected him, admired him, feared him, obeyed him! He wrought the same marvelous change in the ways of the community that had marked his administration at Overland City. He captured two men who had stolen overland63.32 stock, and with his own hands he hanged them. He was supreme judge in his district, and he was jury and executioner likewise—and not only in the case of offenses63.34 against his employers, but against passing emigrants as well. On63.35 one occasion63.35 some emigrants had their stock lost63.36 or stolen, and told Slade, who chanced63.36 to visit their camp. With a single companion he rode63.37 to a ranch, the owners of which he suspected, and opening the door, commenced firing63.39, killing three,63.39 and wounding the fourthan.
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From a bloodthirstily interesting little Montana book ♦ I take this paragraph:64.1–2
While on the road, Slade held absolute sway64.3. He would ride down to a station, get into a quarrel, turn the house out of windows, and maltreat the occupants most cruelly. The unfortunates had no means of redress, and were compelled to recuperate as best they could. On one of these occasions, it is said, he killed the father of the fine little half-breed boy, Jemmy, whom he adopted, and who lived with his widow after his execution.64.8–9Stories64.9 of Slade’s64.9 hanging men, and of innumerable assaults, shootings, stabbings and beatings, in which he was a principal actor, form part of the legends of the stage line.64.11As64.11 for minor quarrels and shootings, it is absolutely certain that a minute history of Slade’s life would be one long record of such practices.te64.13
Slade was a matchless marksman with a navy revolver. The legends say that one morning at Rocky Ridge, when he was feeling comfortable, he saw a man approaching who had offended him some days before—observe the fine memory he had for matters like that—and, “Gentlemen,” said Slade, drawing, “it is a good twenty-yard shot—I’ll clip the third button on his coat!” Which he
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On one occasion a man who kept a little whisky-shelf at the station did something which angered Slade—and went and made his will. A day or two afterward Slade came in and called for some brandy. The man reached under the counter (ostensibly to get a bottle—possibly to get something else), but Slade smiled upon him that peculiarly bland and satisfied smile of his which the neighbors had long ago learned to recognize as a death-warrant in disguise, and told him✱65.10 “none of that!—pass out the high-priced article.”te So the poor barkeeper65.11 had to turn his back and get the highpriced brandy from the shelf; and when he faced around again he was looking into the muzzle of Slade’s pistol. “And the next instant,” added my informant, impressively, “he was one of the deadest men that ever livedan.”
The stage-drivers and conductors told us that sometimes Slade would leave a hated enemy wholly unmolested, unnoticed and unmentioned, for weeks together—had done it once or twice at any rate. And some said they believed he did it in order to lull the victims
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Slade was captured, once, by a party of men who intended to lynch him. They disarmed him, and shut him up in a strong log house66.15–16, and placed a guard over him. He prevailed on his captors to send for his wife, so that he might have a last interview with her. She was a brave, loving, spirited woman. She jumped on a horse and rode for life and death. When she arrived they let her in without searching her, and before the door could be closed she whipped out a couple of revolvers, and she and her lord marched forth defying the party. And then, under a brisk fire, they mounted double and galloped away unharmedan!
In the fulness of time Slade’s myrmidons captured his ancient enemy Jules, whom they found in a well-chosen hiding-place in the remote fastnesses of the mountains, gaining a precarious livelihood with his rifle. They brought him to Rocky Ridge, bound hand and foot, and deposited him in the middle of the cattle-yard with his back against a post. It is said that the pleasure that lit Slade’s face when he heard of it was something fearful to contemplate. He examined his enemy to see that he was securely tied, and then went to bed, content to wait till morning before enjoying the luxury of killing him. Jules spent the night in the cattle-yard, and it is a region where warm nights are never known. In the morning Slade practiced66.34–35 on him with his revolver, nipping the flesh here and there, and occasionally clipping off a finger, while Jules begged him to kill him outright and put him out of his misery. Finally Slade reloaded, and walking up close to his victim, made some characteristic remarks
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In due time we rattled up to a stage stationan67.8, and sat down to breakfast with a half-savage, half-civilized company of armed and bearded mountaineers, ranchmen and station employés67.10. The most gentlemanly-appearing, quiet and affable officer we had yet found along the road in the Overland Company’s service was the person who sat at the head of the table, at my elbow. Never youth stared and shivered as I did when I heard them call him Slade!
Here was romance, and I sitting face to face with it!—looking upon it—touching it—hobnobbing with it, as it were! Here, right by my side, was the actual ogre who, in fights and brawls and various ways, had taken the lives of twenty-six human beings, or all men lied about him! I suppose I was the proudest stripling that ever traveled to see strange lands and wonderful people.
He was so friendly and so gentle-spokenan that I warmed to him in spite of his awful history. It was hardly possible to realize that this pleasant person was the pitiless scourge of the outlaws, the raw-head-and-bloody-bones the nursing mothers of the mountains terrified their children with. And to this day I can remember nothing remarkable about Slade except that his face was rather broad across the cheek bones, and that the cheek bones were low and the lips peculiarly thin and straightan. But that was enough to leave something of an effect upon me, for since then I seldom see a face possessing those characteristics without fancying that the owner of it is a dangerous man.
The coffee ran out. At least it was reduced to one tin-cupful67.32, and Slade was about to take it when he saw that my cup was empty. He politely offered to fill it, but although I wanted it, I politely declined. I was afraid he had not killed anybody that morning, and might be needing diversion. But still with firm politeness he insisted on filling my cup, and said I had traveled all night and better deserved it than he—and while he talked he placidly poured the
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CHAPTER 11
And sure enough, two or three years afterward, we did hear of him again. News came to the Pacific coast that the Vigilance Committee in Montana (whither Slade had removed from Rocky Ridge) had hanged himan. I find an account of the affair in the thrilling little book I quoted a paragraph from in the last chapter—“The Vigilantes of Montana; being a Reliable Account of the Capture, Trial and Execution of Henry Plummer’s Notorious Road Agent Band:an By Prof. Thos. J. Dimsdale, Virginia City, M. T.”69.5–8Mr. Dimsdale’s chapter is well worth reading, as a specimen of how the people of the frontier deal with criminals when the courts of law prove inefficient. Mr. Dimsdale makes two remarks about Slade, both of which are accurately descriptive, and one of which is exceedingly picturesque:69.8–13“Those69.13 who saw him in his natural state only, would pronounce him to be a kind husband, a most hospitable host and a courteous gentleman; on69.15 the contrary, those who met him when maddened with liquor and surrounded by a gang of armed roughs, would pronounce him a fiend incarnate.”an69.17And this: “From Fort Kearny69.18, west, he was feared a great deal more than the Almighty.” For compactness, simplicity and vigor of expression, I will “back” that sentence against anything in literaturean. Mr. Dimsdale’s narrative is as follows. In all places where italics occur, they are mine:69.17
After the execution of the five men, on the 14th of Januaryan, the Vigilantes considered that their work was nearly ended. They had freed the country from69.24 highwaymen and murderers to a great extent, and they determined that, in the absence of the regular civil authority, they would establish a People’s Court, where all offenders should be tried by Judge and Jury. This was the nearest approach to social order that the circumstances permitted, and, though strict legal authority was wanting, yet the people were firmly determined to maintain its efficiency, and to enforce its decrees. It may here be mentioned that the overt act which was the last round on the fatal ladder leading to the scaffold on which Slade perished,
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J. A. Slade was himself, we have been informed, a Vigilanterte✱70.4; he openly boasted of it, and said he knew all that they knew. He was never accused, or even suspected of either murder or robbery, committed in this Territory, (the latter crime was70.7 never laid to his charge, in any place;) but that he had killed several men in other localities, was notorious, and his bad reputation in this respect was a most powerful argument in determining his fate, when he was finally arrested for the offense above mentioned. On returning from Milk Riveran he became more and more addicted to drinking; until at last, it was a common feat for him and his friends to “take the town.” He and a couple of his dependants might often be seen on one horse, galloping through the streets, shouting and yelling, firing revolvers, etc. On many occasions he would ride his horse into stores; break up bars; toss the scales out of doors, and use most insulting language to parties present. Just previous to the day of his arrest, he had given a fearful beating to one of his followers; but such was his influence over them that the man wept bitterly at the gallows, and begged for his life with all his power. It had become quite common, when Slade was on a spree, for the shop-keepers and citizens to close the stores and put out all the lights;70.19–21 being fearful of some outrage at his hands.70.22 For his wanton destruction of goods and furniture, he was always ready to pay, when sober if he had money; but there were not a few who regarded payment as small satisfaction for the outrage, and these men were his personal enemies.
From time to time, Slade received warnings from men that he well knew would not deceive him, of the certain end of his conduct. There was not a moment, for weeks previous to his arrest, in which the public did not expect to hear of some bloody outrage. The dread of his very name, and the presence of the armed band of hangers-on, who followed him alone prevented a resistance, which must certainly have ended in the instant murder or mutilation of the opposing party.
Slade was frequently arrested by order of the court whose organization we have described, and had treated it with respect by paying one or two fines, and promising to pay the rest when he had money; but in the transaction that occurred at this crisis, he forgot even this caution, and goaded by passion and the hatred of restraint, he sprang into the embrace of death.
Slade had been drunk and “cutting up” all night. He and his companions had made the town a perfect hell. In the morning, J. M. Fox, the Sheriff, met him, arrested him, took him into court, and commenced reading a warrant that he had for his arrest, by way of arraignment. He became uncontrollably furious, and seizing the writ, he tore it up, threw it on the ground and stamped upon it70.42–43. The clicking of the locks of his companions’70.43 revolvers was instantly heard and a crisis was expected. The Sheriff did not attempt
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A leading member of the committee met Slade, and informed him in the quiet earnest manner of one who feels the importance of what he is saying: “Slade, get your horse at once, and go home, or there will be ——— to pay.” Slade started and took a long look with his dark and piercing eyes, at the gentleman— “what do you mean?” said he. “You have no right to ask me what I mean,” was the quiet reply, “get your horse at once, and remember what I tell you.” After a short pause he promised to do so, and actually got into the saddle; but, being still intoxicated, he began calling aloud to one after another of his friends, and, at last seemed to have forgotten the warning he had received and became again uproarious, shouting the name of a well known courtezan72.14 in company with those of two men whom he considered heads of the Committee, as a sort of challenge; perhaps, however,72.16 as a simple act of bravado. It seems probable that the intimation of personal danger he had received had not been forgotten entirely; though fatally for him, he took a foolish way of showing his remembrance of it. He sought out Alexander Davis, the Judge of the Court, and drawing a cocked Derringer, he presented it at his head, and told him that he should hold him as a hostage for his own safety. As the Judge stood perfectly quiet, and offered no resistance to his captor, no further outrage followed on this score. Previous to this, on account of the critical state of affairs, the Committee had met, and at last resolved to arrest him. His execution had not been agreed upon, and, at that time, would have been negatived, most assuredly. A messenger rode down to Nevada to inform the leading men of what was on hand, as it was desirable to show that there was a feeling of unanimity on the subject, all along the gulch.
The miners turned out almost en masse, leaving their work and forming in solid column, about six hundred strong, armed to the teeth, they marched up to Virginiaan. The leader of the body well knew the temper of his men, on the subject. He spurred on ahead of them, and hastily calling a meeting of the Executive, he told them plainly that the miners meant “business,” and that, if they came up, they would not stand in the street to be shot down by Slade’s friends; but that they would take him and hang him. The meeting was small, as the Virginia men were loath to act at all. This momentous announcement of the feeling of the Lower Town was made to a cluster of men, who were deliberating behind a wagon, at the rear of a store on Main street72.39.
The Committee were most unwilling to proceed to extremities. All the duty they had ever performed seemed as nothing to the task before them; but they had to decide, and that quickly. It was finally agreed that if the whole body of the miners were of the opinion that he should be hanged, that the Committee left it in their hands to deal with him. Off, at hot speed, rode the leader of the Nevada men to join his command.
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The head of the column now wheeled into Wallace street and marched up at quick time. Halting in front of the store, the executive officer of the Committee stepped forward and arrested Slade, who was at once informed of his doom, and inquiry was made as to whether he had any business to settle. Several parties spoke to him on the subject; but to all such inquiries he turned a deaf ear, being entirely absorbed in the terrifying reflections on his own awful position. He never ceased his entreaties for life, and to see his dear wife. The unfortunate lady referred to, between whom and Slade there existed a warm affection, was at this time living at their Ranch on the Madison. She was possessed of considerable personal attractions; tall, well-formed, of graceful carriage, pleasing manners, and was, withal, an accomplished horsewoman73.15.
A messenger from Slade rode at full speed to inform her of her husband’s arrest. In an instant she was in the saddle, and with all the energy that love and despair could lend to an ardent temperament and a strong physique, she urged her fleet charger over the twelve miles of rough and rocky ground that intervened between her and the object of her passionate devotion.
Meanwhile a party of volunteers had made the necessary preparations for the execution, in the valley traversed by the branch. Beneath the site of Pfouts and Russell’s stone building there was a corral, the gate-posts of which were strong and high. Across the top was laid a beam, to which the rope was fastened, and a dry-goods box served for the platform. To this place Slade was marched, surrounded by a guard, composing the best armed and most numerous force that has ever appeared in Montana Territory.
The doomed man had so exhausted himself by tears, prayers and lamentations, that he had scarcely strength left to stand under the fatal beam. He repeatedly exclaimed, “my God! my God! must I die? Oh, my dear wife!”
On the return of the fatigue party, they encountered some friends of Slade, staunch and reliable citizens and members of the Committee, but who were personally attached to the condemned. On hearing of his sentence, one of them, a stout-hearted man, pulled out his handkerchief and walked away, weeping like a child. Slade still begged to see his wife, most piteously, and it seemed hard to deny his request; but the bloody consequences that were sure to follow the inevitable attempt at a rescue, that her presence and entreaties would have certainly incited, forbade the granting of his request. Several gentlemen were sent for to see him, in his last moments, one of whom, (Judge Davis) made a short address to the people; but in such low tones as to be inaudible, save to a few in his immediate vicinity. One of his friends, after exhausting his powers of entreaty,
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Scarcely a leading man in Virginia could be found, though numbers of the citizens joined the ranks of the guard when the arrest was made. All lamented the stern necessity which dictated the execution.
Everything being ready, the command was given, “Men, do your duty,” and the box being instantly slipped from beneath his feet, he died almost instantaneously.
The body was cut down and carried to the Virginia Hotel, where, in a darkened room, it was scarcely laid out, when the unfortunate and bereaved companion of the deceased arrived, at headlong speed, to find that all was over, and that she was a widow. Her grief and heart-piercing cries were terrible evidences of the depth of her attachment for her lost husband, and a considerable period elapsed before she could regain the command of her excited feelings.
There is something about the desperado-nature that is wholly unaccountable—at least it looks unaccountable. It is this. The true desperado is gifted with splendid courage, and yet he will take the most infamous advantage of his enemy; armed and free, he will stand up before a host and fight until he is shot all to pieces, and yet when he is under the gallows and helpless he will cry and plead like a child. Words are cheap, and it is easy to call Slade a coward (all executed men who do not “die game” are promptly called cowards by unreflecting people), and when we read of Slade that he
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[begin page 76]
CHAPTER 12
Just beyond the breakfast-station we overtook a Mormon emigrant train of thirty-three wagons; and tramping wearily along and driving their herd of loose cows, were dozens of coarse-clad and sad-looking men, women and children, who had walked as they were walking now, day after day for eight lingering weeks, and in that time had compassed the distance our stage had come in eight days and three hours an—seven hundred and ninety-eight miles! They were dusty and uncombed, hatless, bonnetless and ragged, and they did look so tired!
After breakfast, we bathed in Horse Creekan, a (previously) limpid, sparkling stream—an appreciated luxury, for it was very seldom that our furious coach halted long enough for an indulgence of that kind. We changed horses ten or twelve times in every twenty-four hours—changed mules, rather—six mules—and did it nearly every time in four minutes. It was lively work. As our coach rattled up to each station six harnessed mules stepped gayly from the stable; and in the twinkling of an eye, almost, the old team was out, and the new one in and we off and away again.
During the afternoon we passed Sweetwater Creek, Independence Rock, Devil’s Gate and the Devil’s Gapan. The latter were wild specimens of rugged scenery, and full of interest—we were in the heart of the Rocky Mountains, now. And we also passed by “Alkali” or “Soda Lake,” and we woke up to the fact that our journey had stretched a long way across the world when the driver said that the Mormons often came there from Great Salt Lake City to haul away saleratus. He said that a few days gone by they had shoveled up enough pure saleratus from the ground (it was a dry lake) to load two wagons, and that when they got these two wagon loads76.28 of a drug that cost them nothing, to Salt Lake, they could sell it for twenty-five cents a pound.
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Toward dawn we got under way again, and presently as we sat with raised curtains enjoying our early-morning smoke and contemplating the first splendor of the rising sun as it swept down the long array of mountain peaks, flushing and gilding crag after crag and summit after summit, as if the invisible Creator reviewed his gray veterans and they saluted with a smile, we hove in sight of South Pass Cityan. The hotel-keeper77.15, the postmaster, the blacksmith, the mayor, the constable, the city marshal and the principal citizen and property holder, all came out and greeted us cheerily, and we gave him good-day77.18. He gave us a little Indian news, and a little Rocky Mountain news, and we gave him some Plains information in return. He then retired to his lonely grandeur and we climbed on up among the bristling peaks and the ragged clouds. South Pass City consisted of four log cabins, one of which was unfinished, and the gentleman with all those offices and titles was the chiefest of the ten citizens of the place. Think of hotel-keeper77.24, postmaster, blacksmith, mayor, constable, city marshal and principal citizen all condensed into one person and crammed into one skin. Bemis said he was “a perfect Allen’s revolver of dignities.” And he said that if he were to die as postmaster, or as blacksmith, or as postmaster and blacksmith both, the people might stand it; but if he were to die all over, it would be a frightful loss to the community.
Two miles beyond South Pass City we saw for the first time that mysterious marvel which all western77.32 untraveled boys have heard of and fully believe in, but are sure to be astounded at when they see it with their own eyes, nevertheless—banks of snow in dead summer time. We were now far up toward the sky, and knew all the time that we must presently encounter lofty summits clad in the “eternal snow” which was so commonplace77.37 a matter of mention in books, and yet when I did see it glittering in the sun on stately
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In a little while quite a number of peaks swung into view with long claws of glittering snow clasping them; and with here and there, in the shade, down the mountain side, a little solitary patch of snow looking no larger than a lady’s pocket-handkerchief, but being in reality as large as a “public square.”
And now, at last, we were fairly in the renowned South Pass, and whirling gayly along high above the common world. We were perched upon the extreme summit of the great range of the Rocky Mountains, toward which we had been climbing, patiently climbing,
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As a general thing the Pass was more suggestive of a valley than a suspension bridge in the clouds—but it strongly suggested the latter at one spot. At that place the upper third of one or two majestic purple domes projected above our level on either hand and gave us a sense of a hidden great deep of mountains and plains and valleys down about their bases which we fancied we might see if we could step to the edge and look over. These Sultans of the fastnesses were turbaned with tumbled volumes of cloud, which shredded away from time to time and drifted off fringed and torn, trailing their continents of shadow after them; and catching presently on an intercepting peak, wrapped it about and brooded there—then shredded away again and left the purple peak, as they had left the purple domes, downy and white with new-laid snow. In passing, these monstrous rags of cloud hung low and swept along right over the spectator’s head, swinging their tatters so nearly in his face that his impulse was to shrink when they came closest. In the one place I speak of, one could look below him upon a world of diminishing crags and cañons80.28 leading down, down, and away to a vague plain with a thread in it which was a road, and bunches of feathers in it which were trees,—a pretty picture sleeping in the sunlight—but with a darkness stealing over it and glooming its features deeper and deeper under the frown of a coming storm; and then, while no film or shadow marred the noon brightness of his high perch, he could watch the tempest break forth down there and see the lightnings leap from crag to crag and the sheeted rain drive along the cañon-sides80.36, and hear the thunders peal and crash and roar. We had this spectacle; a familiar one to many, but to us a novelty.
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I freighted a leaf with a mental message for the friends at home,
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On the summit we overtook an emigrant train of many wagons, many tired men and women,
and many a
disgusted sheep and cow. In the wofully dusty horseman in charge of the expedition
I recognized John ——. Of all persons
in the world to meet on top of the Rocky Mountains thousands of miles from home, he
was the last one I should have looked for. We were
school-boys together and warm friends for years. But a boyish prank of mine had disrupturedte this friendship and it had never been renewed. The act of
which I speak was this. I had been accustomed to visit occasionally an editor whose
room was in the third story of a building and
overlooked the street. One day this editor gave me a watermelon which I made preparations
to devour on the spot, but chancing to look
out of the window, I saw John standing directly under it and
We recognized each other simultaneously, and hands were grasped as warmly as if no coldness had ever existed between us, and no allusion was made to any. All animosities were buried and the simple fact of meeting a familiar face in that isolated spot so far from home, was sufficient to make us forget all things but pleasant ones, and we parted again with sincere “good-byes” and “God bless you” from both.
We had been climbing up the long shoulders of the Rocky Mountains for many tedious hours—we started down them, now. And we went spinning away at a round rate too.
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At midnight it began to rain, and I never saw anything like it—indeed, I did not even see this, for it was too dark. We fastened down the curtains and even caulked them with clothing, but the rain streamed in in twenty places, notwithstanding. There was no escape. If one moved his feet out of a stream, he brought his body under one; and if he moved his body he caught one somewhere else. If he struggled out of the drenched blankets and sat up, he was bound to get one down the back of his neck. Meantime the stage was wandering about a plain with gaping gullies in it, for the driver could not see an inch before his face nor keep the road, and the storm pelted so pitilessly that there was no keeping the horses
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“Don’t come here!”
To which the driver, who was looking over the precipice where he had disappeared, replied, with an injured air: “Think I’m a dam fool?”
The conductor was more than an hour finding the road—a matter which showed us how far we had wandered and what chances we had been taking. He traced our wheel-tracks to the imminent verge of danger, in two places. I have always been glad that we were not killed that night. I do not know any particular reason, but I have always been glad.
In the morning, the tenth day out, we crossed Green river84.15, a fine, large, limpid stream—stuck in it, with the water just up to the top of our mail-bed, and waited till extra teams were put on to haul us up the steep bank. But it was nice cool water, and besides it could not find any fresh place on us to wet.
At the Green river84.20 station we had breakfast—hot biscuits, fresh antelope steaks, and coffee—the only decent meal we tasted between the United States and Great Salt Lake City, and the only one we were ever really thankful for. Think of the monotonous
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At 585.4p.m. we reached Fort Bridger, one hundred and seventeen miles from the South Pass, and one thousand and twenty-five miles from St. Joseph. Fifty-two miles further on, near the head of Echo Cañon85.7, we met sixty U. S.85.7 soldiers from Camp Floydan. The day before, they had fired upon three hundred or four hundred Indians, whom they supposed gathered together for no good purpose. In the fight that had ensued, four Indians were captured, and the main body chased four miles, but nobody killed. This looked like business. We had a notion to get out and join the sixty soldiers, but upon reflecting that there were four hundred of the Indians, we concluded to go on and join the Indians.
Echo Cañon85.15 is twenty miles long. It was like a long, smooth, narrow street, with a gradual descending grade, and shut in by enormous perpendicular walls of coarse conglomerate, four hundred feet high in many places, and turreted like mediæval castles. This was the most faultless piece of road in the mountains, and the driver said he would “let his team out.” He did, and if the Pacific express trains whiz through there now any faster than we did then in the stage-coach, I envy the passengers the exhilaration of it. We fairly seemed to pick up our wheels and fly—and the mail matter was lifted up free from everything and held in solution! I am not given to exaggeration, and when I say a thing I mean it.
However, time presses. At four in the afternoon we arrived on the summit of Big Mountain, fifteen miles from Salt Lake City, when all the world was glorified with the setting sun, and the most stupendous panorama of mountain peaks yet encountered burst on our sight. We looked out upon this sublime spectacle from under the arch of a brilliant rainbow! Even the overland85.31 stage-driver stopped his horses and gazed!
Half an hour or an hour later, we changed horses, and took supper with a Mormon “Destroying Angel.”an “Destroying Angels,” as I understand it, are Latter-Day Saints who are set apart by the church85.36 to conduct permanent disappearances of obnoxious citizens. I had heard a deal about these Mormon Destroying Angels
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There were other blackguards present—comrades of this one. And there was one person that looked like a gentleman—Heber C. Kimball’s sonan, tall and well made, and thirty years old, perhaps. A lot of slatternly women flitted hither and thither in a hurry, with coffee-pots, plates of bread, and other appurtenances to supper, and these were said to be the wives of the Angel—or some of them, at leastan. And of course they were; for if they had been hired “help” they would not have let an angel from above storm and swear at them as he did, let alone one from the place this one hailed from.
This was our first experience of the western “peculiar institution,”an
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CHAPTER 13
We had a fine supper, of the freshest meats and fowls and vegetables—a great variety and as great abundance. We walked about the streets some, afterward, and glanced in at shops and stores; and there was fascination in surreptitiously staring at every creature we took to be a Mormon. This was fairy-land to us, to all intents and purposes—a land of enchantment, and goblins, and awful mystery. We felt a curiosity to ask every child how many mothers it had, and if it could tell them apart; and we experienced a thrill every time a dwelling-house door opened and shut as we passed, disclosing a glimpse of human heads and backs and shoulders—for we so longed to have a good satisfying look at a Mormon family in all its comprehensive ampleness, disposed in the customary concentric rings of its home circle.
By and by the Acting Governor of the Territoryan introduced us to other “Gentiles,” and we spent a sociable hour with them. “Gentiles” are people who are not Mormonsan. Our fellow-passenger, Bemis, took care of himself, during this part of the evening, and did not make an overpowering success of it, either, for he came into our room in the hotel about eleven o’clock, full of cheerfulness, and talking loosely, disjointedly and indiscriminately, and every now and then tugging out a ragged word by the roots that had more hiccups than syllables in it. This, together with his hanging his coat on the floor on one side of a chair, and his vest on the floor on the other side, and piling his pants on the floor just in front of the same chair, and then contemplating the general result with superstitious awe, and finally pronouncing it “too many for him” and going to bed with his boots on, led us to fear that something he had eaten had not agreed with him.
But we knew afterward that it was something he had been drinking. It was the exclusively Mormon refresher, “valley tan.”an Valley
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Next day we strolled about everywhere through the broad, straight, level streets, and enjoyed the pleasant strangeness of a city of fifteen thousand inhabitants with no loafers perceptible in it; and no visible drunkards or noisy people; a limpid stream rippling and dancing through every street in place of a filthy gutter; block after block of trim dwellings, built of “frame” and sunburned
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The armorial crest of my own State consisted of two dissolute bears holding up the head of a dead and gone cask between them and making the pertinent remark, “United, We Stand—(hic!)—Divided, We Fall.” It was always too figurative for the author of this book. But the Mormon crest was easy. And it was simple, unostentatious, and fitted like a glove. It was a representation of a Golden Beehive, with the bees all at workan!
The city lies in the edge of a level plain as broad as the State of Connecticut, and crouches close down to the ground under a curving wall of mighty mountainsan whose heads are hidden in the clouds, and whose shoulders bear relics of the snows of winter all the summer long. Seen from one of these dizzy heights, twelve or fifteen miles off, Great Salt Lake City is toned down and diminished till it is suggestive of a child’s toy-village reposing under the majestic protection of the Chinese wall.
On some of those mountains, to the southwest, it had been raining
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Salt Lake City was healthy—an extremely healthy cityan. They declared there was only one physician in the place and he was arrested every week regularly and held to answer under the vagrant act for having “no visible means of support.” [They always give you a good substantial article of truth in Salt Lake, and good measure and good weight, too. Very often, if you wished to weigh one of their airiest little commonplace statements you would want the hay scales.]
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The second day, we made the acquaintance of Mr. Street (since deceased)an and put on white shirts and went and paid a state visit to the king. He seemed a quiet, kindly, easy-mannered, dignified, self-possessed old gentleman of fifty-five or sixty, and had a gentle craft in his eye that probably belonged there. He was very simply dressed and was just taking off a straw hat as we entered. He talked
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“Ah—your child, I presume? Boy, or girl?”
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CHAPTER 14
Mr. Street94.1 was very busy with his telegraphic matters—and considering that he had eight or nine hundred miles of rugged, snowy, uninhabited mountains, and waterless, treeless, melancholy deserts to traverse with his wirean, it was natural and needful that he should be as busy as possible. He could not go comfortably along and cut his poles by the roadside94.6, either, but they had to be hauled by ox teams across those exhausting deserts—and it was two days’ journey from water to water, in one or two of them. Mr. Street’s contract was a vast work, every way one looked at it; and yet to comprehend what the vague words “eight hundred miles of rugged mountains and dismal deserts” mean, one must go over the ground in person—pen and ink descriptions cannot convey the dreary reality to the reader. And after all, Mr. S.’s mightiest difficulty turned out to be one which he had never taken into the account at all. Unto Mormons he had sub-let the hardest and heaviest half of his great undertaking, and all of a sudden they concluded that they were going to make little or nothing, and so they tranquilly threw their poles overboard in mountain or desert, just as it happened when they took the notion, and drove home and went about their customary business! They were under written contract to Mr. Street, but they did not care anything for that. They said they would “admire” to see a “Gentile” force a Mormon to fulfil a losing contract in Utah! And they made themselves very merry over the matter. Street said—for it was he that told us these things:
“I was in dismay. I was under heavy bonds to complete my contract in a given time, and this disaster looked very much like ruin.
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“ ‘Mr. Street, this is all perfectly plain. These contracts are strictly and legally drawn, and are duly signed and certified. These men manifestly entered into them with their eyes open. I see no fault or flaw anywhere.’
“Then Mr. Young turned to a man waiting at the other end of the room and said: ‘Take this list of names to So-and-so, and tell him to have these men here at such-and-such an hour.’
“They were there, to the minute. So was I. Mr. Young asked
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“ ‘You signed these contracts and assumed these obligations of your own free will and accord?’
“ ‘Yes.’
“ ‘Then carry them out to the letter, if it makes paupers of you! Go!’
“And they did go, too! They are strung across the deserts now, working like bees. And I never hear a word out of them. There is a batch of governors, and judges, and other officials here, shipped from Washington, and they maintain the semblance of a republican form of government—but the petrified truth is that Utah is an absolute monarchy and Brigham Young is king!”
Mr. Street was a fine man, and I believe his story. I knew him well during several years afterward in San Franciscoan.
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CHAPTER 15
It is a luscious country for thrilling evening stories about assassinations of intractable Gentiles. I cannot easily conceive of anything more cosy than the night in Salt Lake which we spent in a Gentile den, smoking pipes and listening to tales of how Burton galloped in among the pleading and defenceless “Morrisites99.5” and shot them down, men and women, like so many dogsan. And how Bill Hickman, a Destroying Angel, shot Drown and Arnold dead for bringing suit against him for a debtan. And how Porter Rockwell did this and that dreadful thingan. And how heedless people often come to Utah and make remarks about Brigham, or polygamy, or some other sacred matter, and the very next morning at daylight99.11 such parties are sure to be found lying up some back alley, contentedly waiting for the hearse.
And the next most interesting thing is to sit and listen to these Gentiles talk about polygamy; and how some portly old frog of an elder, or a bishop, marries a girl—likes her, marries her sister—likes her, marries another sister—likes her, takes another—likes her, marries her mother—likes her, marries her father, grandfather, great grandfather, and then comes back hungry and asks for more. And how the pert young thing of eleven will chance to be the favorite wife and her own venerable grandmother have to rank away down toward D 4 in their mutual husband’s esteem, and have to sleep in the kitchen, as like as not. And how this dreadful sort of thing, this hiving together in one foul nest of mother and daughters, and the making a young daughter superior to her own mother in rank and authority, are things which Mormon women submit to because their religion teaches them that the more wives a man has on earth, and the more children he rears, the higher the place they will all have in the world to comean—and the warmer, maybe, though they do not seem to say anything about that.
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“I thought I would know the little cub again but I don’t.” Mr. Johnson said
further, that Mr. Young observed that life was a sad, sad thing—“because the joy of
every new marriage a man contracted
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“That is a specimen,” said Mr. Young. “You see how it is. You see what a life I lead. A man can’t be wise all the time. In a heedless moment I gave my darling No. 6—excuse my calling her thus, as her other name has escaped me for the moment—a breast-pin. It was only worth twenty-five dollars—that is, apparently that was its whole cost—but its ultimate cost was inevitably bound to be a good deal more. You yourself have seen it climb up to six hundred and fifty dollars—and alas, even that is not the end! For I have wives all over this Territory of Utah. I have dozens of wives whose numbers, even, I do not know without looking in the family Bible. They are scattered far and wide among the mountains and valleys of my realm. And mark you, every solitary one of them will hear of this wretched breast-pin, and every last one of them will have one or die. No. 6’s breast-pin will cost me twenty-five hundred dollars before I see the end of it. And these creatures will compare these pins together, and if one is a shade finer than the rest, they will all be thrown on my hands, and I will have to order a new lot to keep peace in the family. Sir, you probably did not know it, but all the time you were present with my children your every movement was watched by vigilant servitors of mine. If you had offered to give a child a dime, or a stick of candy, or any trifle of the kind, you would have been snatched out of the house instantly, provided it could be done before your gift left your hand. Otherwise it would be absolutely necessary for you to make an exactly similar gift to
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Some instinct or other made me set this Johnson down as being unreliable. And yet he was a very entertaining person, and I doubt if some of the information he gave us could have been acquired from any other source. He was a pleasant contrast to those reticent Mormons.
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CHAPTER 16107 title
All men have heard of the Mormon Bible, but few except the “elect” have seen it, or, at least, taken the trouble to read it. I brought away a copy from Salt Lakean. The book is a curiosity to me, it is such a pretentious affair, and yet so “slow,” so sleepy; such an insipid mess of inspiration. It is chloroform in print. If Joseph Smith composed this book, the act was a miracle—keeping awake while he did it was, at any rate. If he, according to tradition, merely translated it from certain ancient and mysteriously-engraved plates of copper, which he declares he found under a stone, in an out-of-the-way localityan, the work of translating was equally a miracle, for the same reason.
The book seems to be merely a prosy detail of imaginary historyan, with the Old Testament for a model; followed by a tedious plagiarism of the New Testament. The author labored to give his words and phrases the quaint, old-fashioned sound and structure of our King James’s translation of the Scriptures; and the result is a mongrel—half modern glibness, and half ancient simplicity and gravity. The latter is awkward and constrained; the former natural, but grotesque by the contrast. Whenever he found his speech growing too modern—which was about every sentence or two—he ladled in a few such Scriptural phrases as “exceeding sore,” “and it came to pass,” etc., and made things satisfactory again. “And it came to pass” was his pet. If he had left that out, his Bible would have been only a pamphlet.
The title-page reads as follows:
The Book of Mormon: an account written by the Hand of Mormon, upon Plates taken from the Plates of Nephite.
Wherefore107.28 it is an abridgment of the record of the people of Nephi, and also of the Lamanites; written to the Lamanites, who are a remnant of the House of Israel; and also to Jew and Gentile: written by way of commandment,
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“Hid up” is good. And so is “wherefore”—though why “wherefore?”108.10–11 Any other word would have answered as well—though in truth it would not have sounded so Scriptural.
Next comes108.10–13
the testimony of three witnesses.
Be it known unto all nations, kindreds, tongues, and people unto whom this work shall come, that we, through the grace of God the Father, and our Lord Jesus Christ, have seen the plates which contain this record, which is a record of the people of Nephi, and also of the Lamanites, their brethren, and also of the people of Jared, who came from the tower of which hath been spoken; and we also know that they have been translated by the gift and power of God, for his voice hath declared it unto us; wherefore we know of a surety that the work is true. And we also testify that we have seen the engravings which are upon the plates; and they have been shewn unto us by the power of God, and not of man. And we declare with words of soberness, that an angel of God came down from heaven, and he brought and laid before our eyes, that we beheld and saw the plates, and the engravings thereon; and we know that it is by the grace of God the Father, and our Lord Jesus Christ, that we beheld and bear record that these things are true; and it is marvellous in our eyes, nevertheless the voice of the Lord commanded us that we should bear record of it; wherefore, to be obedient unto the commandments of God, we bear testimony of these things. And we know that if we are faithful in Christ, we shall rid our garments of the blood of all men, and be found spotless before the judgment-seat of Christ, and shall dwell with him eternally in the heavens. And the honour be to the Father, and to the Son, and to the Holy Ghost, which is one God. Amen.
Oliver Cowdery,
David Whitmer,
Martin Harrisan.
Some people have to have a world of evidence before they can come anywhere in the neighborhood of believing anything; but for
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Next is this:108.40–109.7
and also the testimony of eight witnesses.
Be it known unto all nations, kindreds, tongues, and people unto whom this work shall come, that Joseph Smith, Jun., the translator of this work, has shewn unto us the plates of which hath been spoken, which have the appearance of gold; and as many of the leaves as the said Smith has translated, we did handle with our hands; and we also saw the engravings thereon, all of which has the appearance of ancient work, and of curious workmanship. And this we bear record with words of soberness, that the said Smith has shewn unto us, for we have seen and hefted, and know of a surety that the said Smith has got the plates of which we have spoken. And we give our names unto the world, to witness unto the world that which we have seen; and we lie not, God bearing witness of it.
| Christian Whitmer, | Hiram Page, | ||
| Jacob Whitmer, | Joseph Smith, Sen. | ||
| Peter Whitmer, Jun. | Hyrum Smith, | ||
| John Whitmer, | Samuel H. Smith. |
And when I am far on the road to conviction, and eight men, be they grammatical or otherwise, come forward and tell me that they have seen the plates too; and not only seen those plates but “hefted” them, I am convinced. I could not feel more satisfied and at rest if the entire Whitmer family had testifiedan.
The Mormon Bible consists of fifteen “books”—being the books of Jacob, Enos, Jarom, Omni, Mosiah, Zeniffan, Alma, Helaman, Ether, Moroni, two “books” of Mormon, and three of Nephi.
In the first book of Nephi is a plagiarism of the Old Testament, which gives an account of the exodus from Jerusalem of the “children of Lehi;”109.35 and it goes on to tell of their wanderings in the wilderness, during eight years, and their supernatural protection by one of their number, a party by the name of Nephi. They finally reached the land of “Bountiful,” and camped by the sea. After they
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Nephi tried to stop these scandalous proceedings; but they tied him neck and heels, and went on with their lark. But observe how
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And111.3 it came to pass that after they had bound me, insomuch that I could not move, the compass, which had been prepared of the Lord, did cease to work; wherefore, they knew not whither they should steer the ship, insomuch that there arose a great storm, yea, a great and terrible tempest, and we were driven back upon the waters for the space of three days; and they began to be frightened exceedingly, lest they should be drowned in the sea; nevertheless they did not loose me. And on the fourth day, which we had been driven back, the tempest began to be exceeding sore.
And111.11 it came to pass that we were about to be swallowed up in the depths of the sea.
Then they untied him.111.13
And111.14 it came to pass after they had loosed me, behold, I took the compass, and it did work whither I desired it. And it came to pass that I prayed unto the Lord; and after I had prayed, the winds did cease, and the storm did cease, and there was a great calm.
Equipped with their compass, these ancients appear to have had the advantage of Noah.
Their voyage was toward a “promised land”—the only name they give it. They reached it in safetyan.
Polygamy is a recent feature in the Mormon religion, and was added by Brigham Young after Joseph Smith’s death. Before that, it was regarded as an “abomination.”an This verse from the Mormon Bible occurs in Chapter II. of the book of Jacob:111.18–25
For111.26 behold, thus saith the Lord, this people begin to wax in iniquity; they understand not the scriptures; for they seek to excuse themselves in committing whoredoms, because of the things which were written concerning David, and Solomon his son. Behold, David and Solomon truly had many wives and concubines, which thing was abominable before me, saith the Lord; wherefore, thus saith the Lord, I have led this people forth out of the land of Jerusalem, by the power of mine arm, that I might raise up unto me a righteous branch from the fruit of the loins of Joseph. Wherefore, I the Lord God, will not suffer that this people shall do like unto them of old.
However, the project failed—or at least the modern Mormon end of it—for Brigham “suffers” it. This verse is from the same chapter:111.36–38
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The following verse (from Chapter IX. of the book112.6 of Nephi) appears to contain information not familiar to everybody:112.6–7
And112.8 now it came to pass that when Jesus had ascended into heaven, the multitude did disperse, and every man did take his wife and his children, and did return to his own home.
And112.11 it came to pass that on the morrow, when the multitude was gathered together, behold, Nephi and his brother whom he had raised from the dead, whose name was Timothy, and also his son, whose name was Jonas, and also Mathoni, and Mathonihah, his brother, and Kumen, and Kumenonhi, and Jeremiah, and Shemnon, and Jonas, and Zedekiah, and Isaiah; now these were the names of the disciples whom Jesus had chosenan.
In order that the reader may observe how much more grandeur and picturesqueness (as seen by these Mormon twelve) accompanied one of the tenderest episodes in the life of our Savior112.19 than other eyes seem to have been aware of, I quote the followingan from the same “book”—Nephi:112.17–21
And it came to pass that Jesus spake unto them, and bade them arise. And they arose from the earth, and he said unto them, blessed are ye because of your faith. And now behold, my joy is full. And when he had said these words, he wept, and the multitude bear record of it, and he took their little children, one by one, and blessed them, and prayed unto the Father for them. And when he had done this he wept again, and he spake unto the multitude, and saith unto them, behold your little ones. And as they looked to behold, they cast their eyes towards heaven, and they saw the heavens open, and they saw angels descending out of heaven as it were, in the midst of fire; and they came down and encircled those little ones about, and they were encircled about with fire; and the angels did minister unto them, and the multitude did see and hear and bear record; and they know that their record is true, for they all of them did see and hear, every man for himself; and they were in number about two thousand and five hundred souls; and they did consist of men, women, and children.
And what else would they be likely to consist of?
The book112.38 of Ether is an incomprehensible medley of “history,”
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7. And it came to pass that they did gather together all the people, upon all the face of the land, who had not been slain, save it was Ether. And it came to pass that Ether did behold all the doings of the people; and he beheld that the people who were for Coriantumr, were gathered together to the army of Coriantumr; and the people who were for Shiz, were gathered together to the army of Shiz; wherefore they were for the space of four years, gathering together the people, that they might get all who were upon the face of the land, and that they might receive all the strength which it was possible that they could receive. And it came to pass that when they were all gathered together, every one to the army which he would, with their wives and their children; both men, women, and children being armed with weapons of war, having shields, and breast-plates, and head-plates, and being clothed after the manner of war, they did march forth one against another, to battle; and they fought all that day, and conquered not. And it came to pass that when it was night they were weary, and retired to their camps; and after they had
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8. And it came to pass that Coriantumr wrote again an epistle unto Shiz, desiring that he would not come again to battle, but that he would take the kingdom, and spare the lives of the people. But behold, the spirit of the Lord had ceased striving with them, and satan had full power over the hearts of the people, for they were given up unto the hardness of their hearts, and the blindness of their minds that they might be destroyed; wherefore they went again to battle. And it came to pass that they fought all that day, and when the night came they slept upon their swords; and on the morrow they fought even until the night came; and when the night came they were drunken with anger, even as a man who is drunken with wine; and they slept again upon their swords; and on the morrow they fought again; and when the night came they had all fallen by the sword save it were fifty and two of the people of Coriantumr, and sixty and nine of the people of Shiz. And it came to pass that they slept upon their swords that night, and on the morrow they fought again, and they contended in their mights with their swords, and with their shields, all that day; and when the night came there were thirty and two of the people of Shiz, and twenty and seven of the people of Coriantumr.
9. And it came to pass that they ate and slept, and prepared for death on the morrow. And they were large and mighty men, as to the strength of men. And it came to pass that they fought for the space of three hours, and they fainted with the loss of blood. And it came to pass that when the men of Coriantumr had received sufficient strength, that they could walk, they were about to flee for their lives, but behold, Shiz arose, and also his men, and he swore in his wrath that he would slay Coriantumr, or he would perish by the sword; wherefore he did pursue them, and on the morrow he did overtake them; and they fought again with the sword. And it came to pass that when they had all fallen by the sword, save it were Coriantumr and Shiz, behold Shiz had fainted with loss of blood. And it came to pass that when Coriantumr had leaned upon his sword, that he rested a little, he smote off the head of Shiz. And it came to pass that after he had smote off the head of Shiz, that Shiz raised upon his hands and fell; and after that he had struggled for breath, he died. And it came to pass that Coriantumr fell to the earth, and became as if he had no life. And the Lord spake unto Ether, and said unto him, go forth. And he went forth, and beheld that the words of the Lord had all been fulfilled; and he finished his record; and114.43 the hundredth part I have not writtenan114.44.
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The Mormon Bible is rather stupid and tiresome to read, but there is nothing vicious in its teachings. Its code of morals is unobjectionable—it is “smouched” ♦ from the New Testament and no credit given.
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CHAPTER 17
At the end of our two days’ sojourn, we left Great Salt Lake City
hearty and well fed and happy—physically superb but not so very much wiser, as regards
the
“Mormon question,”an than we were when we arrived, perhaps. We had a deal
more “information” than we had before, of course, but we did not know what portion
of it was reliable and what was
not—for it all came from acquaintances of a day—strangers, strictly speaking. We were
told, for instance, that the
dreadful “Mountain Meadows massacre116.8” was the work of the Indians entirely, and that the Gentiles had meanly tried to
fasten it upon the Mormons; we were
told, likewise, that the Indians were to blame, partly, and partly the Mormons; and
we were told, likewise, and just as positively,
that the Mormons
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I left Great Salt Lake a good deal confused as to what state of things existed there—and
sometimes even questioning in my own mind whether a state of things existed there
at all or not. But presently I remembered with a
lightening sense of relief that we had learned two or three trivial things there which
we could be certain of; and so the two days were
not wholly lost. For instance, we had learned that we were at last in a pioneer land,
in absolute and tangible reality. The high prices
charged for trifles
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What a roar of vulgar laughter there was! I destroyed the mongrel reptile on the spot, but I smiled and smiled all the time I was detaching his scalp, for the remark he made was good for an “Injun.”
Yes, we had learned in Salt Lake to be charged great prices without letting the inward shudder appear on the surface—for even already
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And many a time in Nevada, afterward119.12, we had occasion to remember with humiliation that we were “emigrants,” and consequently a low and inferior sort of creatures. Perhaps the reader has visited Utah, Nevada, or California, even in these latter days, and while communing with himself upon the sorrowful banishment of
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The accustomed coach life began again, now, and by midnight120.15 it almost seemed as if we never had been out of our snuggery among the mail-sacks120.17 at all. We had made one alteration, however. We had provided enough bread, boiled ham and hard boiled eggs to last double the six hundred miles of staging we had still to do.
And it was comfort in those succeeding days to sit up and contemplate the majestic panorama of mountains and valleys spread
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CHAPTER 18
At eight in the morning we reached the remnant and ruin of what had been the important military station of “Camp Floyd,” some forty-five or fifty miles from Salt Lake City. At 4122.3p.m. we had doubled our distance and were ninety or a hundred miles from Salt Lake. And now we entered upon one of that species of deserts whose concentrated hideousness shames the diffused and diluted horrors of Sahara—an “alkali” desert. For sixty-eight miles there was but one break in it. I do not remember that this was really a break; indeed it seems to me that it was nothing but a watering depot in the midst of the stretch of sixty-eight miles. If my memory serves me, there was no well or spring at this place, but the water was hauled there by mule and ox teams from the further side of the desert. There was a stage station therean. It was forty-five miles from the beginning of the desert, and twenty-three from the end of it.
We plowed and dragged and groped along, the whole livelong122.15 night, and at the end of this uncomfortable twelve hours we finished the forty-five-mile part of the desert and got to the stage station where the imported water was. The sun was just rising. It was easy enough to cross a desert in the night while we were asleep; and it was pleasant to reflect, in the morning, that we in actual person had encountered an absolute desert and could always speak knowingly of deserts in presence of the ignorant thenceforward. And it was pleasant also to reflect that this was not an obscure, back country desert, but a very celebrated one, the metropolis itself, as you may say. All this was very well and very comfortable and satisfactory—but now we were to cross a desert in daylight. This was fine—novel—romantic—dramatically adventurous—
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This enthusiasm, this stern thirst for adventure, wilted under the sultry August sun and did not last above one hour. One poor little hour—and then we were ashamed that we had “gushed” so. The poetry was all in the anticipation—there is none in the reality. Imagine a vast, waveless ocean stricken dead and turned to ashes; imagine this solemn waste tufted with ash-dusted sage-bushes; imagine the lifeless silence and solitude that belong to such a place; imagine a coach, creeping like a bug through the midst of this shoreless level, and sending up tumbled volumes of dust as if it were a bug that went by steam; imagine this aching monotony of toiling and plowing kept up hour after hour, and the shore still as far away as ever, apparently; imagine team, driver, coach and passengers so deeply coated with ashes that they are all one colorless color; imagine ash-drifts roosting above moustaches and eyebrows like snow accumulations on boughs and bushes. This is the reality of it.
The sun beats down with dead, blistering, relentless malignity; the perspiration is welling from every pore in man and beast, but scarcely a sign of it finds its way to the surface—it is absorbed before it gets there; there is not the faintest breath of air stirring; there is not a merciful shred of cloud in all the brilliant firmament; there is not a living creature visible in any direction whither one searches the blank level that stretches its monotonous miles on every hand; there is not a sound—not a sigh—not a whisper—not a buzz, or a whir of wings, or distant pipe of bird—not even a sob from the lost souls that doubtless people that dead air. And so the occasional sneezing of the resting mules, and the champing of the bits, grate harshly on the grim stillness, not dissipating the spell but accenting it and making one feel more lonesome and forsaken than before.
The mules, under violent swearing, coaxing and whip-cracking, would make at stated intervals a “spurt,” and drag the coach a hundred or maybe123.35 two hundred yards, stirring up a billowy cloud of
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Two miles and a quarter an hour for ten hours—that was what we accomplished. It was hard to bring the comprehension away down to such a snail-pace as that, when we had been used to making eight and ten miles an hour. When we reached the station on the farther verge of the desertan, we were glad, for the first time, that the Dictionary124.25 was along, because we never could have found language to tell how glad we were, in any sort of dictionary but an unabridged one with pictures in it. But there could not have been found in a whole library of dictionaries language sufficient to tell how tired those mules were after their twenty-three-mile124.29 pull. To try to give the reader an idea of how thirsty they were, would be to “gild refined gold or paint the lily.”an
Somehow, now that it is there, the quotation does not seem to fit—but no matter, let it stay, anyhow. I think it is a graceful and attractive thing, and therefore have tried time and time again to work it in where it would fit, but could not succeed. These efforts have kept my mind distracted and ill at ease, and made my narrative
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[begin page 126]
CHAPTER 19
On the morning of the sixteenth day out from St. Joseph we arrived at the
entrance of Rocky Cañon126.2, two hundred and fifty miles from Salt Lakean. It was along in this wild country
somewhere, and far from any habitation of white men, except the stage stations, that
we came across the wretchedest type of mankind I have ever seen, up to this writing. I refer to the
Goshoot Indiansan. From what we could see and all we could learn, they are very considerably inferior
to even the despised Digger Indians of Californiaan; inferior to all races of
savages on our continent; inferior to even the Terra del Fueganste; inferior to the Hottentots, and actually inferior in some respects to the Kytches
of Africa. Indeed, I have been
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The Bushmen and our Goshoots are manifestly descended from the self-same gorilla, or kangaroo, or Norway rat, whichever animal-Adam the Darwinians trace them toan.
One would as soon expect the rabbits to fight as the Goshoots, and yet they used to live off the offal and refuse of the stations a few months and then come some dark night when no mischief was expected, and burn down the buildings and kill the men from ambush as they rushed out. And once, in the night, they attacked the stage-coach when a District Judge, of Nevada Territory, was the only passenger, and with their first volley of arrows (and a bullet or two) they riddled the stage curtains, wounded a horse or two and
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Let us forget that we have been saying harsh things about the Overland drivers, now. The disgust which the Goshoots gave me, a
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There is an impression abroad that the Baltimore and Washington Railroad Company and many of its employés are Goshootsan; but it is an error. There is only a plausible resemblance, which, while it is apt enough to mislead the ignorant, cannot deceive parties who have contemplated both tribes. But seriously, it was not only poor wit, but very wrong to start the report referred to above; for however innocent the motive may have been, the necessary effect was to injure the reputation of a class who have a hard enough time of it in the pitiless deserts of the Rocky Mountains, Heaven knows! If we cannot find it in our hearts to give those poor naked creatures our Christian sympathy and compassion, in God’s name let us at least not throw mud at them.
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CHAPTER 20
On the seventeenth day we passed the highest mountain peaks we had yet seen, and although the day was very warm the night that followed upon its heels was wintry cold and blankets were next to useless.
On the eighteenth day we encountered the eastward-bound telegraph-constructorsan at Reese river130.6 station and sent a message to his Excellency Gov. Nyean at Carson City (distant one hundred and fifty-six miles).
On the nineteenth day we crossed the Great American Desert—forty memorable miles of bottomless sand, into which the coach wheels sunk from six inches to a foot. We worked our passage most of the way across. That is to say, we got out and walked. It was a dreary pull and a long and thirsty one, for we had no water. From one extremity of this desert to the other, the road was white with the bones of oxen and horses. It would hardly be an exaggeration to say that we could have walked the forty miles and set our feet on a bone at every step! The desert was one prodigious graveyard. And the log-chains, wagon tyres, and rotting wrecks of vehicles were almost as thick as the bones. I think we saw log-chains enough rusting there in the desert, to reach across any State in the Union. Do not these relics suggest something of an idea of the fearful suffering and privation the early emigrants to California endured?
At the border of the desert130.23 lies Carson Lake, or the130.23 “Sink” of the Carsonan, a shallow, melancholy sheet of water some eighty or a hundred miles in circumference. Carson river130.25 empties into it and is lost—sinks mysteriously into the earth and never appears in the light of the sun again—for the lake has no outlet whatever.
There are several rivers in Nevada, and they all have this mysterious fate. They end in various lakes or “sinks,” and that is the last
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On the western verge of the desert131.7 we halted a moment at Ragtownan. It consisted of one log house131.8 and is not set down on the map.
This reminds me of a circumstance. Just after we left Julesburg, on the Platte, I was sitting with the driver, and he said:
“I can tell you a most laughable thing indeed, if you would like to listen to it. Horace Greeleyan went over this road once. When he was leaving Carson City he told the driver, Hank Monk, that he had an engagement to lecture at Placerville and was very anxious to go through quick. Hank Monk cracked his whip and started off at an awful pace. The coach bounced up and down in such a terrific way that it jolted the buttons all off of Horace’s coat, and finally shot his head clean through the roof of the stage, and then he yelled at Hank Monk and begged him to go easier—said he warn’t in as much of a hurry as he was a while132.4 ago. But Hank Monk said, ‘Keep your seat, Horace, and I’ll get you there on time!te✱132.5’—and you bet you he did, too, what was left of himan!”
A day or two after that we picked up a Denver man at the cross roads, and he told us a good deal about the country and the Gregory Diggingsan. He seemed a very entertaining person and a man well posted in the affairs of Colorado. By and by he remarked:
“I can tell you a most132.33 laughable thing indeed, if you would like to listen to it. Horace Greeley went over this road once. When he was leaving Carson City he told the driver, Hank Monk, that he had an engagement to lecture at Placerville and was very anxious to go through quick. Hank Monk cracked his whip and started off at an awful pace. The coach bounced up and down in such a terrific
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At Fort Bridger, some days after this, we took on board a cavalry sergeant, a very proper and soldierly person indeed. From no other man during the whole journey, did we gather such a store of concise and well-arranged military information. It was surprising to find in the desolate wilds of our country a man so thoroughly acquainted with everything useful to know in his line of life, and yet of such inferior rank and unpretentious bearing. For as much as three hours we listened to him with unabated interest. Finally he got upon the subject of trans-continental travel, and presently said:
“I can tell you a most laughable thing indeed, if you would like to listen to it. Horace Greeley went over this road once. When he was leaving Carson City he told the driver, Hank Monk, that he had an engagement to lecture at Placerville and was very anxious to go through quick. Hank Monk cracked his whip and started off
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When we were eight hours out from Salt Lake City a Mormon preacher got in with us at a way station—a gentle, soft-spoken, kindly man, and one whom any stranger would warm to at first sight. I can never forget the pathos that was in his voice as he told, in simple language, the story of his people’s wanderings and unpitied sufferings. No pulpit eloquence was ever so moving and so beautiful as this outcast’s picture of the first Mormon pilgrimage across the plains, struggling sorrowfully onward to the land of its banishment and marking its desolate way with graves and watering it with tears. His words so wrought upon us that it was a relief to us all when the conversation drifted into a more cheerful channel and the natural features of the curious country we were in came under treatment. One matter after another was pleasantly discussed, and at length the stranger said:
“I can tell you a most laughable thing indeed, if you would like to listen to it. Horace Greeley went over this road once. When he was leaving Carson City he told the driver, Hank Monk, that he had an engagement to lecture at133.25Placerville133.25 and was very anxious to go through quick. Hank Monk cracked his whip and started off at an awful pace. The coach bounced up and down in such a terrific way that it jolted the buttons all off of Horace’s coat, and finally shot his head clean through the roof of the stage, and then he yelled at Hank Monk and begged him to go easier—said he warn’t in as much of a hurry as he was a while133.31 ago. But Hank Monk said, ‘Keep your seat, Horace, and I’ll get you there on time!’—and you bet you he did, too, what was left of him!”
Ten miles out of Ragtown we found a poor wanderer who had lain down to die. He had walked as long as he could, but his limbs had failed him at last. Hunger and fatigue had conquered him. It would have been inhuman to leave him there. We paid his fare to
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“Gentlemen, I know not who you are, but you have saved my life; and although I can never be able to repay you for it, I feel that I can at least make one hour of your long journey lighter. I take it you are strangers to this great thoroughfare, but I am entirely familiar with it. In this connection I can tell you a most laughable thing indeed, if you would like to listen to it. Horace Greeley—”
I said, impressively:
“Suffering stranger, proceed at your peril. You see in me the melancholy wreck of a once stalwart and magnificent manhood. What has brought me to this? That thing which you are about to tell. Gradually but surely, that tiresome old anecdote has sapped my strength, undermined my constitution, withered my life. Pity my
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We were saved. But not so the invalid. In trying to retain the anecdote in his system he strained himself and died in our arms.
I am aware, now, that I ought not to have asked of the sturdiest citizen of all that region, what I asked of that mere shadow of a man; for, after seven years’ residence on the Pacific coast, I know that no passenger or driver on the Overland ever corked that anecdote in, when a stranger was by, and survived. Within a period of six years I crossed and recrossed the Sierras between Nevada and California thirteen times by stage and listened to that deathless incident four hundred and eighty-one or eighty-two timesan. I have the list somewhere. Drivers always told it, conductors told it, landlords told it, chance passengers told it, the very Chinamen and vagrant Indians recounted it. I have had the same driver tell it to me two or three times in the same afternoon. It has come to me in all the multitude of tongues that Babel bequeathed to earth, and flavored with whisky135.18, brandy, beer, cologne, sozodontan, tobacco, garlic, onions, grasshoppers—everything that has a fragrance to it through all the long list of things that are gorged or guzzled by the sons of men. I never have smelt any anecdote as often as I have smelt that one; never have smelt any anecdote that smelt so variegated as that one. And you never could learn to know it by its smell, because every time you thought you had learned the smell of it, it would turn up with a different smell. Bayard Taylor has written about this hoary anecdote, Richardson has published it; so have Jones, Smith, Johnson, Ross Browne, and every other correspondence-inditing beingan that ever set his foot upon the great overland road anywhere between Julesburg and San Francisco; and I have heard that it is in the Talmud. I have seen it in print in nine different foreign languages; I have been told that it is employed in the inquisition in Rome; and I now learn with regret that it is going to be set to music. I do not think that such things are right.
Stage-coaching on the Overland is no more, and stage-drivers135.35 are a race defunct. I wonder if they bequeathed that bald-headed anecdote to their successors, the railroad brakemen135.37 and conductors,
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CHAPTER 21
We were approaching the end of our long journey. It was the morning of the twentieth day. At noon we would reach Carson City, the capital of Nevada Territory. We were not glad, but sorry. It had been a fine pleasure trip; we had fed fat on wonders every day; we were now well accustomed to stage life, and very fond of it; so the idea of coming to a stand-still and settling down to a humdrum existence in a village was not agreeable, but on the contrary depressing.
Visibly our new home was a desert, walled in by barren, snowclad mountains. There
was not a tree
in sight. There was no vegetation but the endless sage-brush and greasewood. All nature
was gray with it. We were plowing through great
deeps of powdery alkali dust that rose in thick clouds and floated
By and by Carson City was pointed out to us. It nestled in the edge of a great plain and was a sufficient number of miles away to look like an assemblage of mere white spots in the shadow of a
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We arrived, disembarked, and the stage went on. It was a “wooden” town; its population two thousand souls. The main street consisted of four or five blocks of little white frame stores which were too high to sit down on, but not too high for various other purposes; in fact, hardly high enough. They were packed close together, side by side, as if room were scarce in that mighty plain. The sidewalk was of boards that were more or less loose and inclined to rattle when walked upon. In the middle of the town, opposite the stores, was the “plaza” which is native to all towns beyond the Rocky Mountains—a large, unfenced, level vacancy, with a liberty pole in it, and very useful as a place for public auctions, horse trades, and mass meetings, and likewise for teamsters to camp in. Two other sides of the plaza were faced by stores, offices and stables. The rest of Carson City was pretty scattering.
We were introduced to several citizens, at the stage-office and on the way up to the Governor’s from the hotel—among others, to a Mr. Harris, who was on horseback; he began to say something, but interrupted himself with the remark:
“I’ll have to get you to excuse me a minute; yonder is the witness that swore I helped to rob the California coach—a piece of impertinent intermeddling, sir, for I am not even acquainted with the man.”
Then he rode over and began to rebuke the stranger with a six-shooter, and the stranger began to explain with another. When the pistols were emptied, the stranger resumed his work (mending a whip-lash), and Mr. Harris rode by with a polite nod, homeward bound, with a bullet through one of his lungs, and several in his hipsan; and from them issued little rivulets of blood that coursed down the horse’s sides and made the animal look quite picturesque. I never saw Harris shoot a man after that but it recalled to mind that first day in Carson.
This was all we saw that day, for it was two o’clock, now, and according to custom the daily “Washoe Zephyr” set in; a soaring dust-drift about the size of the United States set up edgewise came with it, and the capital of Nevada Territory disappeared from view. Still, there were sights to be seen which were not wholly uninteresting
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It was something to see that much. I could have seen more, if I could have kept the dust out of my eyes.
But seriously a Washoe wind is by no means a trifling matter. It blows flimsy houses down, lifts shingle roofs occasionally, rolls up tin ones like sheet music, now and then blows a stage-coach139.16 over and spills the passengers; and tradition says the reason there are so many bald people there, is, that the wind blows the hair off their heads while they are looking skyward after their hats. Carson
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The “Washoe Zephyr” (Washoe is a pet nickname for Nevadaan) is a peculiarly Scriptural wind, in that no man knoweth “whence it cometh.”an That is to say, where it originates. It comes right over the mountains from the west140.7, but when one crosses the ridge he does not find any of it on the other side! It probably is manufactured on the mountain-top for the occasion, and starts from there. It is a pretty regular wind, in the summer time. Its office hours are from two in the afternoon till two the next morning; and anybody venturing abroad during those twelve hours needs to allow for the wind or he will bring up a mile or two to leeward of the point he is aiming at. And yet the first complaint a Washoe visitor to San Francisco makes, is that the sea winds blow so, there! There is a good deal of human nature in that.
We found the state palace of the Governor of Nevada Territory to consist of a white frame one-story house with two small rooms in it and a stanchion supported shed in front—for grandeur—it compelled the respect of the citizen and inspired the Indians with awe. The newly arrived Chief and Associate Justices of the Territoryan, and other machinery of the government, were domiciled with less
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The Secretary and I took quarters in the “ranch” of a worthy French lady by the name of Bridget O’Flanniganan, a camp follower of his Excellency the Governor. She had known him in his prosperity as commander-in-chief of the Metropolitan Police of New York, and she would not desert him in his adversity as Governor of Nevada. Our room was on the lower floor, facing the plaza, and when we had got our bed, a small table, two chairs, the government fire-proof safe, and the Unabridged Dictionary into it, there was still room enough left for a visitor—maybe141.11 two, but not without straining the walls. But the walls could stand it—at least the partitions could, for they consisted simply of one thickness of white “cotton domestic” stretched from corner to corner of the room. This was the rule in Carson—any other kind of partition was the rare exception. And if you stood in a dark room and your neighbors in the next had lights, the shadows on your canvas told queer secrets sometimes! Very often these partitions were made of old flour sacks basted together; and then the difference between
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Mrs. O’Flannigan was boarding and lodging them at ten dollars a week apiece, and they were cheerfully giving their notes for it. They were perfectly satisfied, but Bridget presently found that notes that could not be discounted were but a feeble constitution for a Carson boarding house143.17. So she began to harry the Governor to find employment for the “Brigade.” Her importunities and theirs together drove him to a gentle desperation at last, and he finally summoned the Brigade to the presence. Then, said he:
“Gentlemen, I have planned a lucrative and useful service for you—a service which will provide you with recreation amid noble landscapes, and afford you never ceasing opportunities for enriching your minds by observation and study. I want you to survey a railroad from Carson City westward to a certain point! When the legislature meets I will have the necessary bill passed and the remuneration arranged.”
“What, a railroad over the Sierra Nevada Mountains?”
“Well, then, survey it eastward to a certain point!”
He converted them into surveyors, chain-bearers and so on, and turned them loose in the desert. It was “recreation” with a vengeance! Recreation on foot, lugging chains through sand and sage-brush, under a sultry sun and among cattle bones, cayotes and tarantulas. “Romantic adventure” could go no further. They surveyed very slowly, very deliberately,
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“To the Atlantic Ocean, blast you!—and then bridge it and go on!”
This brought back the dusty toilers, who sent in a report and ceased from their labors. The Governor was always comfortable about it; he said Mrs. O’Flannigan would hold him for the Brigade’s board anyhow, and he intended to get what entertainment he could out of the boys; he said, with his old-time pleasant twinkle, that he meant to survey them into Utah and then telegraph Brigham to hang them for trespass!
The surveyors brought back more tarantulas with them, and so we had quite a menagerie arranged along the shelves of the room. Some of these spiders could straddle over a common saucer with their hairy, muscular legs, and when their feelings were hurt, or their dignity offended, they were the wickedest-looking desperadoes the animal world can furnish. If their glass prison-houses were touched ever so lightly they were up and spoiling for a fight in a minute. Starchy?—proud? Indeed, they would take up a straw and pick their teeth like a member of Congress. There was as usual a furious “zephyr” blowing the first night of the Brigade’s144.28 return,
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“Turn out, boys—the tarantulas is loosean!”
No warning ever sounded so dreadful. Nobody tried, any longer, to leave the room, lest he might step on a tarantula. Every man groped for a trunk or a bed, and jumped on it. Then followed the strangest silence—a silence of grisly suspense it was, too—waiting, expectancy, fear. It was as dark as pitch, and one had to imagine the spectacle of those fourteen scant-clad men roosting gingerly on trunks and beds, for not a thing could be seen. Then came occasional little interruptions of the silence, and one could recognize a man and tell his locality by his voice, or locate any other sound a sufferer made by his gropings or changes of position. The occasional voices were not given to much speaking—you simply heard a gentle ejaculation of “Ow!” followed by a solid thump, and you knew the gentleman had felt a hairy blanket or something touch his bare skin and had skipped from a bed to the floor. Another silence. Presently you would hear a gasping voice say:
“Su-su-something’s crawling up the back of my neck!”
Every now and then you could hear a little subdued scramble and a sorrowful “O Lord!” and then you knew that somebody was getting away from something he took for a tarantula, and not losing any time about it, either. Directly a voice in the corner rang out wild and clear:
“I’ve got him! I’ve got him!” [Pause, and probable change of circumstances.] “No, he’s got me! Oh, ain’t they never going to fetch a lantern!”
The lantern came at that moment, in the hands of Mrs. O’Flannigan, whose anxiety to know the amount of damage done by the assaulting roof had not prevented her waiting a judicious interval, after getting out of bed and lighting up, to see if the wind was done, now, up stairs, or had a larger contract.
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CHAPTER 22
It was the end of August, and the skies were cloudless and the weather superb. In two or three weeks I had grown wonderfully fascinated with the curious new country, and concluded to put off my return to “the States” awhile. I had grown well accustomed to wearing a damaged slouch hat, blue woolen shirt, and pants crammed into boot-tops, and gloried in the absence of coat, vest and braces. I felt rowdyish and “bully,” (as the historian Josephus phrases it, in his fine chapter upon the destruction of the Templean). It seemed to me that nothing could be so fine and so romantic. I had become an officer of the government, but that was for mere sublimity. The office was an unique sinecure. I had nothing to do and no salaryan. I was private secretary147.12 to his majesty the Secretary and there was not yet writing enough for two of us. So Johnny K——and I devoted our time to amusement. He was the young son of an Ohio naboban and was out there for recreation. He got it. We had heard a world of talk about the marvelous147.16 beauty of Lake Tahoe, and finally curiosity drove us thither to see itan. Three or four members of the Brigade had been there and located some timber landsan on its shores and stored up a quantity of provisions in their camp. We strapped a couple of blankets on our shoulders and took an axe apiece and started—for we intended to take up a wood ranch or so ourselves and become wealthy. We were on foot. The reader will find it advantageous to go horseback. We were told that the distance was eleven miles. We tramped a long time on level ground, and then toiled laboriously up a mountain about a thousand miles high and looked over. No lake there. We descended on the other side, crossed the valley and toiled up another mountain three or four thousand miles high, apparently, and looked over again. No lake yet. We sat down tired and perspiring, and hired a couple of Chinamen to curse those people who had beguiled usan.
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We found the small skiff belonging to the Brigade boys, and without loss of time set out across a deep bend of the lake toward the landmarks148.13 that signified the locality of the camp. I got Johnny to row—not because I mind exertion myself, but because it makes me sick to ride backwards when I am at work. But I steered. A three-mile pull brought us to the camp just as the night fell, and we stepped ashore very tired and wolfishly hungry. In a “cache” among the rocks we found the provisions and the cooking utensils, and then, all fatigued as I was, I sat down on a boulder and superintended while Johnny gathered wood and cooked supper. Many a man who had gone through what I had, would have wanted to rest.
It was a delicious supper—hot bread, fried bacon, and black coffee. It was a delicious solitude we were in, too. Three miles away was a saw-mill and some workmen, but there were not fifteen other human beings throughout the wide circumference of the lake. As the darkness closed down and the stars came out and spangled the great mirror with jewels, we smoked meditatively in the solemn hush and forgot our troubles and our pains. In due time we spread our blankets in the warm sand between two large boulders and soon fell148.36 asleep, careless of the procession of ants that passed in through rents in our clothing and
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It is always very cold on that lake shore in the night, but we had plenty of blankets
and were
warm enough. We never moved a muscle all night, but waked at early dawn in the original
positions, and got up at once, thoroughly
refreshed, free from soreness, and brim full of friskiness. There is no end of wholesome
medicine in such an experience. That morning
we could have whipped ten such people as we were the day before—sick ones at any rate.
But the world is slow, and people will go
to “water cures” and “movement cures” and to foreign lands for health. Three months
of camp life on Lake
Tahoe would restore an Egyptian mummy to his pristine vigor, and give him an appetite
like an alligator. I do not mean
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I superintended again, and as soon as we had eaten breakfast we got in the boat and
skirted
along the lake shore about three miles and disembarked. We liked the appearance of
the place, and so we claimed some three hundred
acres of it and stuck our “notices” on a tree. It was yellow pine timber land—a dense
forest of trees a hundred
feet high and from one to five feet through at the butt. It was necessary to fence
our property or we could not hold it. That is to
say, it was necessary to cut down trees here and there and make them fall in such
a way as to form a
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We were land owners now, duly seized and possessed, and within the protection of the law. Therefore we decided to take up our residence on our own domain and enjoy that large sense of independence which only such an experience can bring. Late the next afternoon, after a good long rest, we sailed away from the Brigade camp with all the provisions and cooking utensils we could carry off—borrow is the more accurate word—and just as the night was falling we beached the boat at our own landing.
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CHAPTER 23
If there is any life that is happier than the life we led on our timber ranch for the next two or three weeksan, it must be a sort of life which I have not read of in books or experienced in person. We did not see a human being but ourselves during the time, or hear any sounds but those that were made by the wind and the waves, the sighing of the pines, and now and then the far-off thunder of an avalanche. The forest about us was dense and cool, the sky above us was cloudless and brilliant with sunshine, the broad lake before us was glassy and clear, or rippled and breezy, or black and storm-tossed, according to Nature’s mood; and its circling border of mountain domes, clothed with forests, scarred with land-slides, cloven by cañons and valleys, and helmeted with glittering snow, fitly framed and finished the noble picture. The view was always fascinating, bewitching, entrancing. The eye was never tired of gazing, night or day, in calm or storm; it suffered but one grief, and that was that it could not look always, but must close sometimes in sleep.
We slept in the sand close to the water’s edge, between two protecting boulders, which took care of the stormy night-winds for us. We never took any paregoric to make us sleep. At the first break of dawn we were always up and running foot-races152.21 to tone down excess of physical vigor and exuberance of spirits. That is, Johnny was—but I held his hat. While smoking the pipe of peace after breakfast we watched the sentinel peaks put on the glory of the sun, and followed the conquering light as it swept down among the shadows, and set the captive crags and forests free. We watched the tinted pictures grow and brighten upon the water till every little detail of forest, precipice and pinnacle was wrought in and finished, and the miracle of the enchanter complete. Then to “business.”
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So singularly clear was the water, that where it was only twenty or thirty feet deep the bottom was so perfectly distinct that the boat seemed floating in the air! Yes, where it was even eighty feet deep. Every little pebble was distinct, every speckled trout, every hand’s-breadth of sand. Often, as we lay on our faces, a granite boulder, as large as a village church, would start out of the bottom apparently, and seem climbing up rapidly to the surface, till presently it threatened to touch our faces, and we could not resist the impulse to seize an oar and avert the danger. But the boat would float on, and the boulder descend again, and then we could see that when we had been exactly above it, it must still have been twenty or thirty feet below the surface. Down through the transparency of these great depths, the water was not merely transparent, but dazzlingly, brilliantly so. All objects seen through it had a bright, strong vividness, not only of outline, but of every minute detail, which they would not have had when seen simply through the same depth of atmosphere. So empty and airy did all spaces seem below us, and so strong was the sense of floating high aloft in mid-nothingness, that we called these boat-excursions “balloon-voyages.”
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We bathed occasionally, but the water was rather chilly, for all it looked so sunny. Sometimes we rowed out to the “blue water,” a mile or two from shore. It was as dead blue as indigo there, because of the immense depth. By official measurement the lake in its centre is one thousand five hundred and twenty-five feet deep!
Sometimes, on lazy afternoons, we lolled on the sand in camp, and smoked pipes and read some old well-worn novels. At night, by the camp-fire, we played euchre and seven-up to strengthen the mind—and played them with cards so greasy and defaced that only a whole summer’s acquaintance with them could enable the student to tell the ace of clubs from the jack of diamonds.
We never slept in our “house.” It never recurredte to us, for one thing; and besides, it was built to hold the ground, and that was enough. We did not wish to strain it.
By and by our provisions began to run short, and we went back to the old camp and laid in a new supply. We were gone all day, and reached home again about nightfall154.25, pretty tired and hungry. While Johnny was carrying the main bulk of the provisions up to our “house” for future use, I took the loaf of bread, some slices of bacon, and the coffee-pot, ashore, set them down by a tree, lit a fire, and went back to the boat to get the frying pan154.29. While I was at this, I heard a shout from Johnny, and looking up I saw that my fire was galloping all over the premises!
Johnny was on the other side of it. He had to run through the flames to get to the lake shore, and then we stood helpless and watched the devastation.
The ground was deeply carpeted with dry pine-needles, and the fire touched them off as if they were gunpowder. It was wonderful to see with what fierce speed the tall sheet of flame traveled! My coffee-pot was gone, and everything with it. In a minute and a half
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Within half an hour all before us was a tossing, blinding tempest of flame! It went surging up adjacent ridges—surmounted them and disappeared in the cañons beyond—burst into view upon higher and farther ridges, presently—shed a grander illumination abroad, and dove again—flamed out again, directly, higher and still higher up the mountain side156.10—threw out skirmishing parties of fire here and there, and sent them trailing their crimson spirals away among remote ramparts and ribs and gorges, till as far as the eye could reach the lofty mountain-fronts were webbed as it were with a tangled net-work156.14 of red lava streams. Away across the water the crags and domes were lit with a ruddy glare, and the firmament above was a reflected hell!
Every feature of the spectacle was repeated in the glowing mirror of the lake! Both pictures were sublime, both were beautiful; but that in the lake had a bewildering richness about it that enchanted the eye and held it with the stronger fascination.
We sat absorbed and motionless through four long hours. We never thought of supper, and never felt fatigue. But at eleven o’clock the conflagration had traveled beyond our range of vision, and then darkness stole down upon the landscape again.
Hunger asserted itself now, but there was nothing to eat. The provisions were all cooked, no doubt, but we did not go to see. We were homeless wanderers again, without any property. Our fence was gone, our house burned down; no insurance. Our pine forest was well scorched, the dead trees all burned up, and our broad acres of manzanita swept away. Our blankets were on our usual sand-bed, however, and so we lay down and went to sleep. The next morning we started back to the old camp, but while out a long way from shore, so great a storm came up that we dared not try to land. So I baled out the seas we shipped, and Johnny pulled heavily through the billows till we had reached a point three or four miles beyond the camp. The storm was increasing, and it became evident that it was better to take the hazard of beaching the boat than go down in a hundred fathoms of water; so we ran in, with tall white-caps
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We made many trips to the lake after thatan, and had many a hair-breadth escape and blood-curdling adventure which will never be recorded in any history.
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CHAPTER 24158 title
I resolved to have a horse to ride. I had never seen such wild, free, magnificent horsemanship outside of a circus as these picturesquely-clad Mexicans, Californians and Mexicanized Americans displayed in Carson streets every day. How they rode! Leaning just gently forward out of the perpendicular, easy and non-chalant, with broad slouch-hat brim blown square up in front, and long riata swinging above the head, they swept through the town like the wind! The next minute they were only a sailing puff of dust on the far desert. If they trotted, they sat up gallantly and gracefully, and seemed part of the horse; did not go jiggering up and down after the silly Miss-Nancy fashion of the riding-schools. I had quickly learned to tell a horse from a cow, and was full of anxiety to learn more. I was resolved to buy a horse.
While the thought was rankling in my mind, the auctioneer came skurrying through the plaza on a black beast that had as many humps and corners on him as a dromedary, and was necessarily uncomely; but he was “going, going, at twenty-two!—horse, saddle and bridle at twenty-two dollars, gentlemen!” and I could hardly resist.
A man whom I did not know (he turned out to be the auctioneer’s brother) noticed the wistful look in my eye, and observed that that was a very remarkable horse to be going at such a price; and added that the saddle alone was worth the money. It was a Spanish saddle, with ponderous tapaderasan158.24, and furnished with the ungainly sole-leather covering with the unspellable namean. I said I had half a notion to bid. Then this keen-eyed person appeared to me to be “taking my measure;”158.27 but I dismissed the suspicion when he spoke, for his manner was full of guileless candor and truthfulness. Said he:
“I know that horse—know him well. You are a stranger, I take it, and so you might think he was an American horse, maybe, but I
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I did not know what a Genuine Mexican Plug was, but there was something about this man’s way of saying it, that made me swear inwardly that I would own a Genuine Mexican Plug, or die.
“Has he any other—er—advantages?” I inquired, suppressing what eagerness I could.
He hooked his forefinger in the pocket of my army-shirt, led me to one side, and breathed in my ear impressively these words:
“He can out-buck anything in America!”
“Going, going, going—at twent–ty-four dollars and a half, gen—”
“Twenty-seven!” I shouted, in a frenzy.
“And sold!” said the auctioneer, and passed over the Genuine Mexican Plug to me.
I could scarcely contain my exultation. I paid the money, and put the animal in a neighboring livery-stable to dine and rest himself.
In the afternoon I brought the creature into the plaza, and certain
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“Oh, don’t he buck, though!”
While I was up, somebody struck the horse a sounding thwack with a leathern strap, and when I arrived again the Genuine Mexican Plug was not there. A Californian youth chased him up and caught him, and asked if he might have a ride. I granted him that luxury. He mounted the Genuine, got lifted into the air once, but sent his spurs home as he descended, and the horse darted away like a telegram. He soared over three fences like a bird, and disappeared down the road toward the Washoe Valley.
I sat down on a stone, with a sigh, and by a natural impulse one of my hands sought my forehead, and the other the base of my stomach. I believe I never appreciated, till then, the poverty of the human machinery—for I still needed a hand or two to place elsewhere. Pen cannot describe how I was jolted up. Imagination cannot conceive how disjointed I was—how internally, externally and universally I was unsettled, mixed up and ruptured. There was a sympathetic crowd around me, though.
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“Stranger, you’ve been taken in. Everybody in this camp knows that horse. Any child, any Injun, could have told you that he’d buck; he is the very worst devil to buck on the continent of America. You hear me. I’m Curry. Old Curry. Old Abe Curryan. And moreover, he is a simon-pure, out-and-out, genuine d—d Mexican plug, and an uncommon mean one at that, too. Why, you turnip, if you had laid low and kept dark, there’s chances to buy an American horse for mighty little more than you paid for that bloody old foreign relic.”
I gave no sign; but I made up my mind that if the auctioneer’s brother’s funeral took place while I was in the Territory I would postpone all other recreations and attend it.
After a gallop of sixteen miles the Californian youth and the Genuine Mexican Plug came tearing into town again, shedding foam-flakes like the spume-spray that drives before a typhoon, and, with one final skip over a wheelbarrow and a Chinaman, cast anchor in front of the “ranch.”
Such panting and blowing! Such spreading and contracting of the red equine nostrils, and glaring of the wild equine eye! But was the imperial beast subjugated? Indeed he was not. His lordship the Speaker of the Housean thought he was, and mounted him to go down to the Capitol; but the first dash the creature made was over a pile of telegraph poles half as high as a church; and his time to the Capitol—one mile and three-quarters162.25—remains unbeaten to
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In the evening the Speaker came home afoot for exercise, and got the Genuine towed back behind a quartz wagon. The next day I loaned the animal to the Clerk of the Housean to go down to the Dana silver minean, six mileste, and he walked back for exercise, and got the horse towed. Everybody I loaned him to always walked back; they never could get enough exercise any other way. Still, I continued to loan him to anybody who was willing to borrow him,
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Just then the livery-stable164.28 man brought in his bill for six weeks’ keeping—stall-room for the horse, fifteen dollars; hay for the horse, two hundred and fifty! The Genuine Mexican Plug had eaten a ton of the article, and the man said he would have eaten a hundred if he had let him.
I will remark here, in all seriousness, that the regular price of hay during that year and a part of the next was really two hundred and fifty dollars a ton. During a part of the previous year it had sold at five hundred a ton, in gold, and during the winter before that there was such scarcity of the article that in several instances small quantities had brought eight hundred dollars a ton in coin!
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I managed to pay the livery bill, and that same day I gave the Genuine Mexican Plug to a passing Arkansas emigrantan whom fortune delivered into my hand. If this ever meets his eye, he will doubtless remember the donation.
Now whoever has had the luck to ride a real Mexican plug will recognize the animal depicted in this chapter, and hardly consider him exaggerated—but the uninitiated will feel justified in regarding his portrait as a fancy sketch, perhaps.
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CHAPTER 25
Originally, Nevada was a part of Utah and was called Carson County166.2; and a pretty large county it was, too. Certain of its valleys produced no end of hay, and this attracted small colonies of Mormon stock-raisers and farmers to them. A few orthodox Americans straggled in from California, but no love was lost between the two classes of colonists. There was little or no friendly intercourse; each party staid to itself. The Mormons were largely in the majority, and had the additional advantage of being peculiarly under the protection of the Mormon government of the Territory. Therefore they could afford to be distant, and even peremptory toward their neighbors. One of the traditions of Carson Valley illustrates the condition of things that prevailed at the time I speak of. The hired girl of one of the American families was Irish, and a Catholic; yet it was noted with surprise that she was the only person outside of the Mormon ring who could get favors from the Mormons. She asked kindnesses of them often, and always got them. It was a mystery to everybody. But one day as she was passing out at the door, a large bowie knife dropped from under her apron, and when her mistress asked for an explanation she observed that she was going out to “borry a wash-tub from the Mormons!”
In 1858 silver lodes were discovered in “Carson County,”an and then the aspect of things changed. Californians began to flock in, and the American element was soon in the majority. Allegiance to Brigham Young and Utah was renounced, and a temporary Territorial166.25–26 government for “Washoe” was instituted by the citizens. Gov.166.27 Roopan was the first and only chief magistrate of it. In due course of time Congress passed a bill to organize “Nevada Territory,”an and President Lincoln sent out Gov.166.29 Nye to supplant Roop.
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The people were glad to have a legitimately constituted government, but did not particularly enjoy having strangers from distant States put in authority over them—a sentiment that was natural enough. They thought the officials should have been chosen from among themselves—from among prominent citizens who had earned a right to such promotion, and who would be in sympathy with the populace and likewise thoroughly acquainted with the needs of the Territory. They were right in viewing
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The new government was received with considerable coolness. It was not only a foreign intruder, but a poor one. It was not even worth plucking—except by the smallest of small-fry168.6 office-seekers and such. Everybody knew that Congress had appropriated only twenty thousand dollars a yearan in greenbacks168.8 for its support—about money enough to run a quartz mill a month. And everybody knew, also, that the first year’s money was still in Washington, and that the getting hold of it would be a tedious and difficult process. Carson City was too wary and too wise to open up a credit account with the imported bantling with anything like indecent haste.
There is something solemnly funny about the struggles of a new-born Territorial government to get a start in this world. Ours had a trying time of itan. The Organic Act and the “instructions” from the State Department commanded that a legislature should be elected at such-and-such a time, and its sittings inaugurated at such-and-such a datean. It was easy to get legislators, even at three dollars a day, although board was four dollars and fifty cents, for distinction has its charm in Nevada as well as elsewhere, and there were plenty of patriotic souls out of employment; but to get a legislative hall for them to meet in was another matter altogether. Carson blandly declined to give a room rent-free, or let one to the government on credit.
But when Curry heard of the difficulty, he came forward, solitary and alone, and shouldered the Ship of State over the bar and got her
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The matter of printing was from the beginning an interesting feature of the new government’s difficulties. The Secretary was sworn to obey his volume of written “instructions,” and these commanded him to do two certain things without fail, viz.:
1. Get the House and Senate journals printed; and,
2. For this work, pay one dollar and fifty cents per “thousand” for composition, and one dollar and fifty cents per “token” for press-work, in greenbacksan.
It was easy to swear to do these two things, but it was entirely impossible to do more than one of them. When greenbacks169.27 had gone down to forty cents on the dollar, the prices regularly charged everybody by printing establishments were one dollar and fifty cents per “thousand” and one dollar and fifty cents per “token,” in gold. The “instructions” commanded that the Secretary regard a paper dollar issued by the government as equal to any other dollar issued by the government. Hence the printing of the journals was discontinuedan. Then the United States sternly rebuked the Secretary for disregarding the “instructions,” and warned him to correct his ways. Wherefore he got some printing done, forwarded the bill to Washington with full exhibits of the
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Nothing in this world is palled in such impenetrable obscurity as a U. S. Treasury Comptroller’s understanding. The very fires of the hereafter could get up nothing more than a fitful glimmer in it. In the days I speak of he never could be made to comprehend why it was that twenty thousand dollars would not go as far in Nevada, where all commodities ranged at an enormous figure, as it would in the other Territories, where exceeding cheapness was the rule. He was an officer who looked out for the little expenses all the time. The Secretary of the Territory kept his office in his bedroom, as I before remarked; and he charged the United States no rent, although his “instructions” provided for that item and he could have justly taken advantage of it (a thing which I would have done with more than lightning promptness if I had been Secretary myselfan). But the United States never applauded this devotion. Indeed, I think my country was ashamed to have so improvident a person in its employ.
Those “instructions” (we used to read a chapter from them every morning, as intellectual gymnastics, and a couple of chapters in Sunday school every Sabbath, for they treated of all subjects under the sun and had much valuable religious matter in them along with the other statistics) those “instructions” commanded that pen-knives, envelops170.29, pens and writing-paper be furnished the members of the legislature. So the Secretary made the purchase and the distribution. The knives cost three dollars apiece. There was one too many, and the Secretary gave it to the Clerk of the House of Representatives. The United States said the Clerk of the House was not a “member” of the legislature, and took that three dollars out of the Secretary’s salaryan, as usual.
White men charged three or four dollars a “load” for sawing up
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But the next time the Indian sawed wood for us I taught him to make a cross at the bottom of the voucher—it looked like a cross that had been drunk a year—and then I “witnessed” it and it went through all rightan. The United States never said a word. I was sorry I had not made the voucher for a thousand loads of wood instead of one. The government of my country snubs honest simplicity but fondles artistic villainy, and I think I might have developed into a very capable pickpocket if I had remained in the public service a year or two.
That was a fine collection of sovereigns, that first Nevada legislature. They levied taxes to the amount of thirty or forty thousand dollars and ordered expenditures to the extent of about a million.
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The legislature sat sixty days, and passed private toll-road172.7 franchisesan all the time. when they adjourned it was estimated that every citizen owned about three franchises, and it was believed that unless Congress gave the Territory another degree of longitude there would not be room enough to accommodate the toll-roads. The ends of them were hanging over the boundary line everywhere like a fringe.
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The fact is, the freighting business had grown to such important proportions that there was nearly as much excitement over suddenly acquired toll-road fortunes as over the wonderful silver mines.
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CHAPTER 26
By and by I was smitten with the silver fever. “Prospecting parties” were leaving for the mountains every day, and discovering and taking possession of rich silver-bearing lodes and ledges of quartz. Plainly this was the road to fortune. The great “Gould &174.4 Curry” mine was held at three or four hundred dollars a foot when we arrived; but in two months it had sprung up to eight hundred. The “Ophir”an had been worth only a mere trifle, a year gone by, and now it was selling at nearly four thousand dollars a foot! Not a mine could be named that had not experienced an astonishing advance in value within a short time. Everybody was talking about these marvels. Go where you would, you heard nothing else, from morning till far into the night. Tom So-and-so174.12 had sold out of the “Amanda Smith” for forty thousand dollars174.13—hadn’t a cent when he “took up” the ledge six months ago. John Jones had sold half his interest in the “Bald Eagle and Mary Ann” for sixty-five thousand dollars174.15–16, gold coin, and gone to the States for his family. The widow Brewster had “struck it rich” in the “Golden Fleece” and sold ten feet for eighteen thousand dollars174.18—hadn’t money enough to buy a crape bonnet when Sing-Sing Tommy killed her husband at Baldy Johnson’s wake last spring. The “Last Chance” had found a “clay casing” and knew they were “right on the ledge”an—consequence, “feet” that went begging yesterday were worth a brick house apiece to-day, and seedy owners who could not get trusted for a drink at any bar in the country yesterday were roaring drunk on champagne to-day and had hosts of warm personal friends in a town where they had forgotten how to bow or shake hands from long-continued want of practice. Johnny Morgan, a common loafer, had gone to sleep in the gutter and waked up worth a hundred thousand dollars in consequence of the decision in the “Lady
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I would have been more or less than human if I had not gone mad like the rest. Cart-loads of solid silver bricks, as large as pigs of lead, were arriving from the mills every day, and such sights as that gave substance to the wild talk about me. I succumbed and grew as frenzied as the craziest.
Every few days news would come of the discovery of a bran-new mining region; immediately the papers would teem with accounts of its richness, and away the surplus population would scamper to take possession. By the time I was fairly inoculated with the disease, “Esmeralda” had just had a runan and “Humboldt” was beginning to shriek for attentionan. “Humboldt! Humboldt!” was the new cry, and straightway Humboldt, the newest of the new, the richest of the rich, the most marvelous of the marvelous175.16 discoveries in silver-land, was occupying two columns of the public prints to “Esmeralda’s” one. I was just on the point of starting to Esmeralda, but turned with the tide and got ready for Humboldt. That the reader
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But what about our mines? I shall be candid with you. I shall express an honest opinion, based upon a thorough examination. Humboldt county is the richest mineral region upon God’s footstool. Each mountain range is gorged with the precious ores. Humboldt is the true Golconda.
The other day an assay of mere croppings yielded exceeding four thousand dollars to the ton. A week or two ago an assay of just such surface developments made returns of seven thousand dollars to the ton. Our mountains are full of rambling prospectors. Each day and almost every hour reveals new and more startling evidences of the profuse and intensified wealth of our favored county. The metal is not silver alone. There are distinct ledges of auriferous ore. A late discovery plainly evinces cinnabar. The coarser metals are in gross abundance. Lately evidences of bituminous coal have been detected. My theory has ever been that coal is a ligneous formation. I told Col. Whitmanan, in times past, that the neighborhood of Dayton (Nevada) betrayed no present or previous manifestations of a ligneous foundation, and that hence I had no confidence in his lauded coal mines. I repeated the same doctrine to the exultant coal discoverers of Humboldt. I talked with my friend Captain Burchan on the subject. My pyrrhonism176.24 vanished upon his statement that in the very region referred to he had seen petrified trees of the length of two hundred feet. Then is the fact established that huge forests once cast their grim shadows over this remote section. I am firm in the coal faith. Have no fears of the mineral resources of Humboldt county. They are immense—incalculable.tean
Let me state one or two things which will help the reader to better comprehend certain items in the above. At this time, our near neighbor, Gold Hill, was the most successful silver mining locality in Nevada. It was from there that more than half the daily shipments of silver bricks came. “Very rich” (and scarce) Gold Hill ore yielded from a hundred to four hundred dollars176.34 to the ton; but the usual yield was only twenty to forty dollars176.35 per ton—that is to say, each hundred pounds of ore yielded from one dollar to two dollars. But the reader will perceive by the above extract, that in Humboldt from one-fourth176.38 to nearly half the mass was silver! That is to say, every one hundred pounds of the ore had from two hundred dollars
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I have spoken of the vast and almost fabulous wealth of this region—it is incredible. The intestines of our mountains are gorged with precious ore to plethora. I have said that nature has so shaped our mountains as to furnish most excellent facilities for the working of our mines. I have also told you that the country about here is pregnant with the finest mill sites in the world. But what is the mining history of Humboldt? The Sheba minean is in the hands of energetic San Francisco capitalists. It would seem that the ore is combined with metals that render it difficult of reduction with our imperfect mountain machinery. The proprietors have combined the capital and labor hinted at in my exordium. They are toiling and probing. Their tunnel has reached the length of one hundred feet. From primal assays alone, coupled with the development of the mine and public confidence in the continuance of effort, the stock had reared itself to eight hundred dollars market value. I do not know that one ton of the ore has been converted into current metal. I do know that there are many lodes in this section that surpass the Sheba in primal assay value. Listen a moment to the calculations of the Sheba operators. They purpose transporting the ore concentrated to Europe. The conveyance from Star City (its locality) to Virginia City will cost seventy dollars per ton; from Virginia to San Francisco, forty dollars per ton; from thence to Liverpool, its destination, ten dollars per ton. Their idea is that its conglomerate metals will reimburse them their cost of original extraction, the price of transportation, and the expense of reduction, and that then a ton of the raw ore will net them
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A very common calculation is that many of our mines will yield five hundred dollars to the ton. Such fecundity throws the Gould & Curry, the Ophir and the Mexicanan, of your neighborhood, in the darkest shadow. I have given you the estimate of the value of a single developed mine. Its richness is indexed by its market valuation. The people of Humboldt county are feet crazy. As I write, our towns are near deserted. They look as languid as a consumptive girl. What has become of our sinewy and athletic fellow-citizens? They are coursing through ravines and over mountain tops. Their tracks are visible in every direction. Occasionally a horseman will dash among us. His steed betrays hard usage. He alights before his adobe dwelling, hastily exchanges courtesies with his townsmen, hurries to an assay office and from thence to the District Recorder’s. In the morning, having renewed his provisional supplies, he is off again on his wild and unbeaten route. Why, the fellow numbers already his feet by the thousands. He is the horse-leech. He has the craving stomach of the shark or anaconda. He would conquer metallic worlds.te
This was enough. The instant we had finished reading the above article, four of us decided to go to Humboldt. We commenced getting ready at once. And we also commenced upbraiding ourselves for not deciding sooner—for we were in terror lest all the rich mines would be found and secured before we got there, and we might have to put up with ledges that would not yield more than two or three hundred dollars a ton, maybe. An hour before, I would have felt opulent if I had owned ten feet in a Gold Hill mine whose ore produced twenty-five dollars to the ton; now I was already annoyed at the prospect of having to put up with mines the poorest of which would be a marvel in Gold Hill.
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CHAPTER 27
Hurry, was the word! We wasted no time.
Our party consisted of four persons—a blacksmith sixty years of age, two young lawyers,
and myself. We bought a wagon and two
miserable old horses. We put eighteen hundred pounds of provisions and mining tools
in the wagon and drove out of Carson on a chilly
December afternoonan. The horses were so weak and old that we soon found that it would
be better if one or two of us got out and walked. It was an improvement. Next, we
found that it would be better if a third man got out.
That was an improvement also. It
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We made seven miles, and camped in the desert. Young Clagett (now member of Congress from Montana)an unharnessed and fed and watered the horses; Oliphantan and I cut sage-brush180.11, built the fire and brought water to cook with; and old Mr. Ballou the blacksmithan did the cooking. This division of labor, and this appointment, was adhered to throughout the journey. We had no tent, and so we slept under our blankets in the open plain. We were so tired that we slept soundly.
We were fifteen days making the trip—two hundred miles; thirteen, ratheran, for we lay by a couple of days, in one place, to let the horses rest. We could really have accomplished the journey in ten days if we had towed the horses behind the wagon, but we did not think of that until it was too late, and so went on shoving the horses and the wagon too when we might have saved half the labor. Parties who met us, occasionally, advised us to put the horses in the wagon, but Mr. Ballou, through whose iron-clad earnestness no sarcasm could pierce, said that that would not do, because the provisions were exposed and would suffer, the horses being “bituminous from long deprivation.” The reader will excuse me from translating. What Mr. Ballou customarily meant, when he used a long word, was a secret between himself and his Maker. He was one of the best and kindest hearted men that ever graced a humble sphere of life. He was gentleness and simplicity itself—and unselfishness, too. Although he was more than twice as old as the eldest of us, he never gave himself any airs, privileges, or exemptions on that account. He did a young man’s share of the work; and did his share of conversing and entertaining from the general stand-point of any age—not from the arrogant, overawing summit-height of sixty years. His one striking peculiarity was his Partingtonian
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We four always spread our common stock of blankets together on the frozen ground, and slept side by side; and finding that our foolish, long-legged hound pup had a deal of animal heat in him, Oliphant got to admitting him to the bed, between himself and Mr. Ballou, hugging the dog’s warm back to his breast and finding great comfort in it. But in the night the pup would get stretchy and brace his feet against the old man’s back and shove, grunting complacently the while; and now and then, being warm and snug, grateful and happy, he would paw the old man’s back simply in excess of comfort; and at yet other times he would dream of the chase and in his sleep tug at the old man’s back hair and bark in his ear. The old gentleman complained mildly about these familiarities, at last, and when he got through with his statement he said that such
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It was a hard, wearing, toilsome journey, but it had its bright side; for after each day was done and our wolfish hunger appeased with a hot supper of fried bacon, bread, molasses and black coffee, the pipe-smoking, song-singing and yarn-spinning around the evening camp-fire in the still solitudes of the desert was a happy, carefree sort of recreation that seemed the very summit and culmination of earthly luxury. It is a kind of life that has a potent charm for all men, whether city or country-bred. We are descended from desert-lounging Arabs, and countless ages of growth toward perfect civilization have failed to root out of us the nomadic instinct. We all confess to a gratified thrill at the thought of “camping out.”
[begin page 183]
We camped two days in the neighborhood of the “Sink of the Humboldt.”an We tried to use the strong alkaline water of the Sink, but it would not answer. It was like drinking lye, and not weak lye, either. It left a taste in the mouth, bitter and every way execrable, and a burning in the stomach that was very uncomfortable. We put molasses in it, but that helped it very little; we added a pickle, yet the alkali was the prominent taste, and so it was unfit for drinking. The coffee we made of this water was the meanest compound man has yet invented. It was really viler to the taste than the unameliorated water itself. Mr. Ballou, being the architect and builder of the beverage,183.18 felt constrained to endorse and uphold it, and so drank half a cup, by little sips, making shift to praise it faintly the while, but finally threw out the remainder, and said frankly it was “too technical for him.”
But presently we found a spring of fresh water, convenient, and then, with nothing to mar our enjoyment, and no stragglers to interrupt it, we entered into our rest.
[begin page 184]
CHAPTER 28
After leaving the Sink, we traveled along the Humboldt river a little way. People accustomed to the monster mile-wide Mississippi, grow accustomed to associating the term “river” with a high degree of watery grandeur. Consequently, such people feel rather disappointed when they stand on the shores of the Humboldt or the Carson and find that a “river” in Nevada is a sickly rivulet which is just the counterpart of the Erie Canal184.7 in all respects save that the canal is twice as long and four times as deep. One of the pleasantest and most invigorating exercises one can contrive is to run and jump across the Humboldt river till he is overheated, and then drink it dry.
On the fifteenth day we completed our march of two hundred miles and entered Unionville, Humboldt County184.13, in the midst of a driving snow-storm. Unionville consisted of eleven cabins and a liberty pole184.15. Six of the cabins were strung along one side of a deep cañon184.16, and the other five faced them. The rest of the landscape was made up of bleak mountain walls that rose so high into the sky from both sides of the cañon184.18 that the village was left, as it were, far down in the bottom of a crevicean. It was always daylight on the mountain-tops184.20 a long time before the darkness lifted and revealed Unionville.
We built a small, rude cabin in the side of the crevice and roofed it with canvas, leaving a corner open to serve as a chimney, through which the cattle used to tumble occasionallyan, at night, and mash our furniture and interrupt our sleep. It was very cold weather and fuel was scarce. Indians brought brush and bushesan several miles on their backs; and when we could catch a laden Indian it was well—and when we could not (which was the rule, not the exception), we shivered and bore it.
I confess, without shame, that I expected to find masses of silver
[begin page 185]
[begin page 186]
The boys were as hungry as usual, but I could eat nothing. Neither could I talk. I was full of dreams and far away. Their conversation interrupted the flow of my fancy somewhat, and annoyed me a little, too. I despised the sordid and commonplace things they talked about. But as they proceeded, it began to amuse me. It grew to be rare fun to hear them planning their poor little economies and sighing over possible privations and distresses when a gold mine, all our own, lay within sight of the cabin and I could point it out at any moment. Smothered hilarity began to oppress me, presently. It was hard to resist the impulse to burst out with exultation and reveal everything; but I did resist. I said within myself that I would filter the great news through my lips calmly and be serene
[begin page 187]
“Where have you all been?”
“Prospecting.”
“What did you find?”
“Nothing.”
“Nothing? What do you think of the country?”
“Can’t tell, yet,” said Mr. Ballou, who was an old gold miner, and had likewise had considerable experience among the silver mines.
“Well, haven’t you formed any sort of opinion?”
“Yes, a sort of a one. It’s fair enough here, maybe187.11, but overrated. Seven-thousand-dollar187.12 ledges are scarce, though. That Sheba may be rich enough, but we don’t own it; and besides, the rock is so full of base metals that all the science in the world can’t work it. We’ll not starve, here, but we’ll not get rich, I’m afraid.”
“So you think the prospect is pretty poor?”
“No name for it!”
“Well, we’d better go back, hadn’t we?”
“Oh, not yet—of course not. We’ll try it a riffle, first.”
“Suppose, now—this is merely a supposition, you know—suppose you could find a ledge that would yield, say, a hundred and fifty dollars a ton—would that satisfy you?”
“Try us once!” from the whole party.
“Or suppose—merely a supposition, of course—suppose you were to find a ledge that would yield two thousand dollars a ton—would that satisfy you?”
“Here—what do you mean? What are you coming at? Is there some mystery behind all this?”
“Never mind. I am not saying anything. You know perfectly well there are no rich mines here—of course you do. Because you have been around and examined for yourselves. Anybody would know that, that had been around. But just for the sake of argument, suppose—in a kind of general way—suppose some person were to tell you that two-thousand-dollar ledges were simply contemptible—contemptible, understand—and that right yonder in sight of this very cabin there were piles of pure gold and pure silver—oceans of it—enough to make you all rich in twenty-four hours! Come!”
“I should say he was as crazy as a loon!” said old Ballou, but wild with excitement, nevertheless.
[begin page 188]
There was an eager scramble for it, and a closing of heads together over it under the candle-light. Then old Ballou said:
“Think of it? I think it is nothing but a lot of granite rubbish and nasty glittering mica that isn’t worth ten cents an acre!”
So vanished my dream. So melted my wealth away. So toppled my airy castle to the earth and left me stricken and forlorn.
Moralizing, I observed, then, that “all that glitters is not gold.”an
Mr. Ballou said I could go further than that, and lay it up among my treasures of knowledge, that nothing that glitters is gold. So I learned then, once for all, that gold in its native state is but dull, unornamental stuff, and that only low-born metals excite the admiration of the ignorant with an ostentatious glitter. However, like the rest of the world, I still go on underrating men of gold and glorifying men of mica. Commonplace human nature cannot rise above that.
[begin page 189]
CHAPTER 29
True knowledge of the nature of silver mining came fast enough. We went out “prospecting” with Mr. Ballou. We climbed the mountain sides, and clambered among sage-brush189.3, rocks and snow till we were ready to drop with exhaustion, but found no silver—nor yet any gold. Day after day we did this. Now and then we came upon holes burrowed a few feet into the declivities and apparently abandoned; and now and then we found one or two listless men still burrowing. But there was no appearance of silver. These holes were the beginnings of tunnels, and the purpose was to drive them hundreds of feet into the mountain, and some day tap the hidden ledge where the silver was. Some day! It seemed far enough away, and very hopeless and dreary. Day after day we toiled, and climbed and searched, and we younger partners grew sicker and still sicker of the promiseless toil. At last we halted under a beetling rampart of rock which projected from the earth high upon the mountain. Mr. Ballou broke off some fragments with a hammer, and examined them long and attentively with a small eye-glass; threw them away and broke off more; said this rock was quartz, and quartz was the sort of rock that contained silver. Contained it! I had thought that at least it would be caked on the outside of it like a kind of veneering. He still broke off pieces and critically examined them, now and then wetting the piece with his tongue and applying the glass. At last he exclaimed:
“We’ve got it!”
We were full of anxiety in a moment. The rock was clean and white, where it was broken, and across it ran a ragged thread of blue. He said that that little thread had silver in it, mixed with base metals, such as lead and antimony, and other rubbish, and that there was a speck or two of gold visible. After a great deal of
[begin page 190]
[begin page 191]
We the undersigned claim three claims, of three hundred feet each (and191.2 one for discovery), on this silver-bearing quartz lead or lode, extending north and south from this notice, with all its dips, spurs, and angles, variations and sinuosities, together with fifty feet of ground on either side for working the same.191.2–6
We put our names to it and tried to feel that our fortunes were made. But when we talked the matter all over with Mr. Ballou, we felt depressed and dubious. He said that this surface quartz was not all there was of our mine; but that the wall or ledge of rock called the “Monarch of the Mountains,” extended down hundreds and hundreds of feet into the earth—he illustrated by saying it was like a curb-stone, and maintained a nearly uniform thickness—say twenty feet—away down into the bowels of the earth, and was perfectly distinct from the casing rock on each side of it; and that it kept to itself, and maintained its distinctive character always, no matter how deep it extended into the earth or how far it stretched itself through and across the hills and valleys. He said it might be a mile deep and ten miles long, for all we knew; and that wherever we bored into it above ground or below, we would find gold and silver in it, but no gold or silver in the meaner rock it was cased between. And he said that down in the great depths of the ledge was its richness, and the deeper it went the richer it grew. Therefore, instead of working here on the surface, we must either bore down into the rock with a shaft till we came to where it was rich—say a hundred feet or so—or else we must go down into the valley and bore a long tunnel into the mountain side and tap the ledge far under the earth. To do either was plainly the labor of months; for we could blast and bore only a few feet a day—some five or six. But this was not all. He said that after we got the ore out it must be hauled in wagons to a distant silver mill191.31, ground up, and the silver extracted by a tedious and costly process. Our fortune seemed a century away!
But we went to work. We decided to sink a shaft. So, for a week we climbed the mountain, laden with picks, drills, gads, crowbars,
[begin page 192]
[begin page 193]
So we went down the mountain side and worked a week; at the end of which time we had blasted a tunnel about deep enough to hide a hogshead in, and judged that about nine hundred feet more of it would reach the ledge. I resigned again, and the other boys only held out one day longer. We decided that a tunnel was not what we wanted. We wanted a ledge that was already “developed.” There were nonete in the camp.
We dropped the “Monarch” for the time being.
Meantime the camp was filling up with people, and there was a constantly growing excitement about our Humboldt mines. We fell victims to the epidemic and strained every nerve to acquire more “feet.” We prospected and took up new claims, put “notices” on them and gave them grandiloquent names. We traded some of our “feet” for “feet” in other people’s claims. In a little while we owned largely in the “Gray Eagle,” the “Columbiana,” the “Branch Mint,” the “Maria Jane,” the “Universe,” the “Root-Hog-or-Die,” the “Samson and Delilah,” the “Treasure Trove,” the “Golconda,” the “Sultana,” the “Boomerang,” the “Great Republic,” the “Grand Mogul,”an and fifty other “mines” that had never been molested by a shovel or scratched with a pick. We had not less than thirty thousand “feet” apiece in the “richest mines on earth” as the frenzied cant phrased it—and were in debt to the butcher. We were stark mad with excitement—drunk with happiness—smothered under mountains of prospective wealth—arrogantly compassionate toward the plodding millions who knew not our marvelous cañon193.30—but our credit was not good at the grocer’s.
It was the strangest phase of life one can imagine. It was a beggars’ revel. There was nothing doing in the district—no mining—no millingan—no productive effort—no income—and not enough money in the entire camp to buy a corner lot in an eastern village, hardly; and yet a stranger would have supposed he was walking among bloated millionaires. Prospecting parties swarmed out of
[begin page 194]
[begin page 195]
CHAPTER 30
I met men at every turn who owned from one thousand to thirty thousand “feet” in undeveloped silver mines, every single foot of which they believed would shortly be worth from fifty to a thousand dollars—and as often as any other way they were men who had not twenty-five dollars in the world. Every man you met had his new mine to boast of, and his “specimens” ready; and if the opportunity offered, he would infallibly back you into a corner and offer as a favor to you, not to him, to part with just a few feet in the “Golden Age,” or the “Sarah Jane,” or some other unknown stack of croppings, for money enough to get a “square meal” with, as the phrase went. And you were never to reveal that he had made you the offer at such a ruinous price, for it was only out of friendship for you that he was willing to make the sacrifice. Then he would fish a piece of rock out of his pocket, and after looking mysteriously around as if he feared he might be waylaid and robbed if caught with such wealth in his possession, he would dab the rock against his tongue, clap an eye-glass195.17 to it, and exclaim:
“Look at that! Right there in that red dirt! See it? See the specks of gold? And the streak of silver? That’s from the ‘Uncle Abe.’ There’s a hundred thousand tons like that in sight! Right in sight, mind you! And when we get down on it and the ledge comes in solid, it will be the richest thing in the world! Look at the assay! I don’t want you to believe me—look at the assay!”
Then he would get out a greasy sheet of paper which showed that the portion of rock assayed had given evidence of containing silver and gold in the proportion of so many hundreds or thousands of dollars to the ton. I little knew, then, that the custom was to hunt out the richest piece of rock and get it assayed! Very often, that piece, the size of a filbert, was the only fragment in a ton that had
[begin page 196]
On such a system of assaying as that, the Humboldt world had gone crazy. On the authority of such assays its newspaper correspondents were frothing about rock worth four and seven thousand dollars a ton!
And does the reader remember, a few pages back, the calculations, of a quoted correspondent, whereby the ore is to be mined and shipped all the way to England, the metals extracted, and the gold and silver contents received back by the miners as clear profit, the copper, antimony and other things in the ore being sufficient to pay all the expenses incurred? Everybody’s head was full of such “calculations” as those—such raving insanity, rather. Few people
[begin page 197]
We never touched our tunnel or our shaft again. Why? Because we judged that we had learned the real secret of success in silver mining—which was, not to mine the silver ourselves by the sweat of our brows and the labor of our hands, but to sell the ledges to the dull slaves of toil and let them do the mining!
Before leaving Carson, the Secretary and I had purchased “feet” from various Esmeralda stragglersan. We had expected immediate returns of bullion, but were only afflicted with regular and constant “assessments” instead—demands for money wherewith to develop the said mines. These assessments had grown so oppressive that it seemed necessary to look into the matter personally. Therefore I projected a pilgrimage to Carson and thence to Esmeralda. I bought a horse and started, in company with Mr. Ballou and a gentleman named Ollendorffan, a Prussian—not the party who has inflicted so much suffering on the world with his wretched foreign grammars, with their interminable repetitions of questionsan which never have occurred and are never likely to occur in any conversation among human beings. We rode through a snow-storm for two or three days, and arrived at “Honey Lake Smith’s,”an a sort of isolated inn on the Carson river. It was a two-story log house situated on a small knoll in the midst of the vast basin or desert through which the sickly Carson winds its melancholy way. Close to the house were the Overland stage stables, built of sun-dried bricks. There was not another building within several leagues of the place. Toward197.27 sunset about twenty hay wagons197.27 arrived and camped around the house and all the teamsters came in to supper—a very, very rough set. There were one or two Overland stage-drivers197.29 there, also, and half a dozen vagabonds and stragglers; consequently the house was well crowded.
We walked out, after supper, and visited a small Indian camp in the vicinity. The Indians were in a great hurry about something, and were packing up and getting away as fast as they could. In their broken English they said, “By’m-by197.35, heap water!” and by the help of signs made us understand that in their opinion a flood was coming. The weather was perfectly clear, and this was not the rainy season.
[begin page 198]
At seven in the evening we went to bed in the second story—with our clothes on, as usual, and all three in the same bed, for every available space on the floors, chairs, etc., was in request, and even then there was barely room for the housing of the inn’s guests. An hour later we were awakened by a great turmoil, and springing out of bed we picked our way nimbly among the ranks of snoring teamsters on the floor and got to the front windows of the long room. A glance revealed a strange spectacle, under the moonlight. The crooked Carson was full to the brim, and its waters were raging and foaming in the wildest way—sweeping around the sharp bends at a furious speed, and bearing on their surface a chaos of logs, brush and all sorts of rubbish. A depression, where its bed had once been, in other times, was already filling, and in one or two places the water was beginning to wash over the main bank. Men were flying hither and thither, bringing cattle and wagons close up to the house, for the spot of high ground on which it stood extended only some thirty feet in front and about a hundred in the rear. Close to the old river bed just spoken of, stood a little log stable, and in this our horses were lodged. While we looked, the
[begin page 199]
[begin page 200]
At eleven o’clock only the roof of the little log stable was out of water, and our inn was on an island in mid-ocean. As far as the eye could reach, in the moonlight, there was no desert visible, but only a level waste of shining water. The Indians were true prophets, but how did they get their information? I am not able to answer the question.
We remained cooped up eight days and nights with that curious crew. Swearing, drinking and card playing were the order of the day, and occasionally a fight was thrown in for variety. Dirt and vermin—but let us forget those features; their profusion is simply inconceivablean—it is better that they remain so.
There were two men—however, this chapter is long enough.
[begin page 201]
CHAPTER 31
There were two men in the company who caused me particular discomfort. One
was a little Swede, about twenty-five years old, who knew only one song, and he was
forever singing it. By day we were all crowded into
one small, stifling bar-room201.4, and so there was no escaping this person’s music. Through all the profanity,
[begin page 202]
“I reckon the Pennsylvania ’lection—”
Arkansas raised his finger impressively and Johnson stopped. Arkansas rose unsteadily and confronted him. Said he:
“Wha-what do you know a-about Pennsylvania? Answer me that. Wha-what do you know ’bout Pennsylvania?”
“I was only goin’ to say—”
“You was only goin’ to say. You was! You was only goin’ to say—what was you goin’ to say? That’s it! That’s what I want to know. I want to know wha-what you (’ic) what you know about Pennsylvania, since you’re makin’ yourself so d—d free. Answer me that!”
“Mr. Arkansas, if you’d only let me—”
“Who’s a henderin’ you? Don’t you insinuate nothing agin me!—don’t you do it. Don’t you come in here bullyin’ around, and cussin’ and goin’ on like a lunatic—don’t you do it. ’Coz I won’t stand it. If fight’s what you want, out with it! I’m your man! Out with it!”
Said Johnson, backing into a corner, Arkansas following, menacingly:
“Why, I never said nothing, Mr. Arkansas. You don’t give a man no chance. I was only goin’ to say that Pennsylvania was goin’ to have an election next week—that was all—that was everything I was goin’ to say—I wish I may never stir if it wasn’t.”
“Well then why d’n’t you say it? What did you come swellin’ around that way for, and tryin’ to raise trouble?”
“Why I didn’t come swellin’ around, Mr. Arkansas—I just—”
“I’m a liar am I! Ger-reat Cæsar’s ghost—”
“Oh, please, Mr. Arkansas, I never meant such a thing as that, I wish I may die if I did. All the boys will tell you that I’ve always spoke well of you, and respected you more’n any man in the house. Ask Smith. Ain’t it so, Smith? Didn’t I say, no longer ago than last night, that for a man that was a gentleman all the time and every way you took him, give me Arkansas? I’ll leave it to any gentleman here if them warn’t the very words I used. Come, now, Mr. Arkansas, le’s take a drink—le’s shake hands and take a drink. Come
[begin page 203]
They embraced, with drunken affection on the landlord’s part and unresponsive toleration on the part of Arkansas, who, bribed by a drink, was disappointed of his prey once more. But the foolish landlord was so happy to have escaped butchery, that he went on talking when he ought to have marched himself out of danger. The consequence was that Arkansas shortly began to glower upon him dangerously, and presently said:
“Lan’lord, will you p-please make that remark over agin if you please?”
“I was a sayin’203.16 to Scotty that my father was up’ards of eighty year old when he died.”
“Was that all that you said?”
“Yes, that was all.”
“Didn’t say nothing but that?”
“No—nothing.”
Then an uncomfortable silence.
Arkansas played with his glass a moment, lolling on his elbows on the counter. Then he meditatively scratched his left shin with his right boot, while the awkward silence continued. But presently he loafed away toward the stove, looking dissatisfied; roughly shouldered two or three men out of a comfortable position; occupied it himself, gave a sleeping dog a kick that sent him howling under a bench, then spread his long legs and his blanket-coat tails apart and proceeded to warm his back. In a little while he fell to grumbling to himself, and soon he slouched back to the bar and said:
“Lan’lord, what’s your idea for rakin’ up old personalities and blowin’ about your father? Ain’t this company agreeable to you? Ain’t it? If this company ain’t agreeable to you, p’r’aps we’d better leave. Is that your idea? Is that what you’re coming at?”
“Why bless your soul, Arkansas, I warn’t thinking of such a thing. My father and my mother—”
[begin page 204]
“Arkansas, I reely didn’t mean no harm, and I won’t go on with it if it’s onpleasant to you. I reckon my licker’s got into my head, and what with the flood, and havin’ so many to feed and look out for—”
“So that’s what’s a ranklin’204.10 in your heart, is it? You want us to leave do you? There’s too many on us. You want us to pack up and swim. Is that it? Come!”
“Please be reasonable, Arkansas. Now you know that I ain’t the man to—”
“Are you a threatenin’ me? Are you? By George, the man don’t live that can skeer me! Don’t you try to come that game, my chicken—’cuz I can stand a good deal, but I won’t stand that. Come out from behind that bar till I clean you! You want to drive us out, do you, you sneakin’ underhanded204.19 hound! Come out from behind that bar! I’ll learn you to bully and badger and browbeat a gentleman that’s forever trying to befriend you and keep you out of trouble!”
“Please, Arkansas, please don’t shoot! If there’s got to be bloodshed—”
“Do you hear that, gentlemen? Do you hear him talk about bloodshed? So it’s blood you want, is it, you ravin’ desperado! You’d made up your mind to murder somebody this mornin’—I knowed it perfectly well. I’m the man, am I? It’s me you’re goin’ to murder, is it? But you can’t do it ’thout I get one chance first, you thievin’ black-hearted, white-livered son of a nigger! Draw your weepon!”
With that, Arkansas began to shoot, and the landlord to clamber over benches, men and every sort of obstacle in a frantic desire to escape. In the midst of the wild hubbub the landlord crashed through a glass door, and as Arkansas charged after him the landlord’s wife suddenly appeared in the doorway204.36 and confronted the desperado with a pair of scissors! Her fury was magnificent. With head erect and flashing eye she stood a moment and then advanced,
[begin page 205]
The lesson was entirely sufficient. The reign of terror was over, and the Arkansas domination broken for good. During the rest of the season of island captivity, there was one man who sat apart in a state of permanent humiliation, never mixing in any quarrel or uttering a boast, and never resenting the insults the once cringing crew now constantly leveled at him, and that man was “Arkansas.”
By the fifth or sixth morning the waters had subsided from the land, but the stream in the old river bed was still high and swift and
[begin page 206]
[begin page 207]
The next morning it was still snowing furiously when we got away with our new stock of saddles and accoutrements. We mounted and started. The snow lay so deep on the ground that there was no sign of a road perceptible, and the snow-fall was so thick that we could not see more than a hundred yards ahead, else we could have guided our course by the mountain ranges. The case looked dubious, but Ollendorff said his instinct was as sensitive as any compass, and that he could “strike a bee-line” for Carson City207.20 and never diverge from it. He said that if he were to straggle a single point out of the true line his instinct would assail him like an out-raged conscience. Consequently we dropped into his wake happy and content. For half an hour we poked along warily enough, but at the end of that time we came upon a fresh trail, and Ollendorff shouted proudly:
“I knew I was as dead certain as a compass, boys! Here we are, right in somebody’s tracks that will hunt the way for us without any trouble. Let’s hurry up and join company with the party.”
So we put the horses into as much of a trot as the deep snow would allow, and before long it was evident that we were gaining on our predecessors, for the tracks grew more distinct. We hurried along, and at the end of an hour the tracks looked still newer and fresher—but what surprised us was, that the number of travelers in advance of us seemed to steadily increase. We wondered how so large a party came to be traveling at such a time and in such a solitude. Somebody suggested that it must be a company of soldiers from the fort, and so we accepted that solution and jogged along a
[begin page 208]
“Boys, these are our own tracks, and we’ve actually been circussing round and round in a circle for more than two hours, out here in this blind desert! By George this is perfectly hydraulic!”
Then the old man waxed wroth and abusive. He called Ollendorff all manner of hard names—said he never saw such a lurid fool as he was, and ended with the peculiarly venomous opinion that he “did not know as much as a logarithm208.12!”
We certainly had been following our own tracks. Ollendorff and his “mental compass” were in disgrace from that moment. After all our hard travel, here we were on the bank of the stream again, with the inn beyond dimly outlined through the driving snow-fall. While we were considering what to do, the young Swede landed
[begin page 209]
Presently the Overland stage forded the now fast receding stream and started toward Carson on its first trip since the flood came. We hesitated no longer, now, but took up our march in its wake, and trotted merrily along, for we had good confidence in the driver’s bump of locality. But our horses were no match for the fresh stage team. We were soon left out of sight; but it was no matter, for we had the deep ruts the wheels made for a guide. By this time it was three in the afternoon, and consequently it was not very long before night came—and not with a lingering twilight, but with a sudden shutting down like a cellar door, as is its habit in that country. The snow-fall209.23 was still as thick as ever, and of course we could not see fifteen steps before us; but all about us the white glare of the snow-bed enabled us to discern the smooth sugar-loaf mounds made by the covered sage-bushes, and just in front of us the two faint grooves which we knew were the steadily filling and slowly disappearing wheel-tracks.
Now those sage-bushes were all about the same height—three or four feet; they stood just about seven feet apart, all over the vast desert; each of them was a mere snow-mound, now; in any direction that you proceeded (the same as in a well laid out orchard) you would find yourself moving down a distinctly defined avenue, with a row of these snow-mounds on209.34 either side of it—an avenue the customary width of a road, nice and level in its breadth, and rising at the sides in the most natural way, by reason of the mounds. But we had not thought of this. Then imagine the chilly thrill that shot through us when it finally occurred to us, far in the
[begin page 210]
[begin page 211]
CHAPTER 32
We seemed to be in a road, but that was no proof. We tested this by walking off in various directions—the regular snow-mounds and the regular avenues between them convinced each man that he had found the true road, and that the others had found only false ones. Plainly the situation was desperate. We were cold and stiff and the horses were tired. We decided to build a sage-brush fire and camp out till morning. This was wise, because if we were wandering from the right road and the snow-storm continued another day our case would be the next thing to hopeless if we kept on.
All agreed that a camp-fire211.10 was what would come nearest to saving us, now, and so we set about building it. We could find no matches, and so we tried to make shift with the pistols. Not a man in the party had ever tried to do such a thing before, but not a man in the party doubted that it could be done, and without any trouble—because every man in the party had read about it in books many a time and had naturally come to believe it, with trusting simplicity, just as he had long ago accepted and believed that other common book-fraud about Indians and lost hunters making a fire by rubbing two dry sticks together.
We huddled together on our knees in the deep snow, and the horses put their noses together and bowed their patient heads over us; and while the feathery flakes eddied down and turned us into a group of white statuary, we proceeded with the momentous experiment. We broke twigs from a sage-bush211.24 and piled them on a little cleared place in the shelter of our bodies. In the course of ten or fifteen minutes all was ready, and then, while conversation ceased and our pulses beat low with anxious suspense, Ollendorff applied his revolver, pulled the trigger and blew the pile clear out of the county! It was the flattest failure that ever was.
[begin page 212]
We were miserable enough, before; we felt still more forlorn, now. Patiently, but with blighted hope, we broke more sticks and piled them, and once more the Prussian shot them into annihilation. Plainly, to light a fire with a pistol was an art requiring practice and experience, and the middle of a desert at midnight in a snow-storm was not a good place or time for the acquiring of the
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[begin page 214]
Nobody said a word for several minutes. It was a solemn sort of silence; even the wind put on a stealthy, sinister quiet, and made no more noise than the falling flakes of snow. Finally a sad-voiced conversation began, and it was soon apparent that in each of our hearts lay the conviction that this was our last night with the living. I had so hoped that I was the only one who felt so. When the others calmly acknowledged their conviction, it sounded like the summons itself. Ollendorff said:
“Brothers, let us die together. And let us go without one hard feeling towards each other. Let us forget and forgive bygones. I know that you have felt hard towards me for turning over the canoe, and for knowing too much and leading you round and round in the snow—but I meant well; forgive me. I acknowledge freely that I have had hard feelings against Mr. Ballou for abusing me and calling me a logarithm214.26, which is a thing I do not know what, but no doubt a thing considered disgraceful and unbecoming in America, and it has scarcely been out of my mind and has hurt me a great deal—but let it go; I forgive Mr. Ballou with all my heart, and—”
Poor Ollendorff broke down and the tears came. He was not alone, for I was crying too, and so was Mr. Ballou. Ollendorff got his voice again and forgave me for things I had done and said. Then he got out his bottle of whisky and said that whether he lived or died he would never touch another drop. He said he had given up all hope of life, and although ill-prepared, was ready to submit humbly to his fate; that he wished he could be spared a little longer, not
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Mr. Ballou made remarks of similar purport, and began the reform he could not live to continue, by throwing away the ancient pack of cards that had solaced our captivity during the flood and made it bearable. He said he never gambled, but still was satisfied that the meddling with cards in any way was immoral and injurious, and no man could be wholly pure and blemishless without eschewing them. “And therefore,” continued he, “in doing this act I already feel more in sympathy with that spiritual saturnalia necessary to entire and obsolete reform.” These rolling syllables touched him as no intelligible eloquence could have done, and the old man sobbed with a mournfulness not unmingled with satisfaction.
My own remarks were of the same tenor as those of my comrades, and I know that the feelings that prompted them were heartfelt and sincere. We were all sincere, and all deeply moved and earnest,
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It came stealing over us presently, and then we bade each other a last farewell. A delicious dreaminess wrought its web about my yielding senses, while the snow-flakes wove a winding sheet about my conquered body. Oblivion came. The battle of life was done.
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CHAPTER 33
I do not know how long I was in a state of forgetfulness, but it seemed an age. A vague consciousness grew upon me by degrees, and then came a gathering anguish of pain in my limbs and through all my body. I shuddered. The thought flitted through my brain, “this is death—this is the hereafter.”
Then came a white upheaval at my side, and a voice said, with bitterness:
“Will some gentleman be so good as to kick me behind?”
It was Ballou—at least it was a towzled snow image in a sitting posture, with Ballou’s voice.
I rose up, and there in the gray dawn, not fifteen steps from us, were the frame buildings of a stage stationan, and under a shed stood our still saddled and bridled horses!
An arched snow-drift broke up, now, and Ollendorff emerged from it, and the three of us sat and stared at the houses without speaking a word. We really had nothing to say. We were like the profane man who could not “do the subject justice,” the whole situation was so painfully ridiculous and humiliating that words were tame and we did not know where to commence anyhow.
The joy in our hearts at our deliverance was poisoned; well-nigh dissipated, indeed. We presently began to grow pettish by degrees, and sullen; and then, angry at each other, angry at ourselves, angry at everything in general, we moodily dusted the snow from our clothing and in unsociable single file plowed our way to the horses, unsaddled them, and sought shelter in the station.
I have scarcely exaggerated a detail of this curious and absurd adventure. It occurred almost exactly as I have stated it. We actually went into camp in a snow-drift in a desert, at midnight in a storm, forlorn and hopeless, within fifteen steps of a comfortable inn.
For two hours we sat apart in the station and ruminated in disgust.
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After breakfast we felt better, and the zest of life soon came back. The world looked bright again, and existence was as dear to us as ever. Presently an uneasiness came over me—grew upon me—assailed me without ceasing. Alas, my regeneration was not complete—I wanted to smoke! I resisted with all my strength, but the flesh was weak. I wandered away alone and wrestled with myself an hour. I recalled my promises of reform and preached to myself persuasively, upbraidingly, exhaustively. But it was all vain, I shortly found myself sneaking among the snow-drifts hunting for my pipe. I discovered it after a considerable search, and crept away to hide myself and enjoy it. I remained behind the barn a good while, asking myself how I would feel if my braver, stronger, truer comrades should catch me in my degradation. At last I lit the pipe, and no human being can feel meaner and baser than I did then. I was ashamed of being in my own pitiful company. Still dreading discovery, I felt that perhaps the further side of the barn would be somewhat safer, and so I turned the corner. As I turned the one corner, smoking, Ollendorff turned the other with his bottle to his lips, and between us sat unconscious Ballou deep in a game of “solitaire” with the old greasy cards!
Absurdity could go no farther. We shook hands and agreed to say no more about “reform” and “examples to the rising generation.”
The station we were at was at the verge of the Twenty-six-Mile Desert. If we had approached it half an hour earlier the night before, we must have heard men shouting there and firing pistols; for they were expecting some sheep drovers and their flocks and knew that they would infallibly get lost and wander out of reach of help unless guided by sounds. While we remained at the station, three of the drovers arrived, nearly exhausted with their wanderings, but two others of their party were never heard of afterward.
We reached Carson in due time, and took a rest. This rest, together with preparations for the journey to Esmeralda, kept us
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[begin page 221]
CHAPTER 34
The221.1 mountains are very high and steep about Carson, Eagle and Washoe Valleys—very high and very steep, and so when the snow gets to melting off fast in the spring221.3 and the warm surface-earth begins to moisten and soften, the disastrous land-slides commence. The reader cannot221.5 know what a land-slide is, unless he has221.5 lived in that country and seen the whole side of a mountain taken off some fine morning and deposited down in the valley, leaving a vast, treeless, unsightly scar upon the mountain’s front to keep the circumstance fresh in his221.9 memory all the years that he221.9 may go on living within seventy miles of that place.
Gen.221.11 Buncombe was shipped out to Nevada in the invoice of Territorial officers, to be U. S.221.12 Attorney. He considered himself a lawyer of parts, and he very much wanted an opportunity to manifest it—partly for the pure gratification of it and partly because his salary was Territorially meagrean (which is a strong expression.) Now the older citizens of a new territory look down221.16 upon the rest of the world with a calm, benevolent compassion221.17, as long as it keeps out of the way—when it gets in the way they snub it. Sometimes this latter takes the shape of a practical joke.
One morning Dick Hyde221.20 rode furiously up to Gen.221.20 Buncombe’s door in Carson City and rushed into his presence without stopping to tie his horse. He seemed much excited. He told the General that he wanted him to conduct221.23 a suit for him and would pay him five hundred dollars if he achieved a victory. And then, with violent gestures and a world of profanity, he poured out his griefs. He said it was pretty well known that for some years he had been farming (or ranching as the more customary term is,) in Washoe District, and making a successful thing of it, and furthermore it was known that his ranch was situated just in the edge of the valleyan, and that
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“And when I reminded him,” said Hyde222.23, weeping, “that it was on top of my ranch and that he was trespassing, he had the infernal meanness to ask me why didn’t I stay on my ranch and hold possession when I see him a coming222.27! Why didn’t I stay on it, the blathering lunatic—by222.28 George, when I heard that racket and looked up that hill it was just like the whole world was a ripping and a tearing down that mountain side—splinters, and cord-wood, thunder and lightning, hail and snow, odds and ends of hay stacks, and awful clouds of dust!—trees going end over end in the air, rocks as big as a house jumping ’bout a thousand feet high and busting into ten million pieces, cattle turned inside out and a coming222.35 head on with their tails hanging out between their teeth!—222.30–36 and in the midst of all that wrack and destruction sot that cussed Morgan on his gate-post, a wondering222.37 why I didn’t stay
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“But what grinds me is that that Morgan hangs on there and won’t move off’n that ranch—says it’s his’n and he’s going to keep it—likes it better’n he did when it was higher up the hill. Mad! Well, I’ve been so mad for two days I couldn’t find my way to town—been wandering around in the brush in a starving condition—got223.7–8anything223.8 here to drink, General? But I’m here now, and I’m a going223.9 to law. You hear me!”
Never in all the world, perhaps, were a man’s feelings so outraged as were the General’s. He said he had never heard of such high-handed conduct in all his life as this Morgan’s. And he said there was no use in going to law—Morgan had no shadow of right to remain where he was—nobody in the wide world would uphold him in it, and no lawyer would take his case and no judge listen to it. Hyde223.16 said that right there was where he was mistaken—everybody223.16–17 in town sustained Morgan; Hal Brayton, a very smart lawyeran, had taken his case; the courts being in vacation, it was to be tried before a refereean, and ex-Governor Roopan had already been appointed to that office and would open his court in a large public hall near the hotel at two223.20–21 that afternoon.
The General223.22 was amazed. He said he had suspected before that the people of that Territory were fools, and now he knew it. But he said rest easy, rest easy and collect the witnesses223.24, for the victory was just as certain as if the conflict were already over. Hyde223.25 wiped away his tears and left.
At two223.27 in the afternoon referee Roop’s court223.27 opened, and Roop223.27 appeared throned among his sheriffs, the223.28 witnesses, and spectators223.28–29, and wearing upon his face a solemnity223.29 so awe-inspiring that some of his fellow-conspirators had misgivings that maybe he had not comprehended, after all, that this was merely a joke. An unearthly stillness prevailed, for at the slightest noise the judge uttered sternly the command:
“Order in the court223.34!”
And the sheriffs promptly echoed it. Presently the General elbowed his way through the crowd of spectators, with his arms full of law-books, and on his ears fell an order from the judge which
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“Way for the United States Attorney!”
The witnesses were called—legislators, high government officers, ranchmen224.6, miners, Indians, Chinamen, negroes. Three-fourths of them were called by the defendant Morgan, but no matter, their testimony invariably went in favor of the plaintiff Hyde224.8. Each new witness only added new testimony to the absurdity of a man’s claiming to own another man’s property because his farm had slid down on top of it. Then the Morgan lawyers made their speeches, and seemed to make singularly weak ones—they did really nothing to help the Morgan cause. And now the General, with exultation in224.14 his face, got up and made an impassioned224.14 effort; he pounded the table, he banged the law-books224.15, he shouted, and roared, and howled, he quoted from everything224.16 and everybody224.16, poetry, sarcasm, statistics, history, pathos, bathos,224.17 blasphemy, and
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When the General sat down, he did it with the conviction225.4 that if there was anything225.5 in good strong testimony, a great225.5 speech and believing and admiring countenances all around, Mr. Morgan’s case was killed225.7. Ex-Governor Roop leant his head upon his hand for some minutes, thinking225.8, and the still audience waited225.8 for his decision. Then he got up and stood erect, with bended head, and thought again. Then he walked the floor with long, deliberate strides, his225.11 chin in his hand, and still the audience waited. At last he returned to his throne, seated himself, and began, impressively:225.12–13
“Gentlemen, I feel the great responsibility that rests upon me this day. This is no ordinary case. On the contrary it is plain that it is the most solemn and awful that ever man was called upon to decide. Gentlemen, I have listened attentively to the evidence, and have perceived that225.18 the weight of it, the overwhelming225.18 weight of it,225.19 is in favor of the plaintiff Hyde225.19. I have listened also to the remarks of counsel, with high interest—and especially will I commend the masterly and irrefutable logic of the distinguished gentleman who represents the plaintiff. But gentlemen, let us beware how we allow mere225.23 human testimony, human ingenuity in argument and human ideas of equity to influence us225.24 at a moment so solemn as this.225.25 Gentlemen, it ill becomes us, worms as we are, to meddle with the decrees of Heaven. It is plain to me that Heaven, in its inscrutable wisdom, has seen fit to move this defendant’s ranch for a purpose. We are but creatures, and we must submit. If Heaven has chosen to favor the defendant Morgan in this marked and wonderful manner; and if Heaven, dissatisfied225.30 with the position of the Morgan ranch upon the mountain side, has chosen to remove it to a position more eligible and more advantageous for its owner, it ill becomes us, insects as we are, to question the legality of the act or inquire into the reasons that prompted it225.34. No—Heaven created the ranches and it is Heaven’s prerogative to reärrange them, to experiment with them, to shift them around at its pleasure. It is for us to submit, without repining. I warn you that
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Buncombe seized his cargo of law-books226.6 and plunged out of the court room frantic with indignation226.7. He pronounced Roop to be a miraculous fool226.8, an inspired idiot. In all good faith he returned at night and remonstrated with Roop upon his extravagant decision, and implored him to walk the floor226.10 and think for half an hour, and see if he could not figure out some sort of modification of the verdict. Roop yielded at last and got up to walk. He walked two hours and a half, and at last his face lit up happily and he told Buncombe it had occurred to him that the ranch underneath the new Morgan ranch still belonged to Hyde226.15, that his title to the ground226.15 was just as good as it had ever been, and therefore he was of opinion that Hyde226.17 had a right to dig it out from under there and—
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CHAPTER 35
When we finally left for Esmeralda, horseback, we had an addition to the companyan in the person of Capt. John Nye, the Governor’s brother. He had a good memory, and a tongue hung in the middlean. This is a combination which gives immortality to conversation. Capt. John never suffered the talk to flag or falter once during the hundred and twenty miles of the journey. In addition to his conversational powers, he had one or two other endowments of a marked character. One was a singular “handiness” about doing anything and everything, from laying out a railroad or organizing a political party, down to sewing on buttons, shoeing a horse, or setting a broken leg, or a hen. Another was a spirit of accommodation that prompted him to take the needs, difficulties and perplexities of anybody and everybody upon his own shoulders at any and all times, and dispose of them with admirable facility and alacrity—hence he always managed to find vacant beds in crowded inns, and plenty to eat in the emptiest larders. And finally, wherever he met a man, woman or child, in camp, inn or desert, he either knew such parties personally or had been acquainted with a relative of the same. Such another traveling comrade was never seen before. I cannot forbear giving a specimen of the way in which he overcame difficulties. On the second day out, we arrived, very tired and hungry, at a poor little inn in the desert, and were told that the house was full, no provisions on hand, and neither hay nor barley to spare for the horses—we must move on. The rest of us wanted to hurry on while it was yet light, but Capt. John insisted on stopping awhile. We dismounted and entered. There was no welcome for us on any face. Capt. John began his blandishments, and within twenty minutes he had accomplished the following things, viz.: found old acquaintances in three teamsters; discovered that he used to go to school with the landlord’s mother; recognized his
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Esmeralda was in many respects another Humboldt, but in a little more forward state. The claims we had been paying assessments on were entirely worthless, and we threw them away. The principal one cropped out of the top of a knoll that was fourteen feet high, and the inspired Board of Directors were running a tunnel under that knoll to strike the ledge. The tunnel would have to be seventy feet long, and would then strike the ledge at the same depth that a shaft twelve feet deep would have reached! The Board were living on the “assessments.” [N. B.—This hint comes too late for the enlightenment of New York silver miners; they have already learned all about this neat trick by experience.] The Board had no desire to strike the ledge, knowing that it was as barren of silver as a curb-stonean229.26. This reminiscence calls to mind Jim Townsend’s
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“So you have taken a contract to run a tunnel into this hill two hundred and fifty feet to strike this ledge?”
“Yes, sir.”
“Well, do you know that you have got one of the most expensive and arduous undertakings before you that was ever conceived by man?”
“Why no—how is that?”
“Because this hill is only twenty-five feet through from side to side; and so you have got to build two hundred and twenty-five feet of your tunnel on trestle-workan!”
The ways of silver mining Boards are exceedingly dark and sinuous.
We took up various claims, and commenced shafts and tunnels on them, but never finished any of them. We had to do a certain amount of work on each to “hold” it, else other parties could seize
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At last, when flour reached a dollar a pound, and money could not be borrowed on the best security at less than eight per cent a month (I being without the security, too), I abandoned mining and went to milling. That is to say, I went to work as a common laborer in a quartz mill, at ten dollars a week and boardan.
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CHAPTER 36
I had already learned how hard and long and dismal a task it is to burrow
down into the bowels of the earth and get out the coveted ore; and now I learned that
the burrowing was only half the work; and that to
get the silver out of the ore was the dreary and laborious other half of it. We had
to turn out at six in the morning and keep at it
till dark. This mill was a six-stamp affairan, driven
by steam. Six tall, upright rods of iron, as large as a man’s ankle, and heavily shod
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At the end of the week the machinery was stopped and we “cleaned up.” That is to say, we got the pulp out of the pans and batteries, and washed the mud patiently away till nothing was left but the long accumulating mass of quicksilver, with its imprisoned treasures. This we made into heavy, compact snow-balls, and piled them up in a bright, luxurious heap for inspection. Making these snow-balls cost me a fine gold ring—that and ignorance together; for the quicksilver invaded the ring with the same facility with which water saturates a sponge—separated its particles and the ring crumbled to pieces.
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By such a tedious and laborious process were silver bricks obtained. This mill was but one of many others in operation at the time. The first one in Nevada was built at Egan Cañon235.14 and was a small insignificant affairan and compared most unfavorably with some of the immense establishments afterward235.16 located at Virginia City and elsewhere.
From our bricks a little corner was chipped off for the “fire-
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The sagacious reader will know now, without being told, that the speculative miner, in getting a “fire-assay” made of a piece of rock from his mine (to help him sell the same), was not in the habit of picking out the least valuable fragment of rock on his dump-pile, but quite the contrary. I have seen men hunt over a pile of nearly worthless quartz for an hour, and at last find a little piece as large as a filbert, which was rich in gold and silver—and this was reserved for a fire-assay! Of course the fire-assay would demonstrate that a ton of such rock would yield hundreds of dollars—and on such assays many an utterly worthless mine was sold.
Assaying was a good business, and so some men engaged in it, occasionally, who were not strictly scientific and capable. One assayer got such rich results out of all specimens brought to him that in time he acquired almost a monopoly of the business. But like all men who achieve success, he became an object of envy and suspicion.
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Due publication of the whole matter was made in the paper, and the popular assayer left town “between two days.”an
I will remark, in passing, that I only remained in the milling business one week. I told my employer I could not stay longer without an advance in my wages; that I liked quartz milling, indeed was infatuated with it; that I had never before grown so tenderly attached to an occupation in so short a time; that nothing, it seemed to me, gave such scope to intellectual activity as feeding a battery and screening tailings, and nothing so stimulated the moral attributes as retorting bullion and washing blankets—still, I felt constrained to ask an increase of salary.
He said he was paying me ten dollars a week, and thought it a good round sum. How much did I want?
I said about four hundred thousand dollars a month, and board, was about all I could reasonably ask, considering the hard times.
I was ordered off the premisesan! And yet, when I look back to those days and call to mind the exceeding hardness of the labor I performed in that mill, I only regret that I did not ask him seven hundred thousand.
Shortly after this I began to grow crazy, along with the rest of the population, about the mysterious and wonderful “cement mine,” and to make preparations to take advantage of any opportunity that might offer to go and help hunt for it.
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CHAPTER 37
It238.1 was somewhere in the neighborhood of Mono Lake that the marvelous238.2 Whiteman cement mine was supposed to liean. Every now and then it would be reported that238.3 Mr. W. had passed stealthily through Esmeralda at dead of night, in disguise,238.4 and then we would have a wild excitement—because he must be steering for his secret mine, and now was the time to follow him. In less than three hours after daylight all the horses and mules and donkeys in the vicinity would be bought, hired or stolen, and half the community would be off for the mountains, following in the wake of Whiteman. But W. would drift about through the mountain gorges for days together, in a purposeless sort of way, until the provisions of the miners ran out, and they would have to go back home. I have known it reported at eleven at night, in a large mining camp, that Whiteman238.14 had just passed through, and in two hours, the streets, so quiet before, would be swarming with men and animals. Every individual would be trying to be very secret, but yet venturing to whisper to just one neighbor that W. had passed through. And long before daylight238.18—this in the dead of winter238.18—the stampede would be complete,238.19 the camp deserted, and the whole population gone chasing after W.an238.20
The238.21 tradition was that in the early immigration, more than238.21 twenty years ago, three young Germans, brothers, who had survived an Indian massacre on the Plains, wandered on foot through the deserts, avoiding all trails and roads, and simply holding a westerly direction and hoping to find California before they starved or died of fatigue. And in a gorge in the mountains they sat down to rest one day, when one of them noticed a curious vein of cement running along the ground, shot full of lumps of dull238.28 yellow metal. They saw that it was gold, and that here was a fortune to be
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A new partner of ours, a Mr. Higbiean, knew Whiteman well by sight, and a friend of ours, a Mr. Van Dorn, was well acquainted with him, and not only that, but had Whiteman’s promise that he should have a private hint in time to enable him to join the next cement expeditionan. Van Dorn had promised to extend the hint to us. One evening Higbie came in greatly excited, and said he felt certain he had recognized Whiteman, up town, disguised and in a pretended state of intoxication. In a little while Van Dorn arrived and confirmed the news; and so we gathered in our cabin and with heads close together arranged our plans in impressive whispers.
We were to leave town quietly, after midnight, in two or three small parties, so as not to attract attention, and meet at dawn on the “divide” overlooking Mono Lakean, eight or nine miles distant. We were to make no noise after starting, and not speak above a whisper under any circumstances. It was believed that for once Whiteman’s presence was unknown in the town and his expedition unsuspected. Our conclave broke up at nine o’clock, and we set about our preparations diligently and with profound secrecy. At eleven o’clock we saddled our horses, hitched them with their long riatas (or lassos), and then brought out a side of bacon, a sack of beans, a small sack of coffee, some sugar, a hundred pounds of flour in sacks, some tin cups and a coffee-pot240.27, frying pan and some few other necessary articles. All these things were “packed” on the back of a led horse—and whoever has not been taught, by a Spanish adept, to pack an animal, let him never hope to do the thing by natural smartness. That is impossible. Higbie had had some experience, but was not perfect. He put on the pack saddle (a thing like a saw-buck), piled the property on it and then wound a rope all over and about it and under it, “every which way,” taking a hitch in it every now and then, and occasionally surging back on it till the horse’s sides sunk in and he gasped for breath—but every time the lashings grew tight in one place they loosened in another. We
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“Hello!”
I was thirty steps from him, and knew he could not see me, it was so very dark in the shadow of the mountain. So I lay still. Another head appeared in the light of the cabin door, and presently the two men walked toward me. They stopped within ten steps of me, and one said:
“ ’St! Listen.”
I could not have been in a more distressed state if I had been escaping justice with a price on my head. Then the miners appeared to sit down on a boulder, though I could not see them distinctly enough to be very sure what they did. One said:
“I heard a noise, as plain as I ever heard anything. It seemed to be about there—”
A stone whizzed by my head. I flattened myself out in the dust like a postage stamp, and thought to myself if he mended his aim
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“I’ll tell you what! Welch knew what he was talking about when he said he saw Whiteman to-day. I heard horses—that was the noise. I am going down to Welch’s, right away.”
They left and I was glad. I did not care whither they went, so they went. I was willing they should visit Welch, and the sooner the better.
As soon as they closed their cabin door my comrades emerged from the gloom; they had caught the horses and were waiting for a clear coast again. We remounted the cargo on the pack horse and got under way, and as day broke we reached the “divide” and joined Van Dorn. Then we journeyed down into the valley of the lake242.15, and feeling secure, we halted to cook breakfast, for we were tired and sleepy and hungry. Three hours later the rest of the population filed over the “divide” in a long procession, and drifted off out of sight around the borders of the lake242.19!
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We held a council and decided to make the best of our misfortune and enjoy a week’s holiday on the borders of the curious lake243.6. Mono, it is sometimes called, and sometimes the “Dead Sea of California.”an It is one of the strangest freaks of Nature to be found in any land, but it is hardly ever mentioned in print and very seldom visited, because it lies away off the usual routes of travel and besides is so difficult to get at that only men content to endure the roughest life will consent to take upon themselves the discomforts of such a trip. On the morning of our second day, we traveled around to a remote and particularly wild spot on the borders of the lake243.15, where a stream of fresh, ice-cold water entered it from the mountain side, and then we went regularly into campan. We hired a large boat and two shotguns243.17 from a lonely ranchman who lived some ten miles further on, and made ready for comfort and recreation. We soon got thoroughly acquainted with the lake243.19 and all its peculiarities.
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[begin page 245]
CHAPTER 38
Mono Lake245.1 lies in a lifeless, treeless, hideous desert, eight thousand245.1–2 feet above the level of the sea, and is guarded by mountains two thousand245.3 feet higher, whose summits245.3 are always clothed in245.3–4 clouds. This solemn, silent, sailless sea—this lonely tenant of the loneliest spot on earth—is little graced with the picturesque. It is an unpretending expanse of grayish245.6 water, about a hundred miles in circumference, with two islands in its centrean, mere up-heavals of rent245.8 and scorched and blistered lava, snowed over with gray245.9 banks and drifts of pumice stone and ashes, the winding sheet of the dead volcano, whose vast crater the lake has seized upon and occupied.
The lake is two hundred245.12 feet deep, and its sluggish waters are so strong with alkali that if you only dip the most hopelessly soiled garment into them once or twice, and wring it out, it will be found as clean as if it had been through the ablest of washerwomen’s245.15 hands. While we camped there our laundry work was easy. We tied the week’s washing astern of our boat, and sailed a quarter of a mile, and the job was complete, all to the wringing out. If we threw the water on our heads and gave them a rub or so, the white lather would pile up three inches highan. This water is not good for bruised places and abrasions of the skin. We had a valuable dog. He had raw places on him. He had more raw places on him than sound ones. He was the rawest dog I almost ever saw. He jumped overboard one day to get away from the flies. But it was bad judgment. In his condition, it would have been just as comfortable to jump into the fire. The alkali water nipped him in all the raw places simultaneously, and he struck out for the shore with considerable interest. He yelped and barked and howled as he went—and by the time he got to the shore there was no bark to him—for he had barked the bark all out of his inside, and the alkali water had cleaned the bark all
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[begin page 247]
A white man cannot drink the water of Mono Lake, for it is nearly pure lye. It is said that the Indians in the vicinity drink it sometimes, though. It is not improbable, for they are among the purest liars I ever saw. [There will be no additional charge for this joke, except to parties requiring an explanation of it. This joke has received high commendation from some of the ablest minds of the age.]247.12
There are no fish in Mono Lake—no frogs, no snakes, no pollywogs247.13–14—nothing, in fact, that goes to make life desirable. Millions of wild ducks and sea-gulls247.15 swim about the surface, but no living thing exists under the surface, except a white feathery sort of worm, one-half an inch long, which looks like a bit of white thread frayed out at the sides. If you dip up a gallon of water, you will get about fifteen thousand of these. They give to the water a sort of grayish-white appearance. Then there is a fly, which looks something like our house fly. These settle on the beach to eat the worms that wash ashore—and any time, you can see there a belt of flies an inch deep and six feet wide, and this belt extends clear around the lake—a belt of flies one hundred miles long. If you throw a stone among them, they swarm up so thick that they look dense, like a cloud. You can hold them under water as long as you please—they do not247.27 mind it—they are only proud of it. When you let them go, they pop up to the surface as dry as a patent office report, and walk off as unconcernedly as if they had been educated especially with a view to affording instructive entertainment to man in that particular way. Providence leaves nothing to go by chance. All things have their uses and their part and proper place in Nature’s economy: the ducks247.32–33 eat the flies—the flies eat the worms—the Indians eat all threean247.34—the wild-cats247.34 eat the Indians—the white folks eat the wild-cats247.35—and thus all things are lovely.
Mono Lake is a hundred and fifty✱247.36 mileste in a straight line from the ocean—and between it and the ocean are one or two ranges of mountains—yet thousands of sea-gulls go there every season to
[begin page 248]
Half a dozen little mountain brooks flow into Mono Lake, but not a stream of any kind flows out of it248.18. It neither rises nor falls, apparently, and what it does with its surplus water is a dark and bloody mysteryan.248.20
There are only two seasons in the region round about Mono Lake—and these are, the breaking up of one winter248.22 and the beginning of the next. More than once (in Esmeralda)248.23 I have seen a perfectly blistering morning open up with the thermometer at ninety degrees at eight o’clock, and seen the snow fall fourteen inches deep and that same identical thermometer go down to forty-four
[begin page 249]
[begin page 250]
CHAPTER 39
About seven o’clock one blistering hot morning—for it was now dead summer time—Higbie and I took the boat and started on a voyage of discovery to the two islands. We had often longed to do this, but had been deterred by the fear of storms; for they were frequent, and severe enough to capsize an ordinary row-boat like ours without great difficulty—and once capsized, death would ensue in spite of the bravest swimming, for that venomous water would eat a man’s eyes out like fire, and burn him out inside, too, if he shipped a sea. It was called twelve miles, straight out to the islandsan—a long pull and a warm one—but the morning was so quiet and sunny, and the lake so smooth and glassy and dead, that we could not resist the temptation. So we filled two large tin canteens with water (since we were not acquainted with the locality of the spring said to exist on the large island), and started. Higbie’s brawny muscles gave the boat good speed, but by the time we reached our destination we judged that we had pulled nearer fifteen miles than twelve.
We landed on the big island and went ashore. We tried the water in the canteens, now, and found that the sun had spoiled it; it was so brackish that we could not drink it; so we poured it out and began a search for the spring—for thirst augments fast as soon as it is apparent that one has no means at hand of quenching it. The island was a long, moderately high hill of ashes—nothing but gray ashes and pumice stone250.24, in which we sunk to our knees at every step—and all around the top was a forbidding wall of scorched and blasted rocks. When we reached the top and got within the wall, we found simply a shallow, far-reaching basin, carpeted with ashes, and here and there a patch of fine sand. In places, picturesque jets of steam shot up out of crevices, giving evidence that although this ancient crater had gone out of active business, there was still some fire left in its furnaces. Close to one of these jets of steam stood the
[begin page 251]
We hunted for the spring everywhere, traversing the full length of the island (two or three miles), and crossing it twice—climbing ash-hills patiently, and then sliding down the other side in a sitting posture, plowing up smothering volumes of gray dust. But we found nothing but solitude, ashes and a heart-breaking silence. Finally we noticed that the wind had risen, and we forgot our thirst in a solicitude of greater importance; for, the lake being quiet, we had not taken pains about securing the boat. We hurried back to a point overlooking our landing place, and then—but mere words cannot describe our dismay—the boat was gone! The chances were that there was not another boat on the entire lake. The situation
[begin page 252]
But it dulled my enthusiasm, presently, when he told me he had
[begin page 253]
The sea was running high and the storm increasing. It was growing late, too—three or four in the afternoon. Whether to venture toward the mainland or not, was a question of some moment. But we were so distressed by thirst that we decided to try it, and so Higbie fell to work and I took the steering-oar. When we had pulled a mile, laboriously, we were evidently in serious peril, for the storm had greatly augmented; the billows ran very high and were capped with foaming crests, the heavens were hung with black, and the wind blew with great fury. We would have gone back, now, but we did not dare to turn the boat around, because as soon as she got in the trough of the sea she would upset, of course. Our only hope lay in keeping her head on253.17 to the seas. It was hard work to do this, she plunged so, and so beat and belabored the billows with her rising and falling bows. Now and then one of Higbie’s oars would trip on the top of a wave, and the other one would snatch the boat half around in spite of my cumbersome steering apparatus. We were drenched by the sprays constantly, and the boat occasionally shipped water. By and by, powerful as my comrade was, his great exertions began to tell on him, and he was anxious that I should change places with him till he could rest a little. But I told him this was impossible; for if the steering-oar253.26 were dropped a moment while we changed, the boat would slue around into the trough of the sea, capsize, and in less than five minutes we would have a hundred gallons of soap-suds in us and be eaten up so quickly that we could not even be present at our own inquest.
But things cannot last always. Just as the darkness shut down we came booming into port, head on. Higbie dropped his oars to hurrah—I dropped mine to help—the sea gave the boat a twist, and over she went!
The agony that alkali water inflicts on bruises, chafes and blistered hands, is unspeakable, and nothing but greasing all over will modify it—but we ate, drank and slept well, that night, notwithstanding.
In speaking of the peculiarities of Mono Lake, I ought to have
[begin page 254]
At the end of a week we adjourned to the Sierras on a fishing excursion, and spent several days in camp under snowy Castle Peak, and fished successfully for trout in a bright, miniature lake whose surface was between ten and eleven thousand feetan above the level of the sea; cooling ourselves during the hot August noons by sitting on snow banks ten feet deep, under whose sheltering edges fine grass and dainty flowers flourished luxuriously; and at night entertaining ourselves by almost freezing to death. Then we returned to Mono Lake, and finding that the cement excitement was over for the present, packed up and went back to Esmeralda. Mr. Ballouan reconnoitred awhile, and not liking the prospect, set out alone for Humboldt.
About this time occurred a little incident which has always had a sort of interest to me, from the fact that it came so near “instigating” my funeral. At a time when an Indian attack had been expected, the citizens hid their gunpowder where it would be safe and yet convenient to hand when wanted. A neighbor of ours hid six cans of rifle powder in the bake-oven of an old discarded cooking stove which stood on the open ground near a frame out-house or shed, and from and after that day never thought of it again. We hired a half-tamed Indian to do some washing for us, and he took up quarters under the shed with his tub. The ancient stove reposed within six feet of him, and before his face. Finally it occurred to him that hot water would be better than cold, and he went out and fired up under that forgotten powder magazine and set on a kettle of water. Then he returned to his tub. I entered the shed presently and threw down some more clothes, and was about to speak to him when the stove blew up with a prodigious crash, and disappeared, leaving not a splinter behind. Fragments of it fell in the streets full two hundred yards away. Nearly a third of the shed roof over our
[begin page 255]
“Mph! Dam stove heap gone!”—and resumed his scrubbing as placidly as if it were an entirely customary thing for a stove to do. I will explain, that “heap” is “Injun-English” for “very much.” The reader will perceive the exhaustive expressiveness of it in the present instance.
[begin page 256]
CHAPTER 40
I now come to a curious episode—the most curious, I think, that had yet accented my slothful, valueless, heedless career. Out of a hillside toward the upper end of the town, projected a wall of reddish looking quartz-croppings, the exposed comb of a silver-bearing ledge that extended deep down into the earth, of course. It was owned by a company entitled the “Wide West.” There was a shaft sixty or seventy feet deep on the under side of the croppings, and everybody was acquainted with the rock that came from it—and tolerably rich rock it was, too, but nothing extraordinary. I will remark here, that although to the inexperienced stranger all the quartz of a particular “district” looks about alike, an old resident of the camp can take a glance at a mixed pile of rock, separate the fragments and tell you which mine each came from, as easily as a confectioner can separate and classify the various kinds and qualities of candy in a mixed heap of the article.
All at once the town was thrown into a state of extraordinary excitement. In mining parlance the Wide West had “struck it rich!” Everybody went to see the new developments, and for some days there was such a crowd of people about the Wide West shaft that a stranger would have supposed there was a mass meeting in session there. No other topic was discussed but the rich strike, and nobody thought or dreamed about anything else. Every man brought away a specimen, ground it up in a hand mortar, washed it out in his horn spoon, and glared speechless upon the marvelous result. It was not hard rock, but black, decomposed stuff which could be crumbled in the hand like a baked potato, and when spread out on a paper exhibited a thick sprinkling of gold and particles of “native” silveran. Higbie brought a handful to the cabin, and when he had washed it out his amazement was beyond description. Wide
[begin page 257]
The Wide West company put a stop to the carrying away of “specimens,” and well they might, for every handful of the ore was worth a sum of some consequence. To show the exceeding value of the ore, I will remark that a sixteen-hundred-pound257.12 parcel of it was sold, just as it lay, at the mouth of
[begin page 258]
“It is not Wide West rock!”
He said once or twice that he meant to have a look into the
Wide West shaft if he got shot for it. I was wretched, and did not care whether he
got a look into it or not. He failed that day, and
tried again at night; failed again; got up at dawn and tried, and failed again. Then
he lay in ambush in the sage-brush257.31 hour after hour, waiting for the two or three hands to adjourn to the shade of a
boulder for dinner; made a start once, but was
premature—one of the men came back for something; tried it again, but when almost
at the mouth of the shaft, another of the men
rose up from behind the boulder as if to reconnoitre, and he dropped on the ground
and lay quiet; presently he crawled on his hands and
knees to the mouth of the shaft, gave a quick glance around, then seized the rope
and slid down the shaft. He disappeared in the gloom
of a “side drift” just as a head appeared in the mouth of the shaft and somebody shouted
“Hello!”—which he did not answer. He was not disturbed any more. An hour later he
entered
“I knew it! We are rich! It’s a blind leadan!”
I thought the very earth reeled under me. Doubt—conviction—doubt again—exultation—hope, amazement, belief, unbelief—every emotion imaginable swept in wild procession through my heart and brain, and I could not speak a word. After a moment or two of this mental fury, I shook myself to rights, and said:
“Say it again!”
“It’s a blind lead!”
“Cal., let’s—let’s burn the house—or kill somebody! Let’s get out where there’s room to hurrah! But what is the use? It is a hundred times too good to be true.”
“It’s a blind lead, for a million!—hanging wall—foot wall—clay casings—everything complete!” He swung his hat and gave three cheers, and I cast doubt to the winds and chimed in with a will. For I was worth a million dollars, and did not care “whether school kept or not!”
But perhaps I ought to explain. A “blind lead” is a lead or ledge that does not “crop out” above the surface. A miner does not know where to look for such leads, but they are often stumbled upon by accident in the course of driving a tunnel or sinking a shaft. Higbie
[begin page 259]
We thought it well to have a strong friend, and therefore we brought the foreman of the Wide Westan to our cabin that night and revealed the great surprise to him. Higbie said:
[begin page 260]
What could a man say who had an opportunity to simply stretch forth his hand and take possession of a fortune without risk of any kind and without wronging any one or attaching the least taint of dishonor to his name? He could only say, “Agreed.”
The notice was put up that night, and duly spread upon the recorder’s books before ten o’clock. We claimed two hundred feet each—six hundred feet in all—the smallest and compactest organization in the district, and the easiest to manage.
No one can be so thoughtless as to suppose that we slept, that night. Higbie and I went to bed at midnight, but it was only to lie broad awake and think, dream, scheme. The floorless, tumble-down cabin was a palace, the ragged gray blankets silk, the furniture rosewood and mahogany. Each new splendor that burst out of my visions of the future whirled me bodily over in bed or jerked
[begin page 261]
“When are you going home—to the States?”
“To-morrow!”—with an evolution or two, ending with a sitting position. “Well—no—but next month, at furthest.”
“We’ll go in the same steamer.”
“Agreed.”
A pause.
“Steamer of the 10th?”
“Yes. No, the 1st.”
“All right.”
Another pause.
“Where are you going to live?” said Higbie.
“San Francisco.”
“That’s me!”
Pause.
“Too high—too much climbing”—from Higbie.
“What is?”
“I was thinking of Russian Hill—building a house up there.”
“Too much climbing? Shan’t you keep a carriage?”
“Of course. I forgot that.”
Pause.
“Cal., what kind of a house are you going to build?”
“I was thinking about that. Three-story and an attic.”
“But what kind?”
“Well, I don’t hardly know. Brick, I suppose.”
“Brick—bosh.”
“Why? What is your idea?”
“Brown stone front—French plate glass—billiard-room off the dining-room—statuary and paintings—shrubbery and two-acre grass plat—greenhouse—iron dog on the front stoop—gray horses—landau, and a coachman with a bug on his hat!”
“By George!”
A long pause.
“Cal., when are you going to Europe?”
“Well—I hadn’t thought of that. When are you?”
“In the spring261.38.”
[begin page 262]
“All summer! I shall remain there three years.”
“No—but are you in earnest?”
“Indeed I am.”
“I will go along too.”
“Why of course you will.”
“What part of Europe shall you go to?”
“All parts. France, England, Germany—Spain, Italy, Switzerland, Syria, Greece, Palestine, Arabia, Persia, Egypt—all over—everywhere.”
“I’m agreed.”
“All right.”
“Won’t it be a swell trip!”
“We’ll spend forty or fifty thousand dollars trying to make it one, anyway.”
Another long pause.
“Higbie, we owe the butcher six dollars, and he has been threatening to stop our—”
“Hang the butcher!”
“Amen.”
And so it went on. By three o’clock we found it was no use, and so we got up and played cribbage and smoked pipes till sunrise. It was my week to cook. I always hated cooking—now, I abhorred it.
The news was all over town. The former excitement was great—this one was greater still. I walked the streets serene and happy. Higbie said the foreman had been offered two hundred thousand dollars for his third of the mine. I said I would like to see myself selling for any such price. My ideas were lofty. My figure was a million. Still, I honestly believe that if I had been offered it, it would have had no other effect than to make me hold off for more.
I found abundant enjoyment in being rich. A man offered me a three-hundred-dollar horse, and wanted to take my simple, unendorsed note for it. That brought the most realizing sense I had yet had that I was actually rich, beyond shadow of doubt. It was followed by numerous other evidences of a similar nature—among which I may mention the fact of the butcher leaving us a double supply of meat and saying nothing about money.
By the laws of the district, the “locators” or claimants of a ledge
[begin page 263]
[begin page 264]
CHAPTER 41
Capt. Nye264.1 was very ill indeed, with spasmodic rheumatisman. But the old gentleman was himself—which is to say, he was kind-hearted and agreeable when comfortable, but a singularly violent wild-cat when things did not go well. He would be smiling along pleasantly enough, when a sudden spasm of his disease would take him and he would go out of his smile into a perfect fury. He would groan and wail and howl with the anguish, and fill up the odd chinks with the most elaborate profanity that strong convictions and a fine fancy could contrive. With fair opportunity he could swear very well and handle his adjectives with considerable judgment; but when the spasm was on him it was painful to listen to him, he was so awkward. However, I had seen him nurse a sick man himself and put up patiently with the inconveniencesan of the situation, and consequently I was willing that he should have full license now that his own turn had come. He could not disturb me, with all his raving and ranting, for my mind had work on hand, and it labored on diligently, night and day, whether my hands were idle or employed. I was altering and amending the plans for my house, and thinking over the propriety of having the billiard-room in the attic, instead of on the same floor with the dining-room; also, I was trying to decide between green and blue for the upholstery of the drawing-room, for, although my preference was blue I feared it was a color that would be too easily damaged by dust and sunlight; likewise while I was content to put the coachman264.24 in a modest livery, I was uncertain about a footman—I needed one, and was even resolved to have one, but wished he could properly appear and perform his functions out of livery, for I somewhat dreaded so much show; and yet, inasmuch as my late grandfather had had a coachman and such thingsan, but no liveries, I felt rather drawn to beat him;—or beat his ghost, at any rate; I was also systematizing the
[begin page 265]
When I had been nursing the Captain nine days he was somewhat better, but very feeble. During the afternoon we lifted him into a chair and gave him an alcoholic vapor bath, and then set about putting him on the bed again. We had to be exceedingly careful, for the least jar produced pain. Gardiner had his shoulders and I his legs; in an unfortunate moment I stumbled and the patient fell heavily on the bed in an agony of torture. I never heard a man swear so in my life. He raved like a maniac, and tried to snatch a revolver from the table—but I got it. He ordered me out of the house, and swore a world of oaths that he would kill mean wherever he caught me when he got on his feet again. It was simply a passing fury, and meant nothing. I knew he would forget it in an hour, and maybe be sorry for it, too; but it angered me a little, at the moment. So much so, indeed, that I determined to go back to Esmeralda. I thought he was able to get along alone, now, since he was on the war path. I took supper, and as soon as the moon rose, began my nine-mile journey, on foot. Even millionaires needed no horses, in those days, for a mere nine-mile jaunt without baggage.
As I “raised the hill” overlooking the town, it lacked fifteen minutes of twelve. I glanced at the hill over beyond the cañon265.34, and in the bright moonlight saw what appeared to be about half the population of the village massed on and around the Wide West croppings. My heart gave an exulting bound, and I said to myself, “They have made a new strike to-night—and struck it richer than
[begin page 266]
It was a little after one o’clock. As I entered the cabin door, tired but jolly, the dingy light of a tallow candle revealed Higbie, sitting by the pine table gazing stupidly at my note, which he held in his fingers, and looking pale, old, and haggard. I halted, and looked at him. He looked at me, stolidly. I said:
“Higbie, what—what is it?”
“We’re ruined—we didn’t do the work—the blind lead’s relocated!”
It was enough. I sat down sick, grieved—broken-hearted, indeed. A minute before, I was rich and brim full266.23 of vanity; I was a pauper now, and very meek. We sat still an hour, busy with thought, busy with vain and useless self-upbraidings, busy with “Why didn’t I do this, and why didn’t I do that,” but neither spoke a word. Then we dropped into mutual explanations, and the mystery was cleared away. It came out that Higbie had depended on me, as I had on himan, and as both of us had on the foreman. The folly of it! It was the first time that ever staid and steadfast Higbie had left an important matter to chance or failed to be true to his full share of a responsibility.
But he had never seen my note till this moment, and this moment was the first time he had been in the cabin since the day he had seen me last. He, also, had left a note for me, on that same fatal afternoon—had ridden up on horseback266.36, and looked through the window, and being in a hurry and not seeing me, had tossed the
[begin page 267]
Don’t fail to do the work before the ten days expire. W. has passed through and given me notice. I am to join him at Mono Lake, and we shall go on from there to-night. He says he will find it this time, sure. Cal.267.3–5
“W.” meant Whiteman, of course. That thrice accursed “cement!”
That was the way of it. An old miner, like Higbie, could no more withstand the fascination of a mysterious mining excitement like this “cement” foolishness, than he could refrain from eating when he was famishing. Higbie had been dreaming about the marvelous cement for months; and now, against his better judgment, he had gone off and “taken the chances” on my keeping secure a mine worth a million undiscovered cement veins. They had not been
[begin page 268]
[begin page 269]
It reads like a wild fancy sketch, but the evidence of many witnesses, and likewise that of the official records of Esmeralda District, is easily obtainable in proof that it is a true historyan. I can always have it to say that I was absolutely and unquestionably worth a million dollars, oncean, for ten days.
A year ago my esteemed and in every way estimable old millionaire
[begin page 270]
[begin page 271]
CHAPTER 42
What to do next?
It was a momentous question. I had gone out into the world to shift for myself, at the age of thirteen (for my father had endorsed for friendsan; and although he left us a sumptuous legacy of pride in his fine Virginian stock and its national distinction, I presently found that I could not live on that alone without occasional bread to wash it down with). I had gained a livelihood in various vocations, but had not dazzled anybody with my successes; still the list was before me, and the amplest liberty in the matter of choosing, provided I wanted to work—which I did not, after being so wealthy. I had once been a grocery clerk, for one day, but had consumed so much sugar in that time that I was relieved from further duty by the proprietor; said he wanted me outside, so that he could have my custom. I had studied law an entire week, and then given it up because it was so prosy and tiresome. I had engaged briefly in the study of blacksmithing, but wasted so much time trying to fix the bellows so that it would blow itself, that the master turned me adrift in disgrace, and told me I would come to no good. I had been a bookseller’s clerk for a while271.19, but the customers bothered me so much I could not read with any comfort, and so the proprietor gave me a furlough and forgot to put a limit to it. I had clerked in a drug store part of a summer, but my prescriptions were unlucky, and we appeared to sell more stomach pumps than soda water. So I had to go. I had made of myself a tolerable printer, under the impression that I would be another Franklin some day, but somehow had missed the connection thus far. There was no berth open in the Esmeralda Unionan, and besides I had always been such a slow compositor that I looked with envy upon the achievements of apprentices of two years’ standing; and when I took a “take,” foremen were in the habit of suggesting that it would be wanted “some time during
[begin page 272]
What to do next?
I yielded to Higbie’s appeals and consented to try the mining once more. We climbed far up on the mountain side and went to work on a little rubbishy claim of ours that had a shaft on it eight feet deep. Higbie descended into it and worked bravely with his pick till he had loosened up a deal of rock and dirt and then I went down with a long-handled shovel (the most awkward invention yet contrived by man) to throw it out. You must brace the shovel forward
[begin page 273]
I would have challenged the publisher in the “blind lead” days—I wanted to fall down and worship him, now. Twenty-Five Dollars a week—it looked like bloated luxury—a fortune—a sinful and lavish waste of money. But my transports cooled when I thought of my inexperience and consequent unfitness for the position—and straightway, on top of this, my long array of failures rose up before me. Yet if I refused this place I must presently become dependent upon somebody for my bread, a thing necessarily distasteful to a man who had never experienced such a humiliation since he was thirteen years old. Not much to be proud of, since it is so
[begin page 274]
I went up to Virginia and entered upon my new vocation. I was a rusty looking city editoran, I am free to confess—coatless, slouch hat, blue woolen shirt, pantaloons stuffed into boot-tops, whiskered half down to the waist, and the universal navy revolver slung to my belt. But I secured a more Christian costume and discarded the revolver. I had never had occasion to kill anybody, nor ever felt a desire to do so, but had worn the thing in deference to popular sentiment, and in order that I might not, by its absence, be offensively conspicuous, and a subject of remark. But the other editors, and all the printers, carried revolvers. I asked the chief editor and proprietor (Mr. Goodmanan, I will call him, since it describes him as well as any name could do) for some instructions with regard to my duties, and he told me to go all over town and ask all sorts of people all sorts of questions, make notes of the information gained, and write them out for publication. And he added:
“Never say ‘We learn’ so-and-so, or ‘It is reported,’274.31 or ‘It is rumored,’ or ‘We understand’ so-and-so, but go to headquarters274.32 and get the absolute facts, and then speak out and say ‘It is so-and-so.’ Otherwise, people will not put confidence in your news. Unassailable certainty is the thing that gives a newspaper the firmest and most valuable reputation.”
It was the whole thing in a nut-shell; and to this day when I find a reporter commencing his article with “We understand,” I gather
[begin page 275]
“Danan used to make a good thing out of the hay wagons in a dry time when there were no fires or inquests. Are there no hay wagons in from the Truckee? If there are, you might speak of the renewed activity and all that sort of thing, in the hay business, you know. It isn’t sensational or exciting, but it fills up and looks business-like275.14.”
I canvassed the city again and found one wretched old hay truck dragging in from the country. But I made affluent use of it. I multiplied it by sixteen, brought it into town from sixteen different directions, made sixteen separate items out of it, and got up such another sweat about hay as Virginia City had never seen in the world before.
This was encouraging. Two nonpareil columnsan had to be filled, and I was getting along. Presently, when things began to look dismal again, a desperado killed a man in a saloon and joy returned once more. I never was so glad over any mere trifle before in my life. I said to the murderer:
[begin page 276]
If I did not really say that to him I at least felt a sort of itching desire to do it. I wrote up the murder with a hungry attention to details, and when it was finished experienced but one regret—namely, that they had not hanged my benefactor on the spot, so that I could work him up too.
Next I discovered some emigrant wagons going into camp on the plaza and found that they had lately come through the hostile Indian country and had fared rather roughly. I made the best of the item that the circumstances permitted, and felt that if I were not confined within rigid limits by the presence of the reporters of the other papers I could add particulars that would make the article much more interesting. However, I found one wagon that was going on to California, and made some judicious inquiries of the proprietor. When I learned, through his short and surly answers to my cross-questioning, that he was certainly going on and would not be in the city next day to make trouble, I got ahead of the other papers, for I took down his list of names and added his party to the killed and wounded. Having more scope here, I put this wagon through an Indian fight that to this day has no parallel in historyan.
My two columns were filled. When I read them over in the morning I felt that I had found my legitimate occupation at last. I reasoned within myself that news, and stirring news, too, was
[begin page 277]
[begin page 278]
CHAPTER 43
However, as I grew better acquainted with the business and learned the run of the sources of information I ceased to require the aid of fancy to any large extent, and became able to fill my columns without diverging noticeably from the domain of fact.
I struck up friendships with the reporters of the other journals, and we swapped “regulars” with each other and thus economized work. “Regulars” are permanent sources of news, like courts, bullion returns, “clean-ups” at the quartz mills, and inquests. Inasmuch as everybody went armed, we had an inquest about every day, and so this department was naturally set down among the “regulars.” We had lively papers in those days. My great competitor among the reporters was Boggs of the Unionan. He was an excellent reporter. Once in three or four months he would get a little intoxicated, but as a general thing he was a wary and cautious drinker although always ready to tamper a little with the enemy. He had the advantage of me in one thing; he could get the monthly public school report and I could not, because the principal hated the Enterprisean. One snowy night when the report was due, I started out sadly wondering how I was going to get it. Presently, a few steps up the almost deserted street I stumbled on Boggs and asked him where he was going.
“After the school report.”
“I’ll go along with you.”
“No, sir. I’ll excuse you.”
“Just as you say.”
A saloon-keeper’s boy passed by with a steaming pitcher of hot punch, and Boggs snuffed the fragrance gratefully. He gazed fondly after the boy and saw him start up the Enterprise stairs. I said:
“I wish you could help me get that school business, but since you can’t, I must run up to the Union office and see if I can get
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“Hold on a minute. I don’t mind getting the report and sitting around with the boys a little, while you copy it, if you’re willing to drop down to the principal’s with me.”
“Now you talk like a rational being. Come along.”
We plowed a couple of blocks through the snow, got the report and returned to our office. It was a short document and soon copied. Meantime Boggs helped himself to the punch. I gave the manuscript back to him and we started out to get an inquest, for we heard pistol shots near by. We got the particulars with little loss of time, for it was only an inferior sort of bar-room murder, and of little interest to the public, and then we separated. Away at three o’clock in the morning, when we had gone to press and were having a relaxing concert as usual—for some of the printers were good singers and others good performers on the guitar and on that atrocity the accordeon—the proprietor of the Unionan strode in and desired to know if anybody had heard anything of Boggs or the school report. We stated the case, and all turned out to help hunt for the delinquent. We found him standing on a table in a saloon, with an old tin lantern in one hand
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Of course there was no school report in the Union, and Boggs held me accountablean, though I was innocent of any intention or desire to compass its absence from that paper and was as sorry as any one that the misfortune had occurred.
But we were perfectly friendly. The day that the school report was next due, the proprietor of the “Genesee280.12” minean furnished us a buggy and asked us to go down and write something about the property—a very common request and one always gladly acceded to when people furnished buggies, for we were as fond of pleasure excursions as other people. In due time we arrived at the “mine”—nothing but a hole in the ground ninety feet deep, and no way of getting down into it but by holding on to a rope and being lowered with a windlass. The workmen had just gone off somewhere to dinner. I was not strong enough to lower Boggs’s bulk; so I took an unlighted candle in my teeth, made a loop for my foot in the end of the rope, implored Boggs not to go to sleep or let the windlass get the start of him, and then swung out over the shaft. I reached the bottom muddy and bruised about the elbows, but safe. I lit the candle, made an examination of the rock, selected some specimens and shouted to Boggs to hoist away. No answer. Presently a head appeared in the circle of daylight away aloft, and a voice came down:
“Are you all set?”
“All set—hoist away.”
“Are you comfortable?”
“Perfectly.”
“Could you wait a little?”
“Oh certainly—no particular hurry.”
“Well—good-bye280.35.”
“Why? Where are you going?”
“After the school report!”
And he did. I staid down there an hour, and surprised the workmen
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Six months after my entry into journalism the grand “flush times” of Silverland began, and they continued with unabated splendor for three yearsan. All difficulty about filling up the “local department” ceased, and the only trouble now was how to make the lengthened columns hold the world of incidents and happenings that came to our literary net every day. Virginia had grown to be the “livest” town, for its age and population, that America had
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The great “Comstock lode” stretched its opulent length straight through the town from north to south, and every mine on it was in diligent process of development. One of these mines alone employed six hundred and seventy-five men, and in the matter of elections the adage was, “as the ‘Gould &282.29 Curry’ goes, so goes the city.” Laboring men’s wages were four and six dollars a day, and they worked in three “shifts” or gangs, and the blasting and picking and shoveling went on without ceasing, night and day.
The “city” of Virginia roosted royally midway up the steep side of Mount Davidson, seven thousand two hundred feet above the level of the sea, and in the clear Nevada atmosphere was visible from a distance of fifty miles! It claimed a population of fifteen thousand to eighteen thousandan, and all day long half of this little army swarmed the streets like bees and the other half swarmed
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The mountain side was so steep that the entire town had a slant to it like a roof. Each street was a terrace, and from each to the next street below the descent was forty or fifty feet. The fronts of the houses were level with the street they faced, but their rear first floors were propped on lofty stilts; a man could stand at a rear first floor window of a C street house and look down the chimneys of the row of houses below him facing D street. It was a laborious climb, in that thin atmosphere, to ascend from D to A street, and you were panting and out of breath when you got there; but you could
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From Virginia’s airy situation one could look over a vast, farreaching panorama of mountain ranges and deserts; and whether the day was bright or overcast, whether the sun was rising or setting, or flaming in the zenith, or whether night and the moon held sway, the spectacle was always impressive and beautiful. Over your head Mount Davidson lifted its gray dome, and before and below you a rugged cañon284.17 clove the battlemented hills, making a sombre gateway through which a soft-tinted desert was glimpsed, with the silver thread of a river winding through it, bordered with trees which many miles of distance diminished to a delicate fringe; and still further away the snowy mountains rose up and stretched their long barrier to the filmy horizon—far enough beyond a lake that burned in the desert like a fallen sun, though that, itself, lay fifty miles removed. Look from your window where you would, there was fascination in the picture. At rare intervals—but very rare—there were clouds in our skies, and then the setting sun would gild and flush and glorify this mighty expanse of scenery with a bewildering pomp of color that held the eye like a spell and moved the spirit like music.
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CHAPTER 44
My salary was increased to forty dollars a weekan. But I seldom drew it. I had plenty of other resources, and what were two broad twenty-dollar gold pieces to a man who had his pockets full of such and a cumbersome abundance of bright half dollars besides? [Paper money has never come into use on the Pacific coast.] Reporting was lucrative, and every man in the town was lavish with his money and his “feet.” The city and all the great mountain side were riddled with mining shafts. There were more mines than miners. True, not ten of these mines were yielding rock worth hauling to a mill, but everybody said, “Wait till the shaft gets down where the ledge comes in solid, and then you will see!” So nobody was discouraged. These were nearly all “wild cat” mines, and wholly worthless, but nobody believed it then. The “Ophir,” the “Gould & Curry,” the “Mexican,” and other great mines on the Comstock lead in Virginia and Gold Hill were turning out huge piles of rich rock every day, and every man believed that his little wild cat claim was as good as any on the “main lead” and would infallibly be worth a thousand dollars a foot when he “got down where it came in solid.” Poor fellow, he was blessedly blind to the fact that he never would see that day. So the thousand wild cat shafts burrowed deeper and deeper into the earth day by day, and all men were beside themselves with hope and happiness. How they labored, prophesied, exulted! Surely nothing like it was ever seen before since the world began. Every one of these wild cat mines—not mines, but holes in the ground over imaginary mines—was incorporated and had handsomely engraved “stock” and the stock was salable, too. It was bought and sold with a feverish avidity in the boards every day. You could go up on the mountain side, scratch around and find a ledge (there was no lack of
[begin page 286]
New claims were taken up daily, and it was the friendly custom to run straight to the newspaper offices, give the reporters286.16 forty or fifty “feet,” and get them to go and examine the mine and publish
[begin page 287]
There was nothing in the shape of a mining claim that was not salable. We received presents of “feet” every dayan. If we needed a hundred dollars or so, we sold some; if not, we hoarded it away, satisfied that it would ultimately be worth a thousand dollars a foot. I had a trunk about half full of “stock.” When a claim made a stir in the market and went up to a high figure, I searched through my pile to see if I had any of its stock—and generally found it.
The prices rose and fell constantly; but still a fall disturbed us little, because a thousand dollars a foot was our figure, and so we were content to let it fluctuate as much as it pleased till it reached it. My pile of stock was not all given to me by people who wished their claims “noticed.” At least half of it was given me by persons who had no thought of such a thing, and looked for nothing more than a simple verbal “thank you;” and you were not even obliged by law to furnish that. If you are coming up the street with a couple
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To show what a wild spirit possessed the mining brain of the community, I will remark that “claims” were actually “located” in excavations for cellars, where the pick had exposed what seemed to be quartz veins—and not cellars in the suburbs, either, but in the very heart of the city; and forthwith stock would be issued and thrown on the market. It was small matter who the cellar belonged to—the “ledge” belonged to the finder, and unless the U. S.289.20 government interfered (inasmuch as the government holds the primary right to mines of the noble metals in Nevada—or at least did thenan), it was considered to be his privilege to work it. Imagine a stranger staking out a mining claim among the costly shrubbery in your front yardan and calmly proceeding to lay waste the ground with pick and shovel and blasting powder! It has been often done in California. In the middle of one of the principal business streets of Virginia, a man “located” a mining claim and began a shaft on it. He gave me a hundred feet of the stock and I sold it for a fine suit of clothes because I was afraid somebody would fall down the shaft and sue for damages. I owned in another claim that was located in the middle of another street; and to show how absurd people can be, that “East India” stock (as it was called) sold briskly although there was an ancient tunnel running directly under the claim and any man could go into it and see that it did not cut a quartz ledge or anything that remotely resembled onean.
One plan of acquiring sudden wealth was to “salt” a wild cat claim and sell out while the excitement was up. The process was
[begin page 290]
simple. The schemer located a worthless ledge, sunk a shaft on it, bought a wagon load of rich “Comstock” ore, dumped a portion of it into the shaft and piled the rest by its side, above ground. Then he showed the property to a simpleton and sold it to him at a high figure. Of course the wagon load of rich ore was all that the victim ever got out of his purchase. A most remarkable case of “salting” was that of the “North Ophir.” It was claimed that this vein was a remote “extension” of the original “Ophir,” a valuable mine on the “Comstock.” For a few days everybody was talking about the rich developments in the North Ophir. It was said that it yielded perfectly pure silver in small, solid lumps. I went to the place with the owners, and found a shaft six or eight feet deep, in the bottom of which was a badly shattered vein of dull, yellowish, unpromising rock. One would as soon expect to find silver in a grindstone. We got out a pan of the rubbish and washed it in a puddle, and sure enough, among the sediment we found half a dozen black, bullet-looking pellets of unimpeachable “native” silver. Nobody had ever
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CHAPTER 45
The “flush times” held bravely on. Something over two years before, Mr. Goodman and another journeyman printer, had borrowed forty dollars and set out from San Francisco to try their fortunes in the new city of Virginia. They found the Territorial Enterprise, a poverty-stricken weekly journal, gasping for breath and likely to die. They bought it, type, fixtures, good-will and all, for a thousand dollarsan, on long time. The editorial sanctum, news-room, press-room292.7–8, publication office, bed-chamber, parlor, and kitchen were all compressed into one apartment and it was a small one, too. The editors and printers slept on the floor, a Chinaman did their cooking, and the “imposing-stone” was the general dinner tablean. But now things were changed. The paper was a great daily, printed by steaman; there were five editors and twenty-three compositorsan; the subscription price was sixteen dollars a year; the advertising rates were exorbitant, and the columns crowded. The paper was clearing from six to ten thousand dollars a month, and the “Enterprise Building” was finished and ready for occupation—a stately fire-proof292.17–18 brickan. Every day from five all the way up to eleven columns of “live” advertisements were left out or crowded into spasmodic and irregular “supplements.”
The “Gould & Curry” company were erecting a monster hundred-stamp mill at a cost that ultimately fell little short of a million dollarsan. Gould & Curry stock paid heavy dividendsan—a rare thing, and an experience confined to the dozen or fifteen claims located on the “main lead,” the “Comstock.” The Superintendent of the Gould & Curryan lived, rent-free292.26, in a fine house built and furnished by the company. He drove a fine pair of horses which were a present from the company, and his salary was twelve thousand dollars a year. The Superintendent292.29 of another of the great mines traveled in grand state, had a salary of twenty-eight thousand dollars a
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Money was wonderfully plenty. The trouble was, not how to get it,—but how to spend it, how to lavish it, get rid of it, squander it. And so it was a happy thing that just at this juncture the news came over the wires that a great U. S.293.6 Sanitary Commission had been formed and money was wanted for the relief of the wounded sailors and soldiers of the Union languishing in the eastern293.8 hospitals. Right on the heels of it came word that San Francisco had responded superbly before the telegram was half a day old. Virginia rose as one man! A Sanitary Committee was hurriedly organized, and its chairman mounted a vacant cart in C street and tried to make the clamorous multitude understand that the rest of the committee were flying hither and thither and working with all their might and main, and that if the town would only wait an hour, an office would be ready, books opened, and the Commission prepared to receive contributions. His voice was drowned and his information lost in a ceaseless roar of cheers, and demands that the money be received now—they swore they would not wait. The chairman pleaded and argued, but, deaf to all entreaty, men plowed their way through the throng and rained checks and✱293.21 gold cointe into the cart and skurried away for more. Hands clutching money, were thrust aloft out of the jam by men who hoped this eloquent appeal would cleave a road their strugglings could not open. The very Chinamen and Indians caught the excitement and dashed their half dollars into the cart without knowing or caring what it was all about. Women plunged into the crowd, trimly attired, fought their way to the cart with their coin, and emerged again, by and by, with their apparel in a state of hopeless dilapidation. It was the wildest mob Virginia had ever seen and the most determined and ungovernable; and when at last it abated its fury and dispersed, it had not a penny in its pocket. To use its own phraseology, it came there “flush” and went away “busted.”an
After that, the Commission got itself into systematic working order, and for weeks the contributions flowed into its treasury in a generous stream. Individuals and all sorts of organizations levied upon themselves a regular weekly tax for the Sanitary293.37 fund, graduated according to their means, and there was not another grand
[begin page 294]
“Sell it to the highest bidder, for the benefit of the Sanitary fund.”
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“Nowhere—sell it again.”
Now the cheers went up royally, and the multitude were fairly in the spirit of the thing. So Gridley stood there and shouted and perspired till the sun went down; and when the crowd dispersed he had sold the sack to three hundred different people, and had taken in eight thousand dollars in goldan. And still the flour sack was in his possession.
The news came to Virginia, and a telegram went back:
“Fetch along your flour sack!”
Thirty-six hours afterward Gridley arrived, and an afternoon mass meeting was held in the Opera House, and the auction began. But the sack had come sooner than it was expected; the people were not thoroughly aroused, and the sale dragged. At nightfall only five thousand dollars had been securedan, and there was a crestfallen feeling in the community. However, there was no disposition to let the matter rest here and acknowledge vanquishment at the hands of the village of Austin. Till late in the night the principal citizens were at work arranging the morrow’s campaign, and when they went to bed they had no fears for the result. At eleven the next morning a procession of open carriagesan, attended by clamorous bands of music and adorned with a moving display of flags, filed along C street and was soon in danger of blockade by a huzzaing multitude of citizens. In the first carriage sat Gridley, with the flour sack in prominent view, the latter splendid with bright paint and gilt lettering; also in the same carriage sat the mayor and the recorder. The other carriages contained the Common Council, the editors and reporters, and other people of imposing consequence. The crowd pressed to the corner of C and Taylor streets, expecting the sale to begin there, but they were disappointed, and also unspeakably surprised; for the cavalcade moved on as if Virginia had ceased to be of importance, and took its way over the “divide,” toward the small town of Gold Hill. Telegrams had gone ahead to Gold Hill, Silver City and Dayton, and those communities were at fever heat and rife for the
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“The Yellow Jacket silver mining company offers a thousand dollars, coinan!”
A tempest of applause followed. A telegram carried the news to Virginia, and fifteen minutes afterward that city’s population was massed in the streets devouring the tidings—for it was part of the programme that the bulletin boards should do a good work that day. Every few minutes a new dispatch was bulletined from Gold Hill, and still the excitement grew. Telegrams began to return to us from Virginia beseeching Gridley to bring back the flour sack; but such was not the plan of the campaign. At the end of an hour Gold Hill’s small population had paid a figure for the flour sack that awoke all the enthusiasm of Virginia when the grand total was displayedan upon the bulletin boards. Then the Gridley cavalcade moved on, a giant refreshed with new lager beer and plenty of itan—for the people brought it to the carriages without waiting to measure it—and within three hours more the expedition had carried Silver City and Dayton by storm and was on its way back covered with glory. Every move had been telegraphed and bulletined, and as the procession entered Virginia and filed down C street at half past eight in the evening the town was abroad in the thoroughfares, torches were glaring, flags flying, bands playing, cheer on cheer cleaving the air, and the city ready to surrender at discretion. The auction began, every bid was greeted with bursts of applause, and at the end of two hours and a half a population of fifteen thousand souls had paid in coin for a fifty-pound sack of flour a sum equal to forty thousand dollars in greenbacksan! It was at a rate in the neighborhood of three dollars for each man, woman and child of the population. The grand total would have been twice as large, but the streets were very narrow, and hundreds who wanted to bid could not get within a block of the stand, and could not make themselves heard. These grew tired of waiting and many of them went home
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Gridley sold the sack in Carson City298.3anand several California towns; also in San Franciscoan. Then he took it east and sold it in one or two Atlantic citiesan, I think. I am not sure of that, but I know that he finally carried it to St. Louis, where a monster Sanitary Fair was being held, and after selling it there for a large sum and helping on the enthusiasm by displaying the portly silver bricks which Nevada’s donation had produced, he had the flour baked up into small cakes and retailed them at high pricesan.
It was estimated that when the flour sack’s mission was ended it had been sold for a grand total of a hundred and fifty thousand dollars in greenbacksan! This is probably the only instance on record where common family flour brought three thousand dollars a pound in the public market.
It is due to Mr. Gridley’s memory to mention that the expenses of his Sanitary298.17 flour sack expedition of fifteen thousand miles, going and returning, were paid in large part, if not entirely, out of his own pocket. The time he gave to it was not less than three months. Mr. Gridley was a soldier in the Mexican war and a pioneer Californian. He died at Stockton, California, in December, 1870an, greatly regretted.
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CHAPTER 46
There were nabobs in those days—in the “flush times,” I mean. Every rich strike in the mines created one or two. I call to mind several of these. They were careless, easy-going fellows, as a general thing, and the community at large was as much benefited by their riches as they were themselves—possibly more, in some cases.
Two cousins299.7, teamsters, did some hauling for a man299.7, and had to take a small segregated portion of a silver mine in lieu of three hundred
dollars299.8–9 cash. They gave an outsider a third to open the mine, and they went on teaming. But
not long. Ten months afterward
One of the earliest nabobs that Nevada was delivered of wore six thousand dollars’299.16–17 worth of299.17 diamonds in his bosom, and swore he was unhappy because he could not299.19 spend his money as fast as he made it.299.21
Another Nevada nabob boasted an income that often reached sixteen thousand dollars299.23–24 a month; and he used to love to tell how he had worked in the very mine that yielded it, for five dollars299.27 a day, when he299.28 first came to the country.299.28
The silver and sage-brush State has knowledge of another of these pets of fortune—lifted from actual poverty to affluence almost
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Then there was John Smith.300.5 He was a good, honest, kind-hearted soul300.6, born and300.7 reared in the lower ranks of life, and miraculously ignorant. He drove a team, and owned a small ranch—a ranch that paid him300.8 a comfortable living, for although it yielded but little hay, what little it did yield was worth from two hundred and fifty300.9 to three hundred dollars300.10 in gold per ton in the market. Presently Smith traded a few acres of the ranch for a small undeveloped silver mine in Gold Hill. He opened the mine and built a little unpretending ten-stamp mill. Eighteen months afterward he retired from the hay business300.13–14, for his mining income had reached a most comfortable figure. Some people said it was thirty thousand dollars300.15 a month, and others said it was sixty thousand dollars300.16. Smith was very rich at any rate.300.17
And then he went to Europe and traveled. And when he300.18 came back he300.19 was never tired of telling about the fine hogs he had seen in England, and the gorgeous sheep he had seen in Spain, and the fine cattle he had noticed in the vicinity of Rome. He was full of the wonders300.22 of the old world, and advised everybody300.22 to travel. He said a man never imagined what surprising things there were in the world till he had traveled.
One day, on board ship, the passengers made up a pool of five hundred dollars300.25–26, which was to be the property of the man who should come nearest to guessing the run of the vessel for the next twenty-four hours. Next day, toward noon, the figures were all in the purser’s hands in sealed envelops300.29. Smith was serene and happy, for he had been bribing the engineer. But another party won the prize! Smith said:300.31
“Here, that won’t do! He guessed two miles wider of the mark than300.33 I did.”
The purser said, “Mr. Smith, you missed it further than any man on board. We traveled two hundred and eight miles yesterday.”
“Well,300.36 sir,” said Smith, “that’s just where I’ve got you, for I guessed two hundred and nine. If you’ll look at my figgers again you’ll find a 2 and two 0’s300.38, which stands for 200, don’t it?—and after
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The Gould & Curry301.3 claim comprised twelve hundred feet, and301.3 it all belonged originally to the301.4 two men whose names it bears. Mr. Curry owned two-thirds of it—and he said that he sold it out for twenty-five hundred dollars, in cash, and an old plug horse that ate up his market value in hay and barley in seventeen301.7 days by the watch. And he said that Gould sold out for a pair of second-hand government blankets and a bottle of whisky that killed nine301.9 men in three301.10 hours, and that301.10 an unoffending stranger that smelt the cork was disabled for life. Four years afterward the mine thus disposed of was worth in the San Francisco market seven million301.12 six hundred thousand dollars in gold coinan.
In the early days a poverty-stricken Mexican who lived in a cañon directly301.15 back of Virginia City, had a stream of water as large as a man’s wrist trickling from the hillside on his premises. The Ophir Company segregated a hundred feet301.17 of their mine and traded301.17 it to him for the stream of water. The hundred feet301.18 proved to be the richest part of the entire mine; four years after the swap, its market value (including its mill)301.20 was one million five hundred thousand dollarsan.301.20–21
An individual who owned twenty301.22 feet in the Ophir mine before its great riches were revealed to men, traded it for a horse, and a very sorry-looking301.24 brute he was,301.24 too. A year or so afterward, when Ophir stock went up to three thousand dollars301.25 a foot, this man, who had not301.26 a cent, used to say he was the most startling example of magnificence and misery the world had ever seen—because he was able to ride a sixty-thousand-dollar horsean—yet could not scrape up cash enough to buy a saddle, and was obliged to borrow one or ride bareback301.28–30. He said if fortune were to give him another sixty-thousand-dollar301.31 horse it would ruin him.an301.31
A youth of nineteen, who was a telegraph operator in Virginia on a salary of a hundred dollars a month, and who, when he could not make out German names in the list of San Francisco steamer arrivals, used to ingeniously select and supply substitutes for them out of an old Berlin city directory, made himself rich by watching the mining telegramsan that passed through his hands and buying and selling stocks accordingly, through a friend in San Francisco.
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Another telegraph operator who had been discharged by the company for divulging the secrets of the office, agreed with a moneyed man in San Francisco to furnish him the result of a great Virginia mining lawsuit within an hour after its private reception by the parties to it in San Francisco. For this he was to have a large
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“Am tired waiting. Shall sell the team and go home.”
It was the signal agreed upon. The word “waiting” left out, would have signified that the suit had gone the other way. The mock teamster’s friend picked up a deal of the mining stock, at low figures, before the news became public, and a fortune was the resultan.
For a long time after one of the great Virginia mines had been incorporated, about fifty feet of the original location were still in the hands of a man who had never signed the incorporation papers. The stock became very valuable, and every effort was made to find this man, but he had disappeared. Once it was heard that he was in New York, and one or two speculators went east but failed to find him. Once the news came that he was in the Bermudas, and straightway a speculator or two hurried east and sailed for Bermuda—but he was not there. Finally he was heard of in Mexico, and a friend of his, a barkeeper303.25 on a salary, scraped together a little money and sought him out, bought his “feet” for a hundred dollars, returned and sold the property for seventy-five thousand dollarsan303.27.
But why go on? The traditions of Silverland are filled with instances like these, and I would never get through enumerating them were I to attempt to303.30 do it. I only desired to give the reader an idea of a peculiarity of the “flush times” which I could not present so strikingly in any other way, and which some mention of was necessary to a realizing comprehension of the time and the country.
I was personally303.35 acquainted with the majority of the nabobs I have referred to303.35–36, and so, for old acquaintance sakete, I have shifted303.36 their occupations and experiences303.37 around in such a way as to keep the Pacific public from recognizing these once notorious men. No
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In Nevada there used to be current the story of an adventure of two of her nabobs, which may or may not have occurred. I give it for what it is worth:
Col. Jim had seen somewhat of the world, and knew more or less of its ways; but Col. Jack was from the back settlements of the States, had led a life of arduous toil, and had never seen a city. These two, blessed with sudden wealth, projected a visit to New York,—Col. Jack to see the sights, and Col. Jim to guard his unsophistication from misfortune. They reached San Francisco in the night, and sailed in the morning. Arrived in New York, Col. Jack said:
“I’ve heard tell of carriages all my life, and now I mean to have a ride in one; I don’t care what it costs. Come along.”
They stepped out on the sidewalk, and Col. Jim called a stylish barouche. But Col. Jack said:
“No, sir! None of your cheap-John turn-outs for me. I’m here to have a good time, and money ain’t any object. I mean to have the nobbiest rig that’s going. Now here comes the very trick. Stop that yaller one with the pictures on it—don’t you fret—I’ll stand all the expenses myself.”
So Col. Jim stopped an empty omnibus, and they got in. Said Col. Jack:
“Ain’t it gay, though? Oh, no, I reckon not! Cushions, and windows, and pictures, till you can’t rest. What would the boys say if they could see us cutting a swell like this in New York? By George, I wish they could see us.”
Then he put his head out of the window, and shouted to the driver:
“Say, Johnny, this suits me!—suits yours truly, you bet304.31 you! I want this shebang all day. I’m on it, old man! Let ’em out! Make ’em go! We’ll make it all right with you, sonny!”
The driver passed his hand through the strap-hole, and tapped for his fare—it was before the gongs came into common use. Col. Jack took the hand, and shook it cordially. He said:
“You twig me, old pard! All right between gents. Smell of that, and see how you like it!”
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“Bother the change! Ride it out. Put it in your pocket.”
Then to Col. Jim, with a sounding slap on his thigh:
“Ain’t it style, though?
The omnibus stopped, and a young lady got in. Col. Jack stared a moment, then nudged Col. Jim with his elbow:
“Don’t say a word,” he whispered. “Let her ride, if she wants to. Gracious, there’s room enough.”
The young lady got out her porte-monnaie, and handed her fare to Col. Jack.
“What’s this for?” said he.
“Give it to the driver, please.”
“Take back your money, madam. We can’t allow it. You’re welcome to ride here as long as you please, but this shebang’s chartered, and we can’t let you pay a cent.”
The girl shrunk into a corner, bewildered. An old lady with a basket climbed in, and proffered her fare.
“Excuse me,” said Col. Jack. “You’re perfectly welcome here, madam, but we can’t allow you to pay. Set right down there, mum, and don’t you be the least uneasy. Make yourself just as free as if you was in your own turn-out.”
Within two minutes, three gentlemen, two fat women, and a couple of children, entered.
“Come right along, friends,” said Col. Jack; “don’t mind us. This is a free blow-out.” Then he whispered to Col. Jim, “New York ain’t no sociable place, I don’t reckon—it ain’t no name for it!”
He resisted every effort to pass fares to the driver, and made everybody cordially welcome. The situation dawned on the
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“Oh, there’s plenty of room,” said Col. Jack. “Walk right in, and make yourselves at home. A blow-out ain’t worth anything as a blow-out, unless a body has company.” Then in a whisper to Col. Jim: “But ain’t these New Yorkers friendly? And ain’t they cool about it, too? Icebergs ain’t anywhere. I reckon they’d tackle a hearse, if it was going their way.”
More passengers got in; more yet, and still more. Both seats were filled, and a file of men were standing up, holding on to the cleats overhead. Parties with baskets and bundles were climbing up on the roof. Half-suppressed laughter rippled up from all sides.
[begin page 307]
A Chinaman crowded his way in.
“I weaken!” said Col. Jack. “Hold on, driver! Keep your seats, ladies and gents. Just make yourselves free—everything’s paid for. Driver, rustle these folks around as long as they’re a mind to go—friends of ours, you know. Take them everywheres—and if you want more money, come to the St. Nicholas, and we’ll make it all right. Pleasant journey to you, ladies and gents—go it just as long as you please—it shan’t cost you a cent!”
The two comrades got out, and Col. Jack said:
“Jimmy, it’s the sociablest place I ever saw. The Chinaman waltzed in as comfortable as anybody. If we’d staid awhile, I reckon we’d had some niggers. B’ George, we’ll have to barricade our doors to-night, or some of these ducks will be trying to sleep with us.”
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CHAPTER 47
Somebody has said that in order to know a community, one must observe the style of its funerals and know what manner of men they bury with most ceremony. I cannot say which class we buried with most eclat in our “flush times,” the distinguished public benefactor or the distinguished rough—possibly the two chief grades or grand divisions of society honored their illustrious dead about equally; and hence, no doubt the philosopher I have quoted from would have needed to see two representative funerals in Virginia before forming his estimate of the people.
There was a grand time over Buck Fanshaw when he died. He was a representative citizen. He had “killed his man”—not in his own quarrel, it is true, but in defence of a stranger unfairly beset by numbers. He had kept a sumptuous saloon. He had been the proprietor of a dashing helpmeet whom he could have discarded without the formality of a divorce. He had held a high position in the fire departmentan and been a very Warwick in politicsan. When he died there was great lamentation throughout the town, but especially in the vast bottom-stratum of society.
On the inquest it was shown that Buck Fanshaw, in the delirium of a wasting typhoid fever, had taken arsenic, shot himself through the body, cut his throat, and jumped out of a four-story window and broken his neck—and after due deliberation, the jury, sad and tearful, but with intelligence unblinded by its sorrow, brought in a verdict of death “by the visitation of God.”an What could the world do without juries?
Prodigious preparations were made for the funeral. All the vehicles in town were hired, all the saloons put in mourning, all the municipal and fire-company flags hung at half-mast, and all the firemen ordered to muster in uniform and bring their machines duly draped in black. Now—let us remark in parenthesis—as all
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After Buck Fanshaw’s inquest, a meeting of the short-haired brotherhoodan was held, for nothing can be done on the Pacific coast without a public meeting and an expression of sentiment. Regretful resolutions309.16 were passed and various committees appointed; among others, a committee of one was deputed to call on the minister, a fragile, gentle, spirituel309.18 new fledgling from an eastern theological seminary, and as yet unacquainted with the ways of the minesan. The committeeman, “Scotty” Briggs, made his visitan; and in after days it was worth something to hear the minister tell about
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“Are you the duck that runs the gospel-mill next door?”
“Am I the—pardon me, I believe I do not understand?”
With another sigh and a half-sob, Scotty rejoined:
“Why you see we are in a bit of trouble, and the boys thought maybe you would give us a lift, if we’d tackle you—that is, if I’ve got the rights of it and you are the head clerk of the doxology-works next door.”
“I am the shepherd in charge of the flock whose fold is next door.”
“The which?”
“The spiritual adviser of the little company of believers whose sanctuary adjoins these premises.”
Scotty scratched his head, reflected a moment, and then said:
[begin page 311]
“How? I beg pardon. What did I understand you to say?”
“Well, you’ve ruther got the bulge on me. Or maybe we’ve both got the bulge, somehow. You don’t smoke me and I don’t smoke you. You see, one of the boys has passed in his checks and we want to give him a good send-off, and so the thing I’m on now is to roust out somebody to jerk a little chin-music for us and waltz him through handsome.”
“My friend, I seem to grow more and more bewildered. Your observations are wholly incomprehensible to me. Cannot you simplify them in some way? At first I thought perhaps I understood you, but I grope now. Would it not expedite matters if you restricted yourself to categorical statements of fact unencumbered with obstructing accumulations of metaphor and allegory?”
Another pause, and more reflection. Then, said Scotty:
“I’ll have to pass, I judge.”
“How?”
“You’ve raised me out, pard.”
“I still fail to catch your meaning.”
“Why, that last lead of yourn is too many for me—that’s the idea. I can’t neither trump nor follow suit.”
The clergyman sank back in his chair perplexed. Scotty leaned his head on his hand and gave himself up to thought. Presently his face came up, sorrowful but confident.
“I’ve got it now, so’s you can savvy,” he said. “What we want is a gospel-sharp. See?”
“A what?”
“Gospel-sharp. Parson.”
“Oh! Why did you not say so before? I am a clergyman—a parson.”
“Now you talk! You see my blind and straddle it like a man. Put it there!”—extending a brawny paw, which closed over the minister’s small hand and gave it a shake indicative of fraternal sympathy and fervent gratification.
“Now we’re all right, pard. Let’s start fresh. Don’t you mind my snuffling a little—becuz we’re in a power of trouble. You see, one of the boys has gone up the flume—”
“Gone where?”
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“Thrown up the sponge?”
“Yes—kicked the bucket—”
“Ah—has departed to that mysterious country from whose bourne no traveler returns.”
“Return! I reckon not. Why pard, he’s dead!”
“Yes, I understand.”
“Oh, you do? Well I thought maybe you might be getting tangled some more. Yes, you see he’s dead again—”
“Again? Why, has he ever been dead before?”
“Dead before? No! Do you reckon a man has got as many lives as a cat? But you bet you he’s awful dead now, poor old boy, and I wish I’d never seen this day. I don’t want no better friend than Buck Fanshaw. I knowed him by the back; and when I know a man and like him, I freeze to him—you hear me. Take him all round, pard, there never was a bullier man in the mines. No man ever knowed Buck Fanshaw to go back on a friend. But it’s all up, you know, it’s all up. It ain’t no use. They’ve scooped him.”
“Scooped him?”
“Yes—death has. Well, well, well, we’ve got to give him up. Yes indeed. It’s a kind of a hard world, after all, ain’t it? But pard, he was a rustler! You ought to seen him get started once. He was a bully boy with a glass eye! Just spit in his face and give him room according to his strength, and it was just beautiful to see him peel and go in. He was the worst son of a thief that ever drawed breath. Pard, he was on it! He was on it bigger than an Injun!”
“On it? On what?”
“On the shoot. On the shoulder. On the fight, you understand. He didn’t give a continental for anybody. Beg your pardon, friend, for coming so near saying a cuss-word—but you see I’m on an awful strain, in this palaver, on account of having to cramp down and draw everything so mild. But we’ve got to give him up. There ain’t any getting around that, I don’t reckon. Now if we can get you to help plant him—”
“Preach the funeral discourse? Assist at the obsequies?”
“Obs’quies is good. Yes. That’s it—that’s our little game. We are going to get the thing up regardless, you know. He was always nifty himself, and so you bet you his funeral ain’t going to be no
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[begin page 314]
“That was very well indeed—at least the impulse was—whether the act was strictly defensible or not. Had deceased any religious convictions? That is to say, did he feel a dependence upon, or acknowledge allegiance to a higher power?”314.6
More reflection.
“I reckon you’ve stumped me again, pard. Could you say it over once more, and say it slow?”
“Well, to simplify it somewhat, was he, or rather had he ever been connected with any organization sequestered from secular concerns and devoted to self-sacrifice in the interests of morality?”
“All down but nine—set ’em up on the other alley, pard.”
“What did I understand you to say?”
“Why, you’re most too many for me, you know. When you get in with your left I hunt grass every time. Every time you draw, you fill; but I don’t seem to have any luck. Let’s314.17 have a new deal.”
“How? Begin again?”
“That’s it.”
“Very well. Was he a good man, and—”
“There—I see that; don’t put up another chip till I look at my hand. A good man, says you? Pard, it ain’t no name for it. He was the best man that ever—pard, you would have doted on that man. He could lam any galoot of his inches in America. It was him that put down the riot last election before it got a start; and everybody said he was the only man that could have done it. He waltzed in with a spanner in one hand and a trumpet in the other, and sent fourteen men home on a shutter in less than three minutesan. He had that riot all broke up and prevented nice before anybody ever got a chance to strike a blow. He was always for peace, and he would have peace—he could not stand disturbances. Pard, he was a great loss to this town. It would please the boys if you could chip in something like that and do him justice. Here once when the Micks got to throwing stones through the Methodis’ Sunday school windows, Buck Fanshaw, all of his own notion, shut up his saloon and took a couple of six-shooters and mounted guard over the Sunday school. Says he, ‘No Irish need apply!’ And they didn’t. He was the bulliest man in the mountains, pard! He could run
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“Never shook his mother?”
“That’s it—any of the boys will tell you so.”
“Well, but why should he shake her?”
“That’s what I say—but some people does.”
“Not people of any repute?”
“Well, some that averages pretty so-so.”
“In my opinion the man that would offer personal violence to his own mother, ought to—”
“Cheese it, pard; you’ve banked your ball clean outside the string. What I was a drivin’ at, was, that he never throwed off on his mother—don’t you see? No indeedy. He give her a house to live in, and town lots, and plenty of money; and he looked after her and took care of her all the time; and when she was down with the small-pox I’m d—d if he didn’t set up nights and nuss her himself! Beg your pardon for saying it, but it hopped out too quick for yours truly. You’ve treated me like a gentleman, pard, and I ain’t the man to hurt your feelings intentional. I think you’re315.21 white. I think
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The obsequies were all that “the boys” could desire. Such a marvel of funeral pomp had never been seen in Virginia. The plumed hearse, the dirge-breathing brass bands, the closed marts of business, the flags drooping at half-mast316.7, the long, plodding procession of uniformed secret societies, military battalions and fire companies, draped engines, carriages of officials, and citizens in vehicles and on foot, attracted multitudes of spectators to the sidewalks, roofs and windows; and for years afterward, the degree of grandeur attained by any civic display in Virginia was determined by comparison with Buck Fanshaw’s funeral.
Scotty Briggs, as a pall-bearer and a mourner, occupied a prominent place at the funeral, and when the sermon was finished and the last sentence of the prayer for the dead man’s soul ascended, he responded, in a low voice, but with feeling:
“Amen. No Irish need apply.”
As the bulk of the response was without apparent relevancy, it was probably nothing more than a humble tribute to the memory of the friend that was gone; for, as Scotty had once said, it was “his word.”
Scotty Briggs, in after days, achieved the distinction of becoming the only convert to religion that was ever gathered from the Virginia roughs; and it transpired that the man who had it in him
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CHAPTER 48
The first twenty-six graves in the Virginia cemetery were occupied by murdered menan. So everybody said, so everybody believed, and so they will always say and believe. The reason why there was so much slaughtering done, was, that in a new mining district the rough element predominates, and a person is not respected until he has “killed his man.” That was the very expression used.
If an unknown individual arrived, they did not inquire if he was capable, honest, industrious, but—had he killed his man? If he had not, he gravitated to his natural and proper position, that of a man of small consequence; if he had, the cordiality of his reception was graduated according to the number of his dead. It was tedious work struggling up to a position of influence with bloodless hands; but when a man came with the blood of half a dozen men on his soul, his worth was recognized at once and his acquaintance sought.
In Nevada, for a time, the lawyer, the editor, the banker, the chief desperado, the chief gambler, and the saloon-keeper318.16, occupied the same level in society, and it was the highest. The cheapest and easiest way to become an influential man and be looked up to by the community at large, was to stand behind a bar, wear a cluster-diamond pin, and sell whisky. I am not sure but that the saloon-keeper held a shade higher rank than any other member of society. His opinion had weight. It was his privilege to say how the elections should go. No great movement could succeed without the countenance and direction of the saloon-keepers. It was a high favor when the chief saloon-keeper consented to serve in the legislature or the board of aldermen. Youthful ambition hardly aspired so much to the honors of the law, or the army and navy as to the dignity of proprietorship in a saloon.
To be a saloon-keeper and kill a man was to be illustrious. Hence the reader will not be surprised to learn that more than one man
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The men who murdered Virginia’s original twenty-six cemetery-occupants were never punished. Why? Because Alfred the Great, when he invented trial by juryan, and knew that he had admirably framed it to secure justice in his age of the world, was not
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I remember one of those sorrowful farces, in Virginia, which we call a jury trial. A noted desperado killed Mr. B., a good citizen, in the most wanton and cold-blooded way. Of course the papers were full of it, and all men capable of reading, read about it. And of course all men not deaf and dumb and idiotic, talked about it. A jury-list was made out, and Mr. B. L.an, a prominent banker and a valued citizen, was questioned precisely as he would have been questioned in any court in America:
“Have you heard of this homicide?”
“Yes.”
“Have you held conversations upon the subject?”
“Yes.”
“Have you formed or expressed opinions about it?”
“Yes.”
“Have you read the newspaper accounts of it?”
“Yes.”
“We do not want you.”
A minister, intelligent, esteemed, and greatly respected; a merchant of high character and known probity; a mining superintendent of intelligence and unblemished reputation; a quartz mill owner of excellent standing, were all questioned in the same way, and all set aside. Each said the public talk and the newspaper reports had not so biased his mind but that sworn testimony would overthrow his previously formed opinions and enable him to render
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When the peremptory challenges were all exhausted, a jury of twelve men was empaneled321.5—a jury who swore they had neither heard, read, talked about nor expressed an opinion concerning a murder which the very cattle in the corrals, the Indians in the sage-brush and the stones in the streets were cognizant of! It was a jury composed of two desperadoes, two low beer-house politicians, three barkeepers321.10, two ranchmen who could not read, and three dull, stupid, human donkeys! It actually came out afterward, that one of these latter thought that incest and arson were the same thing.
The verdict rendered by this jury was, Not Guilty. What else could one expect?
The jury system puts a ban upon intelligence and honesty, and a premium upon ignorance, stupidity and perjury. It is a shame that we must continue to use a worthless system because it was good a thousand years ago. In this age, when a gentleman of high social standing, intelligence and probity, swears that testimony given under solemn oath will outweigh, with him, street talk and newspaper reports based upon mere hearsay, he is worth a hundred jurymen who will swear to their own ignorance and stupidity, and justice would be far safer in his hands than in theirs. Why could not the jury law be so altered as to give men of brains and honesty an equal chance with fools and miscreants? Is it right to show the present favoritism to one class of men and inflict a disability on
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My idea, when I began this chapter, was to say something about desperadoism in the “flush times” of Nevada. To attempt a portrayal of that era and that land, and leave out the blood and carnage, would be like portraying Mormondom and leaving out polygamy. The desperado stalked the streets with a swagger graded according to the number of his homicides, and a nod of recognition from him was sufficient to make a humble admirer happy for the rest of the day. The deference that was paid to a desperado of wide reputation, and who “kept his private graveyard,”an as the phrase went, was marked, and cheerfully accorded. When he moved along the sidewalk in his excessively long-tailed frock-coat, shiny stump-toed boots, and with dainty little slouch hat tipped over left eye, the
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“How ’re ye, Billy, old fel? Glad to see you. What’ll you take—the old thing?”
The “old thing” meant his customary drink, of course.
The best known names in the Territory of Nevada were those belonging to these long-tailed heroes of the revolver. Orators, governors323.13–14, capitalists and leaders of the legislature enjoyed a degree of fame, but it seemed local and meagre when contrasted with the fame of such men as Sam Brownan, Jack Williamsan, Billy Mulliganan, Farmer Peasean, Sugarfoot Mikean, Pock-Marked Jakean, El Dorado Johnnyan, Jack McNabban, Joe McGeean, Jack Harrisan, Six-fingered Petean, etc., etc. There was a long list of them. They were brave, reckless men, and traveled with their lives in their hands. To give them their due, they did their killing principally among themselves, and seldom molested peaceable citizens, for they considered it small credit to add to their trophies so cheap a bauble as the death of a man who was “not on the shoot,” as they phrased it. They killed each other on slight provocation, and hoped and expected to be killed themselves—for they held it almost shame to die otherwise than “with their boots on,”an as they expressed it.
I remember an instance of a desperado’s contempt for such small game as a private citizen’s life. I was taking a late supper in a restaurant one night, with two reporters and a little printer named—Brown, for instance—any name will do. Presently a stranger with a long-tailed coat on came in, and not noticing Brown’s hat, which was lying in a chair, sat down on it. Little Brown sprang up and became abusive in a moment. The stranger smiled, smoothed out the hat, and offered it to Brown with profuse apologies couched in caustic sarcasm, and begged Brown not to destroy him. Brown threw off his coat and challenged the man to fight—abused him, threatened him, impeached his courage, and urged and even implored
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“Very well, gentlemen, if we must fight, we must, I suppose. But don’t rush into danger and then say I gave you no warning. I am more than a match for all of you when I get started. I will give you proofs, and then if my friend here still insists, I will try to accommodate him.”
The table we were sitting at was about five feet long, and unusually cumbersome and heavy. He asked us to put our hands on the dishes and hold them in their places a moment—one of them was a large oval dish with a portly roast on it. Then he sat down, tilted up one end of the table, set two of the legs on his knees, took the end of the table between his teeth, took his hands away, and pulled down with his teeth till the table came up to a level position, dishes and all! He said he could lift a keg of nails with his teeth. He picked up a common glass tumbler and bit a semi-circle out of it. Then he opened his bosom and showed us a net-work of knife and bullet scars; showed us more on his arms and face, and said he believed he had bullets enough in his body to make a pig of lead. He was armed to the teeth. He closed with the remark that he was Mr.
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With the permission of the reader, I will group together, in the next chapter, some samples of life in our small mountain village in the old days of desperadoism. I was there at the time. The reader will observe peculiarities in our official society; and he will observe also, an instance of how, in new countries, murders breed murders.
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CHAPTER 49
An extract or two from the newspapers of the day will furnish a photograph that can need no embellishment:
Fatal Shooting Affray.—An affray occurred, last evening, in a billiard saloon on C street, between Deputy Marshal Jack Williams and Wm. Brown, which resulted in the immediate death of the latter. There had been some difficulty between the parties for several months.
An inquest was immediately held, and the following testimony adduced:
Officer Geo. Birdsall, sworn, says:—I was told Wm. Brown was drunk and was looking for Jack Williams; so soon as I heard that I started for the parties to prevent a collision; went into the billiard saloon; saw Billy Brown running around, saying if anybody had anything against him to show cause; he was talking in a boisterous manner, and officer Perry took him to the other end of the room to talk to him; Brown came back to me; remarked to me that he thought he was as good as anybody, and knew how to take care of himself; he passed by me and went to the bar; don’t know whether he drank or not; Williams was at the end of the billiard-table, next to the stairway; Brown, after going to the bar, came back and said he was as good as any man in the world; he had then walked out to the end of the first billiard-table from the bar; I moved closer to them, supposing there would be a fight; as Brown drew his pistol I caught hold of it; he had fired one shot at Williams; don’t know the effect of it; caught hold of him with one hand, and took hold of the pistol and turned it up; think he fired once after I caught hold of the pistol; I wrenched the pistol from him; walked to the end of the billiard-table and told a party that I had Brown’s pistol, and to stop shooting; I think four shots were fired in all; after walking out, Mr. Foster remarked that Brown was shot deadan.
Oh, there was no excitement about it—he merely “remarked” the small circumstance!
Four months later the following item appeared in the same paper (the Enterprise). In this item the name of one of the city officers above referred to (Deputy Marshal Jack Williams) occurs again:
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Robbery and Desperate Affray.—On Tuesday night, a German named Charles Hurtzal, engineer in a mill at Silver City, came to this place, and visited the hurdy-gurdy house on B street. The music, dancing and Teutonic maidens awakened memories of Faderland until our German friend was carried away with rapture. He evidently had money, and was spending it freely. Late in the evening Jack Williams and Andy Blessington invited him down stairs to take a cup of coffee. Williams proposed a game of cards and went up stairs to procure a deck, but not finding any returned. On the stairway he met the German, and drawing his pistol knocked him down and rifled his pockets of some seventy dollars. Hurtzal dared give no alarm, as he was told, with a pistol at his head, if he made any noise or exposed them, they would blow his brains out. So effectually was he frightened that he made no complaint, until his friends forced him. Yesterday a warrant was issued, but the culprits had disappearedan.
This efficient city officer, Jack Williams, had the common reputation of being a burglar, a highwayman and a desperado. It was said that he had several times drawn his revolver and levied money contributions on citizens at dead of night in the public streets of Virginia.
Five months after the above item appeared, Williams was assassinated while sitting at a card table one night; a gun was thrust through the crack of the door and Williams dropped from his chair riddled with balls. It was said, at the time, that Williams had been for some time aware that a party of his own sort (desperadoes) had sworn away his lifean; and it was generally believed among the people that Williams’s friends and enemies would make the assassination memorable—and useful, too—by a wholesale destruction
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It did not so happen, but still, times were not dull during the next twenty-four hours, for within that time a woman was killed by a pistol shot, a man was brained with a slung shot, and a man named Reeder was also disposed of permanently. Some matters in the Enterprise account of the killing of Reeder are worth noting—especially the accommodating complaisance of a Virginia justice of the peace. The italics in the following narrative are mine:
More Cutting and Shooting.—The devil seems to have again broken loose in our town. Pistols and guns explode and knives gleam in our streets as in early times. When there has been a long season of quiet, people are slow to wet their hands in blood; but once blood is spilled, cutting and shooting come easy. Night before last Jack Williams was assassinated, and yesterday forenoon we had more bloody work, growing out of the killing of Williams, and on the same street in which he met his death. It appears that Tom Reeder, a friend of Williams, and George Gumbert were talking, at the meat market of the latter, about the killing of Williams the previous night, when Reeder said it was a most cowardly act to shoot a man in such a way, giving him “no show.” Gumbert said that Williams had “as good a show as he gave Billy Brown,” meaning the man killed by Williams last March. Reeder said it was a d—d lie, that Williams had no show at all. At this, Gumbert drew a knife and stabbed Reeder, cutting him in two places in the back. One stroke of the knife cut into the sleeve of Reeder’s coat and passed downward in a slanting direction through his clothing, and entered his body at the small of the back; another blow struck more squarely, and made a much more dangerous wound. Gumbert gave himself up to the officers of justice, and was shortly after discharged by Justice Atwill, on his own recognizance, to appear for trial at six o’clock in the evening. In the meantime Reeder had been taken into the office of Dr. Owens, where his wounds were properly dressed. One of his wounds was considered quite dangerous, and it was thought by many that it would prove fatal. But being considerably under the influence of liquor, Reeder did not feel his wounds as he otherwise would, and he got up and went into the street. He went to the meat market and renewed his quarrel with Gumbert, threatening his life. Friends tried to
[begin page 329]
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Reeder—or at least what was left of him—survived his wounds two days! Nothing was ever done with Gumbert.
Trial by jury is the palladium of our liberties. I do not know what a palladium is, having never seen a palladium, but it is a good thing no doubt at any rate. Not less than a hundred men have been murdered in Nevada—perhaps I would be within bounds if I said three hundred—and as far as I can learn, only two persons have suffered the death penalty therean. However, four or five who had no money and no political influence have been punished by imprisonment—one languished in prison as much as eight months, I think. However, I do not desire to be extravagant—it may have been less.
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CHAPTER 50
These murder and jury statistics remind me of a certain very extraordinary trial and execution of twenty years ago; it is a scrap of history familiar to all old Californians, and worthy to be known by other peoples of the earth that love simple, straightforward justice unencumbered with nonsense. I would apologize for this digression but for the fact that the information I am about to offer is apology enough in itself. And since I digress constantly anyhow, perhaps it is as well to eschew apologies altogether and thus prevent their growing irksome.
Capt. Ned Blakelyan—that name will answer as well as any other fictitious one (for he was still with the living at last accounts, and may not desire to be famous)—sailed ships out of the harbor of San Francisco for many years. He was a stalwart, warm-hearted, eagle-eyed veteran, who had been a sailor nearly fifty years—a sailor from early boyhood. He was a rough, honest creature, full of pluck, and just as full of hard-headed simplicity, too. He hated trifling conventionalities—“business” was the word, with him. He had all a sailor’s vindictiveness against the quips and quirks of the law, and steadfastly believed that the first and last aim and object of the law and lawyers was to defeat justice.
He sailed for the Chincha Islands in command of a guano ship. He had a fine crew, but his negro mate was his pet—on him he had for years lavished his admiration and esteem. It was Capt. Ned’s first voyage to the Chinchas, but his fame had gone before him—the fame of being a man who would fight at the dropping of a hand-kerchief, when imposed upon, and would stand no nonsense. It was a fame well earned. Arrived in the islands, he found that the staple of conversation was the exploits of one Bill Noakes, a bully, the mate of a trading ship. This man had created a small reign of terror there. At nine o’clock at night, Capt. Ned, all alone, was pacing
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“Who goes there?”
“I’m Bill Noakes, the best man in the islands.”
“What do you want aboard this ship?”
“I’ve heard of Capt. Ned Blakely, and one of us is a better man than t’other332.7—I’ll know which, before I go ashore.”
“You’ve come to the right shop—I’m your man. I’ll learn you to come aboard this ship without an invite.”
He seized Noakes, backed him against the mainmast, pounded his face to a pulp, and then threw him overboard.
Noakes was not convinced. He returned the next night, got the pulp renewed, and went overboard head first, as before. He was satisfied.
A week after this, while Noakes was carousing with a sailor crowd on shore, at noonday, Capt. Ned’s colored mate came along, and Noakes tried to pick a quarrel with him. The negro evaded the trap, and tried to get away. Noakes followed him up; the negro began to run; Noakes fired on him with a revolver and killed him.
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However, Capt. Ned was not perplexing his head about such things. They concerned him not. He was boiling with rage and furious for justice. At nine o’clock at night he loaded a double-barreled gun with slugs, fished out a pair of handcuffs333.33, got a ship’s lantern, summoned his quartermaster, and went ashore. He said:
“Do you see that ship there at the dock?”
“Ay-ay, sir.”
“It’s the Venus.”
“Ay-ay, sir.”
“You—you know me.”
“Ay-ay, sir.”
“Very well, then. Take the lantern. Carry it just under your chin. I’ll walk behind you and rest this gun-barrel on your shoulder, p’inting forward—so. Keep your lantern well up, so’s I can see things ahead of you good. I’m going to march in on Noakes—and take him—and jug the other chaps. If you flinch—well, you know me.”
“Ay-ay, sir.”
In this order they filed aboard softly, arrived at Noakes’s den, the quartermaster pushed the door open, and the lantern revealed the three desperadoes sitting on the floor. Capt. Ned said:
“I’m Ned Blakely. I’ve got you under fire. Don’t you move without orders—any of you. You two kneel down in the corner; faces to the wall—now. Bill Noakes, put these handcuffs on; now come up close. Quartermaster, fasten ’em. All right. Don’t stir, sir. Quartermaster, put the key in the outside of the door. Now, men, I’m going to lock you two in; and if you try to burst through this door—well, you’ve heard of me. Bill Noakes, fall in ahead, and march. All set. Quartermaster, lock the door.”
[begin page 334]
“What! The man has not been tried.”
“Of course he hasn’t. But didn’t he kill the nigger?”
“Certainly he did; but you are not thinking of hanging him without a trial?”
“Trial! What do I want to try him for, if he killed the nigger?”
“Oh, Capt. Ned, this will never do. Think how it will sound.”
“Sound be hanged! Didn’t he kill the nigger?”
“Certainly, certainly, Capt. Ned,—nobody denies that,—but—”
“Then I’m going to hang him, that’s all. Everybody I’ve talked to talks just the same way you do. Everybody says he killed the nigger, everybody knows he killed the nigger, and yet every lubber of you wants him tried for it. I don’t understand such bloody foolishness as that. Tried! Mind you, I don’t object to trying him, if it’s got
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“Why, what do you mean? Are you going to hang him anyhow335.4—and try him afterward?”
“Didn’t I say I was going to hang him? I never saw such people as you. What’s the difference? You ask a favor, and then you ain’t satisfied when you get it. Before or after’s all one—you know how the trial will go. He killed the nigger. Say—I must be going. If your mate would like to come to the hanging, fetch him along. I like him.”
There was a stir in the camp. The captains came in a body and pleaded with Capt. Ned not to do this rash thing. They promised that they would create a court composed of captains of the best character; they would empanel a jury; they would conduct everything in a way becoming the serious nature of the business in hand, and give the case an impartial hearing and the accused a fair trial. And they said it would be murder, and punishable by the American courts if he persisted and hung the accused on his ship. They pleaded hard. Capt. Ned said:
“Gentlemen, I’m not stubborn and I’m not unreasonable. I’m always willing to do just as near right as I can. How long will it take?”
“Probably only a little while.”
“And can I take him up the shore and hang him as soon as you are done?”
“If he is proven guilty he shall be hanged without unnecessary delay.”
“If he’s proven guilty. Great Neptune, ain’t he guilty? This beats my time. Why you all know he’s guilty.”
But at last they satisfied him that they were projecting nothing underhanded. Then he said:
“Well, all right. You go on and try him and I’ll go down and overhaul his conscience and prepare him to go—like enough he needs it, and I don’t want to send him off without a show for hereafter.”
This was another obstacle. They finally convinced him that it was necessary to have the accused in court. Then they said they would send a guard to bring him.
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The court assembled with due ceremony, empaneled a jury, and presently Capt. Ned entered, leading the prisoner with one hand and carrying a Bible and a rope in the other. He seated himself by the side of his captive and told the court to “up anchor and make sail.” Then he turned a searching eye on the jury, and detected Noakes’s friends, the two bullies. He strode over and said to them confidentially:
“You’re here to interfere, you see. Now you vote right, do you hear?—or else there’ll336.11 be a double-barreled inquest here when this trial’s off, and your remainders will go home in a couple of baskets.”
The caution was not without fruit. The jury was a unit—the verdict, “Guilty.”
Capt. Ned sprung to his feet and said:
“Come along—you’re my meat now, my lad, anyway. Gentlemen you’ve done yourselves proud. I invite you all to come and see that I do it all straight. Follow me to the cañon336.19, a mile above here.”
The court informed him that a sheriff had been appointed to do the hanging, and—
Capt. Ned’s patience was at an end. His wrath was boundless. The subject of a sheriff was judiciously dropped.
When the crowd arrived at the cañon336.24, Capt. Ned climbed a tree and arranged the halter, then came down and noosed his man. He opened his Bible, and laid aside his hat. Selecting a chapter at random, he read it through, in a deep bass voice and with sincere solemnity. Then he said:
“Lad, you are about to go aloft and give an account of yourself; and the lighter a man’s manifest is, as far as sin’s concerned, the better for him. Make a clean breast, man, and carry a log with you that’ll bear inspection. You killed the nigger?”
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The captain read another chapter, pausing, from time to time, to impress the effect. Then he talked an earnest, persuasive sermon to him, and ended by repeating the question:
“Did you kill the nigger?”
No reply—other than a malignant scowl. The captain now read the first and second chapters of Genesis, with deep feeling—paused a moment, closed the book reverently, and said with a perceptible savor of satisfaction:
“There. Four chapters. There’s few that would have took the pains with you that I have.”
Then he swung up the condemned, and made the rope fast; stood by and timed him half an hour with his watch, and then delivered the body to the court. A little after, as he stood contemplating the motionless figure, a doubt came into his face; evidently he felt a twinge of conscience—a misgiving—and he said with a sigh:
“Well, p’raps I ought to burnt him, maybe. But I was trying to do for the best.”
When the history of this affair reached California (it was in the
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CHAPTER 51
Vice flourished luxuriantly during the hey-day of our “flush times.” The saloons were overburdened with custom; so were the police courts, the gambling dens, the brothels and the jails—unfailing signs of high prosperity in a mining region—in any region for that matter. Is it not so? A crowded police court docket is the surest of all signs that trade is brisk and money plenty. Still, there is one other sign; it comes last, but when it does come it establishes beyond cavil that the “flush times” are at the flood. This is the birth of the “literary” paper. The Weekly Occidental, “devoted to literature,” made its appearance in Virginiaan. All the literary people were engaged to write for it. Mr. F. was to edit it. He was a felicitous skirmisher with a pen, and a man who could say happy things in a crisp, neat way. Once, while editor of the Union,an he had disposed of a labored, incoherent, two-column attack made upon him by a cotemporary, with a single line, which, at first glance, seemed to contain a solemn and tremendous compliment—viz.: “The logic of our adversary resembles the peace of God,”—and left it to the reader’s memory and after-thought to invest the remark with another and “more different” meaning by supplying for himself and at his own leisure the rest of the Scripture—“in that it passeth understandingan.” He once said of a little, half-starved, wayside community that had no subsistence except what they could get by preying upon chance passengers who stopped over with them a day when traveling by the overland stage, that in their church339.25 service they had altered the Lord’s Prayer to read: “Give us this day our daily stranger!”
We expected great things of the Occidental. Of course it could not get along without an original novel, and so we made arrangements to hurl into the work the full strength of the companyan. Mrs. F. was an able romancist of the ineffable schoolan—I know no other name to apply to a school whose heroes are all dainty and all perfect.
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About this time there arrived in Virginia a dissolute stranger with a literary turn of mindan—rather seedy he was, but very quiet and unassuming; almost diffident, indeed. He was so gentle, and
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It read with singular smoothness, and with a “dead” earnestness that was funny enough to suffocate a body. But there was war when it came in. The other novelists were furious. The mild stranger, not yet more than half sober, stood there, under a scathing fire of vituperation, meek and bewildered, looking from one to another of his assailants, and wondering what he could have done to invoke such a storm. When a lull came at last, he said his say gently and appealingly—said he did not rightly remember what he had written, but was sure he had tried to do the best he could, and knew his object had been to make the novel not only pleasant and plausible but instructive and—
The bombardment began again. The novelists assailed his ill-chosen adjectives and demolished them with a storm of denunciation and ridicule. And so the siege went on. Every time the stranger tried to appease the enemy he only made matters worse. Finally he offered to rewrite the chapter. This arrested hostilities. The indignation gradually quieted down, peace reigned again and the sufferer retired in safety and got him to his own citadel.
But on the way thither the evil angel tempted him and he got drunk again. And again his imagination went mad. He led the heroes and heroines a wilder dance than ever; and yet all through it ran that same convincing air of honesty and earnestness that had marked his first work. He got the characters into the most extraordinary situations, put them through the most surprising performances, and made them talk the strangest talk! But the chapter cannot be described. It was symmetrically crazy; it was artistically absurd; and it had explanatory foot-notes342.31 that were fully as curious as the text. I remember one of the “situations,” and will offer it as an example of the whole. He altered the character of the brilliant lawyer, and made him a great-hearted, splendid fellow; gave him fame and riches, and set his age at thirty-three years. Then he made the blonde discover, through the help of the Rosicrucian342.36 and the melodramatic miscreant, that while the Duke loved her money ardently and wanted it, he secretly felt a sort of leaning toward
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So they set sail in a steamer for America—and the third day out, when their sea-sickness called truce and permitted them to take their first meal at the public table, behold there sat the lawyer! The
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“Stop the proceedings—I’m here! Come to my arms, my own!”
There were foot-notes to this extravagant piece of literature wherein the author endeavored to show that the whole thing was
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There was a fiercer storm than ever in the editorial sanctum now, and the stranger was peremptorily discharged, and his manuscript flung at his head. But he had already delayed things so much that there was not time for some one else to rewrite the chapter, and so the paper came out without any novel in it. It was but a feeble, struggling, stupid journal, and the absence of the novel probably shook public confidence; at any rate, before the first side of the next issue went to press, the Weekly Occidental died as peacefully as an infant.
An effort was made to resurrect it, with the proposed advantage of a telling new title, and Mr. F. said that The Phenix would be just
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I was sorry enough, for I was very proud of being connected with a literary paper—prouder than I have ever been of anything since, perhaps. I had written some rhymes for it—poetry I considered it—and it was a great grief to me that the production was on the “first side” of the issue that was not completed, and hence did not see the light. But time brings its revengesan—I can put it in here; it will answer in place of a tear dropped to the memory of the lost Occidental. The idea (not the chief idea, but the vehicle that bears it) was probably suggested by the old song called “The Raging Canal,”an but I cannot remember now. I do remember, though, that at that time I thought my doggerel was one of the ablest poems of the age:
THE AGED PILOT MAN.
On the Erie Canal, it was,
All on a summer’s day,
I sailed forth with my parents
Far away to Albany.
From out the clouds at noon that day
There came a dreadful storm,
That piled the billows high about,
And filled us with alarm.
A man came rushing from a house,
Saying, “Snub up♦ your boat I pray,
Snub up your boat, snub up, alas,
Snub up while yet you may.”
Our captain cast one glance astern,
Then forward glancèd he,
And said, “My wife and little ones
I never more shall see.”
[begin page 348]
In noble words, but few,—
“Fear not, but lean on Dollinger,
And he will fetch you through.”
The boat drove on, the frightened mules
Tore through the rain and wind,
And bravely still, in danger’s post,
The whip-boy strode behind.
“Come ’board, come ’board,” the captain cried,
“Nor tempt so wild a storm;”
But still the raging mules advanced,
And still the boy strode on.
Then said the captain to us all,
“Alas, ’tis plain to me,
The greater danger is not there,
But here upon the sea.
So let us strive, while life remains,
To save all souls on board,
And then if die at last we must,
Let . . . . I cannot speak the word!”
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Tow’ring above the crew,
“Fear not, but trust in Dollinger,
And he will fetch you through.”
“Low bridge! low bridge!” all heads went down,
The laboring bark sped on;
A mill we passed, we passed a church,
Hamlets, and fields of corn;
And all the world came out to see,
And chased along the shore
Crying, “Alas, alas, the sheeted rain,
The wind, the tempest’s roar!
Alas, the gallant ship and crew,
Can nothing help them more?”
Across the stormy scene:
The tossing wake of billows aft,
The bending forests green,
The chickens sheltered under carts
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The skurrying swine with straw in mouth,
The wild spray from our bows!
“She balances!
She wavers!
Now let her go about!
If she misses stays and broaches to,
We’re all”—[then with a shout,]
“Hurray! hurray!350.8
Avast! belay!
Take in more sail!
Lord, what a gale!
Ho, boy, haul taut on the hind mule’s tail!”
Ho, hostler, heave the lead!
And count ye all, both great and small,
As numbered with the dead!
For mariner for forty year,
On Erie, boy and man,
I never yet saw such a storm,
Or one ’t with it began!”
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And anvils three we threw,
Likewise four bales of gunny sacks351.3,
Two hundred pounds of glue,
Two sacks of corn, four ditto wheat,
A box of books, a cow,
A violin, Lord Byron’s works,
A rip-saw and a sow.
“Labbord!—stabbord!—s-t-e-a-d-y!—so!—
Hard-a-port, Dol!—hellum-a-lee!
Haw the head mule!—the aft one gee!
Luff!—bring her to the wind!”
“A quarter-three!—’tis shoaling fast!
Three feet large!—t-h-r-e-e feet!—
Three feet scant!” I cried in fright
“Oh, is there no retreat?”
Said Dollinger, the pilot man,
As on the vessel flew,
“Fear not, but trust in Dollinger,
And he will fetch you through.”
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The boldest cheek turned pale;
For plain to all, this shoaling said
A leak had burst the ditch’s bed!
And, straight as bolt from crossbow sped,
Our ship swept on, with shoaling lead,
Before the fearful gale!
“Sever the tow-line! Cripple the mules!”
Too late! . . . . . There comes a shock!
Another length, and the fated craft
Would have swum in the saving lock!
Then gathered together the shipwrecked crew
And took one last embrace,
While sorrowful tears from despairing eyes
Ran down each hopeless face;
And some did think of their little ones
Whom they never more might see,
And others of waiting wives at home,
And mothers that grieved would be.
On that poor sinking frame,
[begin page 353]
And I worshipped as they came:
Said Dollinger the pilot man,—
(O brave heart, strong and true!)—
“Fear not, but trust in Dollinger,
For he will fetch you through.”
Lo! scarce the words have passed his lips
The dauntless prophet say’th,
When every soul about him seeth
A wonder crown his faith!te✱350.15–353.10
For straight a farmer brought a plank,—
(Mysteriously inspired)—
And laying it unto the ship,
In silent awe retired.
Then every sufferer stood amazed
That pilot man before;
A moment stood. Then wondering turned,
And speechless walked ashore.
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CHAPTER 52
Since I desire, in this chapter, to say an instructive word or two about the silver mines, the reader may take this fair warning and skip, if he chooses. The year 1863 was perhaps the very top blossom and culmination of the “flush times.”an Virginia swarmed with men and vehicles to that degree that the place looked like a very hive—that is when one’s vision could pierce through the thick fog of alkali dust that was generally blowing in summer. I will say, concerning this dust, that if you drove ten miles through it, you and your horses would be coated with it a sixteenth of an inch thick and present an outside appearance that was a uniform pale yellow color, and your buggy would have three inches of dust in it, thrown there by the wheels. The delicate scales used by the assayers were enclosed354.13 in glass cases intended to be air-tight, and yet some of this dust was so impalpable and so invisibly fine that it would get in, somehow, and impair the accuracy of those scales.
Speculation ran riot, and yet there was a world of substantial business going on, too. All freights were brought over the mountains from California (a hundred and fifty354.18 miles) by pack-train partly, and partly in huge wagons drawn by such long mule teams that each team amounted to a procession, and it did seem, sometimes, that the grand combined procession of animals stretched unbroken from Virginia to Californiaan. Its long route was traceable clear across the deserts of the Territory by the writhing serpent of dust it lifted up. By these wagons, freights over that hundred and fifty miles were two hundred dollars354.25 a ton for small lots (same price for all express matter brought by stage), and a hundred dollars354.26 a ton for full loads. One Virginia firm received one hundred tons of freight a month, and paid ten thousand dollars354.28 a month freightage. In the winter the freights were much higher. All the bullion was
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[begin page 356]
All along under the centre of Virginia and Gold Hill, for a couple of miles, ran the great Comstock silver lode—a vein of ore from fifty to eighty feet thick between its solid walls of rock—a vein as wide as some of New York’s streets. I will remind the reader that in Pennsylvania a coal vein only eight feet wide is considered ample.
Virginia was a busy city of streets and houses above ground. Under it was another busy city, down in the bowels of the earthan, where a great population of men thronged in and out among an intricate maze of tunnels and drifts, flitting hither and thither under a winking sparkle of lights, and over their heads towered a vast web of interlocking timbersan that held the walls of the gutted Comstock apart. These timbers were as large as a man’s body, and the framework stretched upward so far that no eye could pierce to its top through the closing gloom. It was like peering up through the clean-picked ribs and bones of some colossal skeleton.
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I spoke of the underground Virginia as a city. The Gould &357.13 Curry is only one single mine under there, among a great many others; yet the Gould &357.15 Curry’s streets of dismal drifts and tunnels were five miles in extent, altogether, and its population five hundred miners. Taken as a whole, the underground city had some thirty miles of streets and a population of five or six thousand. In this present day some of those populations are at work from twelve to sixteen hundred feet under Virginia and Gold Hill, and the signalbells that tell them what the superintendent above ground desires them to do are struck by telegraph as we strike a fire alarm. Sometimes men fall down a shaft, there, a thousand feet deep. In such cases, the usual plan is to hold an inquest.
If you wish to visit one of those mines, you may walk through a tunnel about half a mile long if you prefer it, or you may take the quicker plan of shooting like a dart down a shaft, on a small platform. It is like tumbling down through an empty steeple, feet first. When you reach the bottom, you take a candle and tramp through drifts and tunnels where throngs of men are digging and blasting; you watch them send up tubs full of great lumps of stone—silver ore; you select choice specimens from the mass, as souvenirs; you admire the world of skeleton timbering; you reflect frequently that you are buried under a mountain, a thousand feet below daylight357.34–35; being in the bottom of the mine you climb from “gallery” to “gallery,” up endless ladders that stand straight up and down; when your legs fail you at last, you lie down in a small box-car in a
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Of course these mines cave in, in places, occasionally, and then it is worth one’s while to take the risk of descending into them and observing the crushing power exerted by the pressing weight of a settling mountain. I published such an experience in the Enterprise, once, and from it I will take an extract:
An Hour in the Caved Mines.—We journeyed down into the Ophir mine, yesterday, to see the earthquake. We could not go down the deep incline, because it still has a propensity to cave in places. Therefore we traveled through the long tunnel which enters the hill above the Ophir office, and then by means of a series of long ladders, climbed away down from the first to the fourth gallery. Traversing a drift, we came to the Spanish line, passed five sets of timbers still uninjured, and found the earthquake358.39–359.1.
[begin page 359]
At the turn-table, near the northern extremity of the fifth gallery, two big piles of rubbish had forced their way through from the fifth gallery, and from the looks of the timbers, more was about to come. These beams are solid—eighteen inches square; first, a great beam is laid on the floor, then upright ones, five feet high, stand on it, supporting another horizontal beam, and so on, square above square, like the framework of a window. The superincumbent weight was sufficient to mash the ends of those great upright359.24 beams fairly into the solid wood of the horizontal ones three inches, compressing and bending the upright beam till it curved like a bow. Before the Spanish caved in, some of their twelve-inch horizontal timbers were compressed in this way until they were only five inches thick! Imagine the power it must take to squeeze a solid log together in that way. Here, also, was a range of timbers, for a distance of twenty feet, tilted six inches out of the perpendicular by the weight resting upon them from the caved galleries above. You could hear things cracking and giving way, and it was not pleasant to know that the world overhead was slowly and silently sinking down upon you. The men down in the mine do not mind it, however.
Returning along the fifth gallery, we struck the safe part of the Ophir incline, and went down it to the sixth; but we found ten inches of water there, and had to come back. In repairing the damage done to the incline, the pump had to be stopped for two hours, and in the meantime the water gained about a foot. However, the pump was at work again, and the flood-water359.39–40 was decreasing. We climbed up to the fifth gallery again and sought a deep shaft, whereby we might descend to another part of the sixth, out of reach of the water, but suffered disappointment, as the men had gone to dinner, and there was no one to man the windlass. So, having seen the earthquake359.44, we climbed out at the Union incline and tunnelan, and adjourned,
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During the great flush year of 1863, Nevada [claims to have] produced $25,000,000te in bullion—almost, if not quite, a round million to each thousand inhabitants, which is very well, considering that she was without agriculture and manufactures.♦♦ Silver mining was her sole productive industry.
[begin page 361]
CHAPTER 53
Every now and then, in these days, the boys used to tell me I ought to get one Jim Blaine to tell me the stirring story of his grandfather’s old raman—but they always added that I must not mention the matter unless Jim was drunk at the time—just comfortably and sociably drunk. They kept this up until my curiosity was on the rack to hear the story. I got to haunting Blaine; but it was of no use, the boys always found fault with his condition; he was often moderately but never satisfactorily drunk. I never watched a man’s condition with such absorbing interest, such anxious solicitude; I never so pined to see a man uncompromisingly drunk before. At last, one evening I hurried to his cabin, for I learned that this time his situation was such that even the most fastidious could find no fault with it—he was tranquilly, serenely, symmetrically drunk—not a hiccup to mar his voice, not a cloud upon his brain thick enough to obscure his memory. As I entered, he was sitting upon an empty powder-keg, with a clay pipe in one hand and the other raised to command silence. His face was round, red, and very serious; his throat was bare and his hair tumbled; in general appearance and costume he was a stalwart miner of the period. On the pine table stood a candle, and its dim light revealed “the boys” sitting here and there on bunks, candle-boxes, powder-kegs, etc. They said:
“Sh—! Don’t speak—he’s going to commence.”
the story of the old ram.
I found a seat at once, and Blaine said:
“I don’t reckon them times will ever come again. There never was a more bullier old ram than what he was. Grandfather361.27
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[begin page 363]
[begin page 364]
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Jim Blaine had been growing gradually drowsy and drowsier—his head nodded, once, twice, three times—dropped peacefully upon his breast, and he fell tranquilly asleep. The tears were running down the boys’ cheeks—they were suffocating with suppressed laughter—and had been from the start, though I had never noticed it. I perceived that I was “sold.” I learned then that Jim Blaine’s peculiarity was that whenever he reached a certain stage of intoxication, no human power could keep him from setting out, with impressive unction, to tell about a wonderful adventure which he had once had with his grandfather’s old ram—and the mention of the ram in the first sentence was as far as any man had ever heard him get, concerning it. He always maundered off, interminably,
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[begin page 369]
CHAPTER 54
Of course there was a large Chinese populationan in Virginia—it is the case with every town and city on the Pacific coast. They are a harmless race when white men either let them alone or treat them no worse than dogs; in fact they are almost entirely harmless anyhow, for they seldom think of resenting the vilest insults or the cruelest injuries. They are quiet, peaceable, tractable, free from drunkenness, and they are as industrious as the day is long. A disorderly Chinaman is rare, and a lazy one does not exist. So long as a Chinaman has strength to use his hands he needs no support from anybody; white men often complain of want of work, but a Chinaman offers no such complaint; he always manages to find something to do. He is a great convenience to everybody—even to the worst class of white men, for he bears the most of their sins, suffering fines for their petty thefts, imprisonment for their robberies, and death for their murders. Any white man can swear a Chinaman’s life away in the courts, but no Chinaman can testify against a white manan. Ours is the “land of the free”—nobody denies that—nobody challenges it. [Maybe it is because we won’t let other people testify.] As I write, news comes that in broad daylight in San Francisco, some boys have stoned an inoffensive Chinaman to death, and that although a large crowd witnessed the shameful deed, no one interferedan.
There are seventy thousand (and possibly one hundred thousand) Chinamen on the Pacific coast. There were about a thousand in Virginia. They were penned into a “Chinese quarter”—a thing which they do not particularly object to, as they are fond of herding together. Their buildings were of wood; usually only one story high, and set thickly together along streets scarcely wide enough for a wagon to pass through. Their quarter was a little removed from the rest of the town. The chief employment of Chinamen in
[begin page 370]
All Chinamen can read, write and cipher with easy facility—pity but all our petted voters could. In California they rent little patches of ground and do a deal of gardening. They will raise surprising crops of vegetables on a sand pile. They waste nothing. What is rubbish to a Christian, a Chinaman carefully preserves and makes useful in one way or another. He gathers up all the old oyster and sardine cans that white people throw away, and procures marketable tin and solder from them by melting. He gathers up old bones and turns them into manure. In California he gets a living out of old mining claims that white men have abandoned as exhausted and worthless—and then the officers come down on him once a month with an exorbitant swindle to which the legislature has given the broad, general name of “foreign” mining tax, but it is usually inflicted on no foreigners but Chinamenan. This swindle has in some cases been repeated once or twice on the same victim in the course of the same month—but the public treasury was not additionally enriched by it, probably.
Chinamen hold their dead in great reverence—they worship their departed ancestors, in fact. Hence, in China, a man’s front
[begin page 371]
A Chinaman hardly believes he could enjoy the hereafter except his body lay in his beloved China; also, he desires to receive, himself, after death, that worship with which he has honored his dead that preceded him. Therefore, if he visits a foreign country, he makes arrangements to have his bones returned to China in case he dies; if he hires to go to a foreign country on a labor contract,
[begin page 372]
What the Chinese quarter of Virginia was like—or, indeed, what the Chinese quarter of any Pacific coast town was and is like—may be gathered from this item which I printed in the Enterprise while reporting for that paper:
Chinatown.—Accompanied by a fellow reporter, we made a trip through our Chinese quarter the other night. The Chinese have built their portion of the city to suit themselves; and as they keep neither carriages nor wagons, their streets are not wide enough, as a general thing, to admit of the passage of vehicles. At ten o’clock at night the Chinaman may be seen in all his glory. In every little cooped-up, dingy cavern of a hut, faint with the odor of burning Josh-lightsan and with nothing to see the gloom by save the sickly, guttering tallow candle, were two or three yellow, long-
[begin page 373]
Mr. Ah Sing keeps a general grocery and provision store at No. 13 Wang street. He lavished his hospitality upon our party in the friendliest way. He had various kinds of colored and colorless wines and brandies, with unpronounceable373.18–19 names, imported from China in little crockery jugs, and which he offered to us in dainty little miniature wash-basins of porcelain. He offered us a mess of birds’-nests; also, small, neat sausages, of which we could have swallowed several yards if we had chosen to try, but we suspected that each link contained the corpse of a mouse, and therefore refrained. Mr. Sing had in his store a thousand articles of merchandise, curious to behold, impossible to imagine the uses of, and beyond our ability to describe.
His ducks, however, and his eggs, we could understand; the former were split open and flattened out like codfish, and came from China in that shape, and the latter were plastered over with some kind of paste which kept them fresh and palatable through the long voyage.
We found Mr. Hong Wo, No. 37 Chow-chow street, making up a lottery scheme—in fact we found a dozen others occupied in the same way in various parts of the quarter, for about every third Chinaman runs a lottery, and the balance of the tribe “buck” at it. “Tom,” who speaks faultless English, and used to be chief and only cook to the Territorial Enterprise, when the establishment kept bachelor’s hall two years agoan, said that “Sometime Chinaman buy ticket one dollar hap, ketch um two tree hundred, sometime no ketch um anyting; lottery like one man fight um seventy—may-be he whip, may-be he get whip heself, welly good.” However, the percentage being sixty-nine against him, the chances are, as a general thing, that “he get whip heself.” We could not see that these lotteries differed in any respect from our own, save that the figures being Chinese, no ignorant white man might ever hope to succeed in telling “t’other from which;” the manner of drawing is similar to ours.
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We ate chow-chow with chop-sticks in the celestial restaurants; our comrade chided the moon-eyed damsels in front of the houses for their want of feminine reserve; we received protecting Josh-lights from our hosts and “dickered” for a pagan God or two. Finally, we were impressed with the genius of a Chinese book-keeper; he figured up his accounts on a machine like a gridiron374.13 with buttons strung on its bars; the different rows represented units, tens, hundreds and thousands. He fingered them with incredible rapidity—in fact, he pushed them from place to place as fast as a musical professor’s fingers travel over the keys of a piano.tean
They are a kindly disposed, well-meaning race, and are respected and well treated by the upper classes, all over the Pacific coast. No
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[begin page 376]
CHAPTER 55
I began to get tired of staying in one place so long. There was no longer satisfying variety in going down to Carson to report the proceedings of the legislature once a year, and horse-races and pumpkin-shows once in three months; (they had got to raising pumpkins and potatoes in Washoe Valley, and of course one of the first achievements of the legislature was to institute a ten-thousand-dollar Agricultural Fairan to show off forty dollars’ worth of those pumpkins in—however, the Territorial376.8 legislature was usually spoken of as the “asylum”). I wanted to see San Francisco. I wanted to go somewhere. I wanted—I did not know what I wanted. I had the “spring fever” and wanted a change, principally, no doubt. Besides, a convention had framed a State Constitution; nine men out of every ten wanted an office; I believed that these gentlemen would “treat” the moneyless and the irresponsible among the population into adopting the Constitution376.15 and thus well-nigh376.16 killing the country (it could not well carry such a load as a State government, since it had nothing to tax that could stand a tax, for undeveloped mines could notan, and there were not fifty developed ones in the land, there was but little realty to tax, and it did seem as if nobody was ever going to think of the simple salvation of inflicting a money penalty on murder). I believed that a State government would destroy the “flush times,” and I wanted to get away. I believed that the mining stocks I had on hand would soon be worth a hundred thousand dollars376.24, and thought if they reached that before the Constitution was adopted, I would sell out and make myself secure from the crash the change of government was going to bring. I considered a hundred thousand dollars376.27 sufficient to go home with decently, though it was but a small amount compared to what I had been expecting to return with. I felt rather
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I wanted a change. I wanted variety of some kind. It came. Mr. Goodman went away for a week and left me the post of chief editoran. It destroyed me. The first day, I wrote my “leader” in the forenoon. The second day, I had no subject and put it off till the afternoon. The third day I put it off till evening, and then copied an elaborate editorial out of the “American Cyclopedia,”an that steadfast friend of the editor, all over this land. The fourth day I “fooled around” till
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Nobody, except he has tried it, knows what it is to be an editor. It is easy to scribble local rubbish, with the facts all before you; it is easy to clip selections from other papers; it is easy to string out a correspondence from any locality; but it is unspeakable hardship to write editorials. Subjects are the trouble—the dreary lack of them, I mean. Every day, it is drag, drag, drag—think, and worry and suffer—all the world is a dull blank, and yet the editorial columns must be filled. Only give the editor a subject, and his work is done—it is no trouble to write it up; but fancy how you would feel if you had to pump your brains dry every day in the week, fifty-two weeks in the year. It makes one low spirited simply to think of it. The matter that each editor of a daily paper in America writes in the course of a year would fill from four to eight bulky volumes like this book! Fancy what a library an editor’s work would make, after twenty or thirty years’ service. Yet people often marvel that Dickens, Scott, Bulwer, Dumas, etc., have been able to produce so many books. If these authors had wrought as voluminously as newspaper editors do, the result would be something to marvel at, indeed. How editors can continue this tremendous labor, this exhausting consumption of brain fibre (for their work is creative, and not a mere mechanical laying-up of facts, like reporting), day after day and year after year, is incomprehensible. Preachers take two months’ holiday in midsummer, for they find that to produce two sermons a week is wearing, in the long run. In truth it must be so, and is so; and therefore, how an editor can take from ten to twenty texts and build upon them from ten to twenty painstaking editorials a week and keep it up all the year round, is farther beyond comprehension than ever. Ever since I survived my week as editor, I have found at least one pleasure in any newspaper that comes to
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Mr. Goodman’s return relieved me of employment, unless I chose to become a reporter again. I could not do that; I could not serve in the ranks after being General of the army. So I thought I would depart and go abroad into the world somewhere. Just at this juncture, Dan, my associate in the reportorial department, told me, casually, that two citizens had been trying to persuade him to go with them to New York and aid in selling a rich silver mine which they had discovered and secured in a new mining districtan in our neighborhood. He said they offered to pay his expenses and give him one-third379.12 of the proceeds of the sale. He had refused to go. It was the very opportunity I wanted. I abused him for keeping so quiet about it, and not mentioning it sooner. He said it had not occurred to him that I would like to go, and so he had recommended them to apply to Marshall, the reporter of the other paper. I asked Dan if it was a good, honest mine, and no swindle. He said the men had shown him nine tons of the rock, which they had got out to take to New York, and he could cheerfully say that he had seen but little rock in Nevada that was richer; and moreover, he said that they had secured a tract of valuable timber and a mill-site, near the mine. My first idea was to kill Dan. But I changed my mind, not-withstanding I was so angry, for I thought maybe the chance was not yet lost. Dan said it was by no means lost; that the men were absent at the mine again, and would not be in Virginia to leave for the east379.26 for some ten days; that they had requested him to do the talking to Marshall, and he had promised that he would either secure Marshall or somebody else for them by the time they got back; he would now say nothing to anybody till they returned, and then fulfil his promise by furnishing me to theman.
It was splendid. I went to bed all on fire with excitement; for nobody had yet gone east379.32 to sell a Nevada silver mine, and the field was white for the sickle. I felt that such a mine as the one described by Dan would bring a princely sum in New York, and sell without delay or difficulty. I could not sleep, my fancy so rioted through its castles in the air. It was the “blind lead” come again.
Next day I got away, on the coach, with the usual eclatan attending
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The trip was signalized but by one little incident, and that occurred just as we were about to start. A very seedy looking vagabond passenger got out of the stage a moment to wait till the usual ballast of silver bricks was thrown in. He was standing on the pavement, when an awkward express employé, carrying a brick weighing a hundred pounds, stumbled and let it fall on the bummer’s foot. He instantly dropped on the ground and began to howl in the most heart-breaking way. A sympathizing crowd gathered around and were going to pull his boot off; but he screamed louder than ever and they desisted; then he fell to gasping, and between the gasps ejaculated “Brandy! for Heaven’s sake, brandy!” They poured half a pint down him, and it wonderfully restored and comforted him. Then he begged the people to assist him to the stage, which was done. The express people urged him to have a doctor at their expense, but he declined, and said that if he only had a little brandy to take along with him, to soothe his paroxysms380.20 of pain when they came on, he would be grateful and content. He was quickly supplied with two bottles, and we drove off. He was so smiling and happy after that, that I could not refrain from asking him how he could possibly be so comfortable with a crushed foot.
“Well,” said he, “I hadn’t had a drink for twelve hours, and hadn’t a cent to my name. I was most perishing—and so, when that duffer dropped that hundred-pounder on my foot, I see my chance. Got a cork leg, you know!” and he pulled up his pantaloons and proved it.
He was as drunk as a lord all day long, and full of chucklings over his timely ingenuity.
One drunken man necessarily reminds one of another. I once heard a gentleman tell about an incident which he witnessed in a Californian bar-room. He entitled it “Ye Modest Man Taketh a Drink.” It was nothing but a bit of acting, but it seemed to me a perfect rendering, and worthy of Toodlesan himself. The modest man, tolerably far gone with beer and other matters, enters a saloon
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[begin page 382]
Naturally, another gentleman present told about another drunken man. He said he reeled
toward
home late at night; made a
“Awful solid dog. What could he ben eating? (’ic!) Rocks, p’raps. Such animals is dangerous. ’At’s what I say—they’re dangerous. If a man—(’ic!)—if a man wants to feed a dog on rocks, let him feed him on rocks; ’at’s all right; but let him keep him at home—not have him layin’ round promiscuous, where (’ic!) where people’s liable to stumble over him when they ain’t noticin’!”
It was not without regret that I took a last look at the tiny flag (it was thirty-five feet long and ten feet wide) fluttering like a lady’s handkerchief from the topmost peak of Mount Davidson, two thousand feet above Virginia’s roofs, and felt that doubtless I was bidding a permanent farewell to a city which had afforded me the most vigorous enjoyment of life I had ever experienced. And this reminds me of an incident which the dullest memory Virginia could boast at the time it happened must vividly recall, at times, till its possessor dies. Late one summer afternoon we had a rain
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And all that time one sorely tried man, the telegraph operator sworn to official secrecy, had to lock his lips and chain his tongue with a silence that was like to rend them; for he, and he only, of all
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But for the journalistic monopoly that forbade the slightest revealment of eastern news till a day after its publication in the California papers, the glorified flag on Mount Davidson would have been saluted and re-saluted, that memorable evening, as long as there was a charge of powder to thunder with; the city would have been illuminated, and every man that had any respect for himself would have got drunk,—as was the custom of the country on all occasions of public moment. Even at this distant day I cannot think of this needlessly marred supreme opportunity without regret. What a time we might have had!
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CHAPTER 56
We rumbled over the plains and valleys, climbed the Sierras to the clouds, and looked down upon summer-clad California. And I will remark here, in passing, that all scenery in California requires distance to give it its highest charm. The mountains are imposing in their sublimity and their majesty of form and altitude, from any point of view—but one must have distance to soften their ruggedness and enrich their tintings; a Californian forest is best at a little distance, for there is a sad poverty of variety in species, the trees being chiefly of one monotonous family—redwood, pine, spruce, fir—and so, at a near view there is a wearisome sameness of attitude in their rigid arms, stretched downward and outward in one continued and reiterated appeal to all men to “Sh!—don’t say a word!—you might disturb somebody!” Close at hand, too, there is a reliefless and relentless smell of pitch and turpentine; there is a ceaseless melancholy in their sighing and complaining foliage; one walks over a soundless carpet of beaten yellow bark and dead spines of the foliage till he feels like a wandering spirit bereft of a footfall; he tires of the endless tufts of needles and yearns for substantial, shapely leaves; he looks for moss and grass to loll upon, and finds none, for where there is no bark there is naked clay and dirt, enemies to pensive musing and clean apparel. Often a grassy plain in California, is what it should be, but often, too, it is best contemplated at a distance, because although its grass blades are tall, they stand up vindictively straight and self-sufficient, and are unsociably wide apart, with uncomely spots of barren sand between.
One of the queerest things I know of, is to hear tourists from “the States” go into ecstasies over the loveliness of “ever-blooming California.” And they always do go into that sort of ecstasies. But perhaps they would modify them if they knew how old Californians,
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[begin page 387]
San Francisco, a truly fascinating city to live in, is stately and handsome at a fair distance, but close at hand one notes that the architecture is mostly old-fashioned, many streets are made up of decaying, smoke-grimed, wooden houses, and the barren sand hills387.10 toward the outskirts obtrude themselves too prominently. Even the kindly climate is sometimes pleasanter when read about than personally experienced, for a lovely, cloudless sky wears out its welcome by and by, and then when the longed for rain does come it stays. Even the playful earthquake is better contemplated at a dis—
However there are varying opinions about that.
The387.18 climate of San Francisco is mild and singularly equable. The thermometer stands at about seventy degrees the year round. It hardly changes at all. You sleep under one or two light blankets summer387.21 and winter387.21, and never use a mosquito bar. Nobody ever wears summer387.22 clothing. You wear black broadcloth387.22—if you have387.22 it—in August and January, just the same. It is no colder, and no warmer, in the one month than the other. You do not387.24 use overcoats
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During eight months of the year, straight along, the skies are bright and cloudless, and never a drop of rain falls. But when the other four months come along, you will need388.11 to go and steal an umbrella. Because you will require388.12 it. Not just one day, but one hundred and twenty days in hardly varying388.13 succession. When you want to go visiting, or attend church, or the theatre, you never look up at the clouds to see whether it is likely to rain or not—you look at the almanac. If it is winter, it will rain388.16—and if it is summer, it won’t rain, and you cannot388.17 help it. You never need a lightning-rod, because it never thunders and it never lightens. And after you have listened for six or eight weeks, every night, to the dismal monotony of those quiet rains, you will wish in your heart the thunder would leap and crash and roar along those drowsy skies once, and make everything alive—you will wish the prisoned lightnings would cleave the dull firmament asunder and light it with a blinding glare388.23–24 for one little instant. You would give anything388.24 to hear the old familiar thunder again and see the lightning strike somebody. And along in the summer388.26, when you have suffered about four months of lustrous, pitiless sunshine, you are ready to go down on your knees and plead388.28 for rain—hail—snow—thunder and lightning—anything to break the monotony—you will388.29 take an earthquake, if you cannot388.30 do any better. And the chances are that you’ll get it, too.
San388.32 Francisco is built on sand hills, but they are prolific sand hills. They yield a generous vegetation. All the388.33 rare flowerste✱388.33 which people in “the States” rear with such patient care in parlor flower pots and greenhouses388.35, flourish luxuriantly in the open air there all the year round. Calla lilies388.36, all sorts of geraniums, passion flowers, moss roses—I do not388.37 know the names of a tenth part of them. I
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I389.12 have elsewhere389.12 spoken of the endless winter389.12 of Mono, California, and but this moment of389.13 the eternal spring389.13 of San Francisco. Now if we travel a hundred miles in a straight line, we come to the eternal summer389.15 of Sacramento. One never sees summer clothing389.15 or mosquitoes in San Francisco—but they can be found in Sacramento. Not always and unvaryingly, but about one hundred and forty-three389.17–18 months out of twelve years, perhaps. Flowers bloom there, always, the reader389.19 can easily believe—people suffer and sweat, and swear, morning, noon and night, and wear out their stanchest389.21 energies fanning themselves. It gets hot389.21 there, but if you go down to Fort Yumaan you will find it hotter. Fort Yuma is probably the hottest place on earth. The thermometer stays at one hundred and twenty389.23–24 in the shade there all the time—except when it varies389.24and389.25 goes higher. It is a U. S. military post, and its occupants get so used to the terrific heat that they suffer389.26 without it. There is a tradition (attributed to John Phoenix ♦389.27) that a very, very wicked soldier died there, once, and of course,389.28 went straight to the hottest corner of perdition,—389.29 and the next day he telegraphed back for his blanketsan389.29–30. There is no doubt about the truth of this statement—there can389.31 be no doubt about it.389.31 I have seen the place where that soldier used to board. In Sacramento it389.32 is fiery summer389.32 always, and you can gather roses, and eat strawberries and ice-cream, and wear white linen clothes, and pant and perspire at eight or nine o’clock
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[begin page 391]
CHAPTER 57391 title
It was in this Sacramento Valley, just referred to,391.1 that a deal of the most lucrative of the early gold mining was done, and you may still see, in places, its grassy slopes and levels torn and guttered and disfigured by the avaricious spoilers of fifteen and twenty years ago. You may see such disfigurements far and wide over California—and in some such places, where only meadows and forests are visible—not a living creature, not a house, no stick or stone or remnant of a ruin, and not a sound, not even a whisper to disturb the Sabbath stillness—you will find it hard to believe that there stood at one time a fiercely-flourishing391.10 little city, of two thousand or three thousand souls, with its newspaper, fire company, brass band, volunteer militia, bank, hotels, noisy Fourth of July processions and speeches, gambling hells crammed with tobacco smoke, profanity, and rough-bearded men of all nations and colors, with tables heaped with gold391.15 dust sufficient for the revenues of a German principality—streets crowded and rife with business—town lots worth four hundred dollars391.17 a front foot—labor, laughter, music, dancing, swearing, fighting, shooting, stabbing—a bloody inquest and a man for breakfast every morning—everything391.19 that delights and adorns existence391.20—all the appointments and appurtenances of a thriving and prosperous and promising young city,—and now nothing is left of it all391.22 but a lifeless, homeless solitude. The men are gone, the houses have vanished, even the name of the place is forgotten. In no other land, in modern times, have391.24 towns so absolutely died and disappeared391.25, as in the old mining regions of California.
It391.27 was a driving, vigorous, restless population in those days. It was a curious population. It was the only population of the kind that the world has ever seen gathered together, and it is not likely that the world will ever see its like again. For, observe391.30, it was an
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It was a splendid population—for all the slow, sleepy, sluggish-brained sloths staid at home—you never find that sort of people among pioneers—you cannot392.18 build pioneers out of that sort of material. It was that population that gave to California a name for getting up astounding enterprises392.20 and rushing them through with a magnificent dash and daring, and a recklessness392.21 of cost or consequences, which she bears unto this day—and when she projects a new surprise392.23, the grave world smiles392.23 as usual, and says “well, that is California all over.”an
But392.25 they were rough in those times! They fairly reveled in gold, whisky, fights and fandangoes, and were unspeakably happy. The honest miner raked from392.27 a hundred to a thousand dollars out of his claim a day, and what with the gambling dens392.28 and the other entertainments, he hadn’t a cent the next morning, if he had any sort of luck. They cooked their own bacon and beans, sewed on their own buttons, washed their own shirts—blue woolen392.31 ones—and if a man wanted a fight on his hands without any annoying delay, all he had to do was to appear in public in a white shirt or a stove-pipe hat, and he would be accommodated. For those people hated aristocrats. They had a particular and malignant animosity toward what they called a “biled shirt.”
It was a wild, free, disorderly, grotesque society! Men—only swarming hosts of stalwart men—nothing juvenile, nothing feminine, visible anywhere!392.37–39
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“Fetch her out!”
He said: “It is my wife, gentlemen—she is sick—we have been robbed of money, provisions, everything, by the Indians—we want to rest.”
“Fetch her out! We’ve got to see her!”393.13
“But, gentlemen, the poor thing, she—”
“Fetch her out!”393.14–15
He “fetched her out,” and they swung their hats and sent up three rousing cheers and a tiger; and they crowded around and gazed at her, and touched her dress, and listened to her voice with the look of men who listened to a memory rather than a present reality—and then they collected twenty-five hundred dollars in
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Once394.3 I dined in San Francisco with the family of a pioneer, and talked with his daughter, a young lady whose first experience in San Francisco was an adventure, though she herself did not remember it, as she was only two or three years old at the time. Her father said that, after landing from the ship, they were walking up the street, a servant leading the party with the little girl in her arms. And presently a huge miner, bearded, belted, spurred, and bristling with deadly weapons—just down from a long campaign394.10 in the mountains, evidently—394.11 barred the way, stopped the servant, and stood gazing, with a face all alive with gratification and astonishment. Then he said, reverently:
“Well, if it ain’t a child!” And then he snatched a little leather sack out of his pocket and said to the servant:
“There’s a hundred and fifty dollars in dust, there, and I’ll give it to you to let me kiss the child!”
That anecdote is true.
But see how things change. Sitting at that dinner table, listening to that anecdote, if I had offered double the money for the privilege
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And395.3 while upon this subject I will remark that once in Star Cityan, in the Humboldt Mountains, I took my place in a sort of long, post-office single file395.5 of miners, to patiently await my chance to peep through a crack in the395.6 cabin and get a sight of the395.6 splendid new sensation—a genuine, live Woman! And at the end of half✱395.7 an hourte my turn came, and I put my eye to the crack, and there she was, with one arm akimbo, and tossing flap-jacks in a frying pan with the other. And she was one hundred and sixty-five♦ years395.10 old, and hadn’t a tooth in her head.an395.11
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CHAPTER 58
For a few months I enjoyed what to me was an entirely new phase of existence—a butterfly idleness; nothing to do, nobody to be responsible to, and untroubled with financial uneasiness. I fell in love with the most cordial and sociable city in the Union. After the sage-brush and alkali deserts of Washoe, San Francisco was Paradise to me. I lived at the best hotel, exhibited my clothes in the most conspicuous places, infested the opera, and learned to seem enraptured with music which oftener afflicted my ignorant ear than enchanted it, if I had had the vulgar honesty to confess it. However, I suppose I was not greatly worse than the most of my countrymen in that. I had longed to be a butterfly, and I was one at last. I attended private parties in sumptuous evening dress, simpered and aired my graces like a born beau, and polked and schottisched with a step peculiar to myself—and the kangaroo. In a word, I kept the due state of a man worth a hundred thousand dollars (prospectively,) and likely to reach absolute affluencean when that silver-mine sale should be ultimately achieved in the east396.17. I spent money with a free hand, and meantime watched the stock sales with an interested eye and looked to see what might happen in Nevada.
Something very important happened. The property holders of Nevada voted against the State Constitution; but the folks who had nothing to lose were in the majority, and carried the measure over their heads. But after all it did not immediately look like a disaster, though unquestionably it was onean. I hesitated, calculated the chances, and then concluded not to sell. Stocks went on rising; speculation went mad; bankers, merchants, lawyers, doctors, mechanics, laborers, even the very washerwomen and servant girls, were putting up their earnings on silver stocks, and every sun that rose in the morning went down on paupers enriched and rich men beggared. What a gambling carnival it was! Gould &396.31 Curry soared
[begin page 397]
One day I did not feel vigorous and remained away from the office. The next day I went down toward noon as usual, and found a note on my desk which had been there twenty-four hours. It was
[begin page 398]
I comforted myself with the thought that maybe398.16 the speculation would amount to nothing—poor comfort at best—and then went back to my slavery, resolved to put up with my thirty-five dollars a weekan and forget all about it.
A month afterward I enjoyed my first earthquake398.22. It was one which was long called the “great” earthquake, and is doubtless so distinguished till this day. It was just after noon, on a bright October dayan. I was coming down Third street. The only objects in motion anywhere in sight in that thickly built and populous quarter, were a man in a buggy behind me, and a street car wending slowly up the cross street. Otherwise, all was solitude and a Sabbath stillness. As I turned the corner, around a frame house, there was a great rattle and jar, and it occurred to me that here was an item!—no doubt a fight in that house. Before I could turn and seek the door, there came a really terrific shock; the ground seemed to roll under me in waves, interrupted by a violent joggling up and down, and there was a heavy grinding noise as of brick houses rubbing together. I fell up against the frame house and hurt my elbow. I knew what it was, now, and from mere reportorial instinct, nothing else, took out my watch and noted the time of day; at that moment a third and still severer shock came, and as I reeled about on the pavement trying to keep my footing, I saw a sight! The entire front
[begin page 399]
Of the wonders wrought by “the great earthquake,” these were all that came under my eye; but the tricks it did, elsewhere, and far
[begin page 400]
The “curiosities” of the earthquake were simply endless.
“Oh, what shall I do! Where shall I go!”
She responded with naive serenity:
“If you have no choice, you might try a clothing-store!”
[begin page 401]
A certain foreign consul’s lady was the acknowledged leader of fashion, and every time she appeared in anything new or extraordinary, the ladies in the vicinity made a raid on their husbands’ purses and arrayed themselves similarly. One man who had suffered considerably and growled accordingly, was standing at the window when the shocks came, and the next instant the consul’s wife, just out of the bath, fled by with no other apology for clothing than—a bath-towel! The sufferer rose superior to the terrors of the earthquake, and said to his wife:
“Now that is something like!401.18 Get out your towel my dear!”
The plastering that fell from ceilings in San Francisco that day,
[begin page 402]
The first shock brought down two or three huge organ-pipes in one of the churches. The minister, with uplifted hands, was just closing the services. He glanced up, hesitated, and said:
“However, we will omit the benediction!”—and the next instant there was a vacancy in the atmosphere where he had stood.
After the first shock, an Oakland minister said:
“Keep your seats! There is no better place to die than this”—
And added, after the third:
“But outside is good enough!” He then skipped out at the back door.
[begin page 403]
The queer earthquake-episodes403.13 that formed the staple of San Francisco gossip for the next week would fill a much larger book than this, and so I will diverge from the subject.
By and by, in the due course of things, I picked up a copy of the Enterprise one day, and fell under this cruel blow:
Nevada Mines in New York.—G. M. Marshall, Sheba Hurst403.18 and Amos H. Rose, who left San Francisco last July for New York City, with ores from mines in Pine Wood District, Humboldt County, and on the Reese River range, have disposed of a mine containing six thousand feet and called the Pine Mountains Consolidated, for the sum of $3,000,000. The stamps on the deed, which is now on its way to Humboldt County, from New York, for record, amounted to $3,000, which is said to be the largest amount of stamps ever placed on one document. A working capital of $1,000,000 has been paid into the treasury, and machinery has already been purchased for a large quartz mill, which will be put up as soon as possible. The stock in this company is all full paid and entirely unassessable. The ores of the mines in this district somewhat resemble those of the Sheba mine in Humboldt. Sheba Hurst, the discoverer of the mines, with his friends corralled all the best leads and all the land and timber they desired before making public their whereabouts. Ores from there, assayed in this city, showed them to be exceedingly rich in silver and gold—silver predominating. There is an abundance of wood and water in the District. We are glad to know that New York capital has been enlisted in the development of the mines of this region. Having seen the ores and assays, we are satisfied that the mines of the District are very valuable—anything but wild-catan.te
Once more native imbecility had carried the day, and I had lost a million! It was the “blind lead” over again.
Let us not dwell on this miserable matter. If I were inventing
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CHAPTER 59
For a time I wrote literary screeds for the Golden Eraan. C. H. Webb had established a very excellent literary weekly called the Californian, but high merit was no guaranty of success; it languished, and he sold out to three printers, and Bret Hartean became editor at twenty dollars405.5 a week, and I was employed to contribute an article a week at twelve dollarsan405.6. But the journal still languished, and the printers sold out to Capt.405.7 Ogden, a rich man and a pleasant gentlemanan who chose to amuse himself with such an expensive luxury without much caring about the cost of it. When he grew tired of the novelty, he re-sold to the printers, the paper presently died a peaceful death, and I was out of work again. I would not mention these things but for the fact that they so aptly illustrate the ups and downs that characterize life on the Pacific coast. A man could hardly stumble into such a variety of queer vicissitudesan in any other country.
For two months my sole occupation was avoiding acquaintances; for during that time I did not earn a penny, or buy an article of any kind, or pay my board. I became a very adept at “slinking.”an I slunk from back street to back street, I slunk away from approaching faces that looked familiar, I slunk to my meals, ate them humbly and with a mute apology for every mouthful I robbed my generous landlady of, and at midnight,
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However, I am forgetting. I did have one other occupation besides406.9–10 that of “slinking.” It was the entertaining of a collector (and being entertained by him,)an who had in his hands the Virginia banker’s bill for the forty-six dollars which I had loaned my schoolmate, the “Prodigal.”an This man used to call regularly once a week and dun me, and sometimes oftener. He did it from sheer force of habit, for he knew he could get nothing. He would get out his bill, calculate the interest for me, at five per cent a month, and show me clearly that there was no attempt at fraud in it and no mistakes; and then plead, and argue and dun with all his might for any sum—any little trifle—even a dollar—even half a dollar, on account. Then his duty was accomplished and his conscience free. He immediately dropped the subject there always; got out a couple of cigars and divided, put his feet in the window, and then we would have a long, luxurious talk about everything and everybody, and he would furnish me a world of curious dunning adventures out of the ample store in his memory. By and by he would clap his hat on his head, shake hands and say briskly:
“Well, business is business—can’t stay with you always!”—and was off in a second.
The idea of pining for a dun! And yet I used to long for him to come, and would get as uneasy as any mother if the day went by without his visit, when I was expecting him. But he never collected that bill, at last,406.32 nor any part of it. I lived to pay it to the banker myself.
Misery loves company. Now and then at night, in out-of-the-way406.34–35, dimly lighted places, I found myself happening on another child of misfortune. He looked so seedy and forlorn, so homeless and friendless and forsaken, that I yearned toward him as a brother. I wanted to claim kinship with him and go about and enjoy our
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Finally we spoke, and were inseparable after that. For our woes were identical, almost. He had been a reporter too, and lost his berth, and this was his experience, as nearly as I can recollect it. After losing his berth, he had gone down, down, down, with never a halt: from a boarding house on Russian Hill to a boarding house in Kearny407.14 street; from thence to Dupont; from thence to a low sailor den; and from thence to lodgings in goods boxes and empty hogsheads near the wharves. Then, for a while, he had gained a meagre living by sewing up bursted sacks of grain on the piers; when that failed he had found food here and there as chance threw it in his way. He had ceased to show his face in daylight, now, for a reporter knows everybody, rich and poor, high and low, and cannot well avoid familiar faces in the broad light of day.
This mendicant Blucheran—I call him that for convenience—was a splendid creature. He was full of hope, pluck and philosophy; he was well read and a man of cultivated taste; he had a bright wit and was a master of satire; his kindliness and his generous spirit made him royal in my eyes and changed his curb-stone seat to a throne and his damaged hat to a crown.
He had an adventure, once, which sticks fast in my memory as the most pleasantly grotesque that ever touched my sympathies. He had been without a penny for two months. He had shirked about obscure streets, among friendly dim lights, till the thing had become second nature to him. But at last he was driven abroad in daylight. The cause was sufficient; he had not tasted food for forty-eight hours, and he could not endure the misery of his hunger in idle hiding. He came along a back street, glowering at the loaves in bake-shop windows, and feeling that he could trade his life away for a morsel to eat. The sight of the bread doubled his hunger; but it was good to look at it, anyhow407.38, and imagine what one might do
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[begin page 409]
“Come with me—please.”
He locked his arm in Blucher’s and walked up the street to where the passengers were few and the light not strong, and then facing about, put out his hands in a beseeching way, and said:
“Friend—stranger—look at me! Life is easy to you—you go about, placid and content, as I did once, in my day—you have been in there, and eaten your sumptuous supper, and picked your teeth, and hummed your tune, and thought your pleasant thoughts, and said to yourself it is a good world—but you’ve never suffered!409.31 You don’t know what trouble is—you don’t know what misery is—nor hunger! Look at me! Stranger have pity on a poor friendless, homeless dog! As God is my judge, I have not tasted food for eight and forty hours!—look in my eyes and see if I lie! Give me the least trifle in the world to keep me from starving—anything—twenty-five cents! Do it, stranger—do it, please. It will be nothing to you, but
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Blucher was bewildered—and touched, too—stirred to the depths. He reflected. Thought again. Then an idea struck him, and he said:
“Come with me.”
He took the outcast’s arm, walked him down to Martin’s restaurant, seated him at a marble table, placed the bill of fare before him, and said:
“Order what you want, friend. Charge it to me, Mr. Martin.”
“All right, Mr. Blucher,” said Martin.
Then Blucher stepped back and leaned against the counter and watched the man stow away cargo after cargo of buckwheat cakes
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Take the episode all aroundan, it was as odd as any that can be culled from the myriad curiosities of Californian life, perhaps.
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CHAPTER 60
By and by, an old friend of mine, a miner, came down from one of the decayed mining camps of Tuolumne, California, and I went back with himan. We lived in a small cabin on a verdant hillside, and there were not five other cabins in view over the wide expanse of hill and forest. Yet a flourishing city of two or three thousand population had occupied this grassy dead solitude during the flush times of twelve or fifteen years before, and where our cabin stood had once been the heart of the teeming hive, the centre of the city. When the mines gave out the town fell into decay, and in a few years wholly disappearedan—streets, dwellings, shops, everything—and left no sign. The grassy slopes were as green and smooth and desolate of life as if they had never been disturbed. The mere handful of miners still remaining, had seen the town spring up, spread, grow and flourish in its pride; and they had seen it sicken and die, and pass away like a dream. With it their hopes had died, and their zest of life. They had long ago resigned themselves to their exile, and ceased to correspond with their distant friends or turn longing eyes toward their early homes. They had accepted banishment, forgotten the world and been forgotten of the world. They were far from telegraphs and railroads, and they stood, as it were, in a living grave, dead to the events that stirred the globe’s great populations, dead to the common interests of men, isolated and outcast412.22 from brotherhood with their kind. It was the most singular, and almost the most touching and melancholy exile that fancy can imagine.412.24One of my associates in this locality, for two or three months, was a man who had had a university education; but now for eighteen years he had decayed there by inches, a bearded, rough-clad, clay-stained miner, and at times, among his sighings and soliloquizings, he unconsciously interjected vaguely remembered Latin and Greek sentencesan—dead and musty tongues, meet vehicles for the
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In that413.6 one little corner of California is found a species of mining which is seldom or never mentioned in print. It is called “pocket-mining” and I am not aware that any of it is done outside of that little corner. The gold is not evenly distributed through the surface dirt, as in ordinary placer mines, but is collected in little spots, and they are very wide apart and exceedingly hard to find, but when you do find one you reap a rich and sudden harvest. There are not now more than twenty413.21pocket-miners413.21 in that entire little region. I think I know every one of them personally. I have known one of them to hunt patiently about the hillsides413.23 every day for eight413.24 months without finding gold enough to make a snuff-box—his grocery bill running up relentlessly all the time—and then find413.26 a pocket and take out of it two413.26 thousand dollars in two dips of his shovel. I have known him to413.27 take out three thousand dollars413.27–28 in two hours, and go and pay up every cent of his indebtedness, then enter on a dazzling spree that finished the last of his treasure before the night was gone. And the next day he bought his groceries on credit as usual, and shouldered his pan and shovel and went off to the hills hunting pockets again happy and content. This is413.33 the most fascinating of all the different kinds of mining, and furnishes a very handsome percentage of victims to the lunatic asylum.413.35
Pocket hunting is an ingenious process. You take a spadeful of earth from the hillside413.37 and put it in a large tin pan and dissolve and wash it gradually away till nothing is left but a teaspoonful of fine
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The hogs are good pocket hunters. All the summer they root around the bushes, and turn up
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In Tuolumne lived two415.7 miners who used to go to the neighboring village in the afternoon and return every night with household415.8 supplies. Part of the distance they traversed a trail, and nearly always sat down to rest on a great boulder that lay beside the path. In the course of thirteen years they had worn that boulder tolerably smooth, sitting on it. By and by two vagrant Mexicans came along and occupied the seat. They began to amuse themselves by chipping off flakes from the boulder with a sledge-hammer. They examined one of these flakes and found it rich with gold. That boulder paid them eight hundred dollars415.16 afterward. But the aggravating circumstance was that these “Greasers” knew that there must be more gold where that boulder came from, and so they went panning up the hill and found what was probably the richest pocket that region has yet produced. It took three months to exhaust it, and it yielded a hundred and twenty thousand dollars415.21. The two American miners who used to sit on the boulder are poor yet, and they take turn about in getting up early in the morning to curse those Mexicans—and when it comes down to pure ornamental cursing, the native American415.25 is gifted above the sons of men.
I have dwelt at some length upon this matter of pocket-mining415.26 because it is a subject that is seldom referred to in print, and therefore I judged that it would have for the reader that interest which naturally attaches to novelty.
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CHAPTER 61416 title
One of my comrades there—another of those victims of eighteen years of unrequited toil and blighted hopes—was one of the gentlest spirits that ever bore its patient cross in a weary exile: grave and simple416.1–4Dick Baker, pocket-mineran of Dead-Horse Gulchte.an✱416.4He was forty-six, gray as a rat, earnest, thoughtful, slenderly educated, slouchily dressed and clay-soiled, but his heart was finer metal than any gold his shovel ever brought to light—than any, indeed, that ever was mined or minted.
Whenever416.5–9 he was out of luck416.9 and a little down-hearted, he would fall to mourning over the loss of a wonderful cat he used to own (for where women and children are not, men of kindly impulses take up with pets, for they must love something.) And he always spoke of the strange sagacity of that cat with the air of a man who believed in his secret heart that there was something human about it—maybe416.15 even supernatural.
I heard him talking about this animal oncean. He said, “Gentlemen, I used to have a cat here, by the name of Tom Quartz, which you’d a took an interest in I reckon—most anybody416.20 would. I had him here eight416.21 year—and he was the remarkablest cat I ever see. He was a large gray one of the Tom specie, an’ he had more hard, natchral416.23–24 sense than any man in this camp—’n’416.25 a power of dignity—he wouldn’t a✱416.26 lette the Gov’ner of Californy416.27 be familiar with him. He never ketched a rat in his life—’peared to be above it. He never cared for nothing but mining. He knowed more about mining, that cat did, than any man I ever
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“Well, by an’ by417.17, up comes this yer417.17 quartz excitement. Everybody was into it—everybody417.17–18 was pick’n’ ’n’ blast’n’417.18 instead of shovelin’417.19 dirt on the hillside—everybody417.19 was put’n’417.19 down a shaft instead of scrapin’ the surface. Noth’n’417.20 would do Jim, but we must tackle the ledges, too, ’n’ so we did. We commenced put’n’417.21 down a shaft, ’n’ Tom Quartz he begin to wonder what in the Dickens it was all about. He hadn’t ever seen any mining like that before, ’n’417.22–23 he was all upset, as you may say—he couldn’t come to a right understanding of it no way—it was too many for him. He was down on it, too, you bet you—he was down on it powerful—’n’417.26 always appeared to consider it the cussedest foolishness out. But that cat, you know, was417.28always agin new fangled arrangements—somehow he never could abide ’em. You417.29 know how it is with old habits. But by an’ by Tom Quartz begin to git sort of reconciled a little, though he never could altogether understand that eternal sinkin’417.30–31 of a shaft an’ never pannin’417.32 out anything417.32. At last he got to comin’417.32 down in the shaft, hisself, to try to cipher it out. An’ when he’d git417.33 the blues, ’n’ feel kind o’ scruffy, ’n’ aggravated ’n’417.34 disgusted—knowin’417.34 as he did, that the bills was runnin’ up all the time an’417.35 we warn’t makin’ a cent—he would curl up on a gunny sack in the corner an’417.36 go to sleep. Well, one day when the shaft was down about eight417.37
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[begin page 419]
“That was jest his style. An’419.11maybe419.11 you won’t believe it, but after that you never see a cat so prejudiced agin quartz mining as what he was. An’ by an’ by419.13 when he did get to goin’419.13 down in the shaft agin, you’d a been astonished at his sagacity. The minute we’d tetch off a blast ’n’419.15 the fuse’d begin to sizzle, he’d give a look as much as to say: ‘Well419.16, I’ll have to git you to excuse me,’ an’419.16 it was surpris’n’, the way he’d shin out of that hole ’n’ go f’r419.17 a tree. Sagacity✱419.17te? It ain’t no name for it. ’Twas inspiration!”
I said, “Well, Mr. Baker, his prejudice419.19 against quartz mining419.19was remarkable, considering how he came by it. Couldn’t you ever cure him of it?”
“Cure419.22 him!No!419.22 When Tom Quartz was sot once, he was always sot—and you might a blowed him up as much as three419.23 million times ’n’ you’d never a broken419.24 him of his cussed prejudice agin quartz mining.”
The affection and the pride that lit up Baker’s face when he delivered this tribute to the firmness of his humble friend of other days, will always be a vivid memory with me.an419.28
At the end of two months we had never “struck” a pocket. We had panned up and down the hillsides till they looked plowed like a field; we could have put in a crop of grain, then, but there would have been no way to get it to market. We got many good “prospects,” but when the gold gave out in the pan and we dug down, hoping and longing, we found only emptiness—the pocket that should have been there was as barren as our own.419.35 At last we shouldered our pans and shovels and struck out over the hills to try new localities. We prospected around Angel’s Camp, in Calaveras County419.38, during three weeksan, but had no success. Then we wandered
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Our wanderings were wide and in many directions; and now I could give the reader a vivid description of the Big Trees and the marvels of the Yo Semite—but what has this reader done to me that I should persecute him? I will deliver him into the hands of less conscientious touristsan and take his blessing. Let me be charitable, though I fail in all virtues else.
———
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CHAPTER 62
After a three months’ absence, I found myself in San Francisco again, without a cent. When my credit was about exhausted, (for I had become too mean and lazy, now, to work on a morning paperan, and there were no vacancies on the evening journals,) I was created San Francisco correspondent of the Enterprise, and at the end of five months I was out of debtan, but my interest in my work was gone; for my correspondence being a daily one, without rest or respite, I got unspeakably tired of it. I wanted another change. The vagabond instinct was strong upon me. Fortune favored and I got a new berth and a delightful one. It was to go down to the Sandwich Islands and write some letters for the Sacramento Union, an excellent journal and liberal with employésan.
We sailed in the propeller Ajax421.13, in the middle of winteran. The almanac called it winter, distinctly enough, but the weather was a compromise between spring and summer. Six days out of port, it became summer altogether. We had some thirty passengers; among them a cheerful soul by the name of Williams, and three sea-worn old whaleship captains going down to join their vessels. These latter played euchre in the smoking room day and night, drank astonishing quantities of raw whiskyan without being in the least affected by it, and were the happiest people I think I ever saw. And then there was “the421.22 old Admiral”—421.22 a retired whaleman. He was a roaring, terrific combination of wind and lightning and thunder, and earnest, whole-souled profanity. But nevertheless he was tender-hearted as a girl. He was a raving, deafening, devastating typhoon, laying waste the cowering seas but with an unvexed refuge in the centre where all comers were safe and at rest. Nobody could know the “Admiral” without liking him; and in a sudden and dire emergency I think no friend of his would know which to
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His title of “Admiral” was more strictly “official” than any ever worn by a naval officer before or since, perhaps—for it was the voluntary offering of a whole nation, and came direct from the people themselves without any intermediate red tape—the people of the Sandwich Islands. It was a title that came to him freighted with affection, and honor, and appreciation of his unpretending merit. And in testimony of the genuineness of the title it was publicly ordained that an exclusive flag should be devised for him and used solely to welcome422.11 his coming and wave him God-speed in his going. From that time forth, whenever his ship was signaled in the offing, or he catted his anchor and stood out to sea, that ensign streamed from the royal halliards on the parliament house and the nation lifted their hats to it with spontaneous accord.
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Two years before I knew the Admiral, he had retired from the sea on a competence, and had sworn a colossal nine-jointed oath that he would “never go within smelling distance of the salt water again as long as he lived.” And he had conscientiously kept it. That is to say, he considered he had kept it, and it would have been more than dangerous to suggest to him, even in the gentlest way, that making eleven long sea voyages, as a passenger, during the two years that had transpired since he “retired,” was only keeping the general spirit of it and not the strict letter.
The Admiral knew only one narrow line of conduct to pursue in any and all cases where there was a fight, and that was to shoulder his way straight in without an inquiry as to the rights or the merits of it, and take the part of the weaker side.423.34 And this was the reason why he was always sure to be present at the trial of any universally execrated criminal to oppress and intimidate the jury with a vindictive pantomime of what he would do to them if he ever caught them out of the box. And this was why harried cats and outlawed
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He hated intemperance with a more uncompromising animosity than any individual I have ever met, of either sex; and he was never tired of storming against it and beseeching friends and strangers alike to be wary and drink with moderation. And yet if any creature had been guileless enough to intimate that his absorbing nine gallons of “straight” whisky during our voyage was any fraction short of rigid or inflexible abstemiousness, in that self-same moment the old man would have spun him to the uttermost parts of the earth in the whirlwind of his wrath. Mind, I am not saying his whisky ever affected his head or his legs, for it did not, in even the slightest degree. He was a capacious container, but he did not hold enough for that. He took a level tumblerful of whisky every morning before he put his clothes on—“to sweeten his bilgewater,” he said.424.21 He took another after he got the most of his clothes on, “to settle his mind and give him his bearings.” He then shaved, and put on a clean shirt; after which he recited the Lord’s Prayer in a fervent, thundering bass that shook the ship to her kelson and suspended all conversation in the main cabin. Then, at this stage, being invariably “by the head,” or “by the stern,” or “listed to port or starboard,” he took one more to “put him on an even keel so that he would mind his hellum and not miss stays and go about, every time he came up in the wind.”424.29 And now, his state-room door swung open and the sun of his benignant face beamed redly out upon men and women and children, and he roared his “Shipmets a’hoy!” in a way that was calculated to wake the dead and precipitate the final resurrection; and forth he strode, a picture to look at and a presence to enforce attention. Stalwart and portly; not a gray hair; broad-brimmed slouch hat; semi-sailor toggery of blue navy flannel—roomy and ample; a stately expanse of shirt-front and a liberal amount of black silk neck-cloth tied
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The Admiral seldom read newspapers; and when he did he never believed anything they said. He read nothing, and believed in nothing, but “The Old Guard,” a secession periodical published in New Yorkan. He carried425.22 a dozen copies of it with him, always, and referred to them for all required information. If it was not there, he supplied it himself, out of a bountiful fancy, inventing history, names, dates, and everything425.25 else necessary to make his point good in an argument. Consequently he was a formidable antagonist in a dispute. Whenever he swung clear of the record and began to create history, the enemy was helpless and had to surrender. Indeed, the enemy could not keep from betraying some little spark of indignation at his manufactured history—and when it came to indignation, that was the Admiral’s very “best hold.” He was always ready for a political argument, and if nobody started one he would do it himself. With his third retort his temper would begin to rise, and within five minutes he would be blowing a gale, and within fifteen his smoking-room audience would be utterly stormed away and the old man left solitary and alone, banging the table with his fist, kicking the chairs, and roaring a hurricane of profanity. It got so,
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But he found his match at last, and before a full company. At one time or another, everybody had entered the lists against him and been routed, except the quiet passenger Williams. He had never been able to get an expression of opinion out of him on politics. But now, just as the Admiral drew near the door and the company were about to slip out, Williams said:
“Admiral, are you certain about that circumstance concerning the clergymen you mentioned the other day?”—referring to a piece of the Admiral’s manufactured history.
Every one was amazed at the man’s rashness. The idea of deliberately inviting annihilation was a thing incomprehensible. The retreat came to a halt; then everybody sat down again wondering, to await the upshot of it. The Admiral himself was as surprised as any one. He paused in the door, with his red handkerchief half raised to his sweating face, and contemplated the daring reptile in the corner.
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Here the Admiral’s fires began to wax hot, the atmosphere thickened, the coming earthquake rumbled, he began to thunder and lighten. Within three minutes his volcano was in full eruption427.9 and he was discharging flames and ashes of indignation, belching black volumes of foul history aloft, and vomiting red-hot torrents of profanity from his crater. Meantime Williams sat silent, and apparently deeply and earnestly interested in what the old man was saying. By and by, when the lull came, he said in the most deferential way, and with the gratified air of a man who has had a mystery cleared up which had been puzzling him uncomfortably:
“Now I understand it. I always thought I knew that piece of history well enough, but was still afraid to trust it, because there was
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Nobody ever saw the Admiral look so mollified before, and so pleased. Nobody had ever received his bogus history as gospel before; its genuineness had always been called in question either by words or looks; but here was a man that not only swallowed it all down, but was grateful for the dose. He was taken aback428.15; he hardly knew what to say; even his profanity failed him. Now, Williams continued, modestly and earnestly:
“But Admiral, in saying that this was the first stone thrown, and that this precipitated the war, you have overlooked a circumstance which you are perfectly familiar with, but which has escaped your memory. Now I grant you that what you have stated is correct in every detail—to wit: that on the 16th of October, 1860, two Massachusetts clergymen, named Waite and Granger, went in disguise to the house of John Moody, in Rockport, at dead of night, and dragged forth two Southern428.25 women and their two little children, and after tarring and feathering them conveyed them to Boston and burned them alive in the State House square; and I also grant your proposition that this deed is what led to the secession of South Carolina on the 20th of December following. Very well.” [Here the company were pleasantly surprised to hear Williams proceed to come back at the Admiral with his own invincible weapon—clean, pure, manufactured history, without a word of truth in it.] “Very well, I say. But Admiral, why overlook the Willis and Morgan case in South Carolina? You are too well informed a man not to know all about that circumstance. Your arguments and your conversations have shown you to be intimately conversant with every detail of this national quarrel. You develop matters of
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[begin page 430]
The Admiral was conquered. This sweet spoken creature who swallowed his fraudulent history as if it were the bread of life; basked in his furious blasphemy as if it were generous sunshine; found only calm, even-handed justice in his rampant430.7 partisanship; and flooded him with invented history so sugar-coated with flattery and deference that there was no rejecting it, was “too many” for him. He stammered some awkward, profane sentences about the —— —— —— —— Willis and Morgan business having escaped his memory, but that he “remembered it now,” and then, under pretense430.13 of giving Fan some medicine for an imaginary cough drew out of the battle and went away, a vanquished man. Then cheers and laughter went up, and Williams, the ship’s benefactor,430.15 was a hero. The news went about the vessel, champagne was ordered, an enthusiastic reception instituted in the smoking room and everybody flocked thither to shake hands with the conqueror. The wheelsman said afterward, that the Admiral stood up behind the pilot house and “ripped and cursed all to himself” till he loosened the smoke-stack430.21 guys and becalmed the mainsail.
The Admiral’s power was broken. After that, if he began an argument, somebody would bring Williams, and the old man would grow weak and begin to quiet down at once. And as soon as he was done, Williams in his dulcet, insinuating way, would invent some history (referring for proof, to the old man’s own excellent memory and to copies of “The Old Guard” known not to be in his possession) that would turn the tables completely and leave the Admiral all abroad and helpless. By and by he came to so dread Williams and his gilded tongue that he would stop talking when he saw him approach, and finally ceased to mention politics altogether, and from that time forward there was entire peace and serenity in the ship.
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CHAPTER 63
On a certain bright morning the Islands hove in sightan, lying low on the lonely sea, and everybody climbed to the upper deck to look. After two thousand miles of watery solitude the vision was a welcome one. As we approached, the imposing promontory of Diamond Head rose up out of the ocean,431.5 its rugged front softened by the hazy distance, and presently the details of the land began to make themselves manifest: first the line of beach; then the plumed cocoanut431.8 trees of the tropics; then cabins of the natives; then the white town431.9 of Honolulu, said431.9 to contain between twelve and fifteen thousand431.9–10inhabitants,✱431.10te spread over a dead level; with431.10 streets from twenty to thirty feet wide, solid and level as a floor, most of them straight as a line and a few431.12 as crooked as a corkscrew.
The further I traveled through the town the better I liked it. Every step revealed a new contrast—disclosed something I was unaccustomed to. In place of the grand mud-colored brown stone431.15 fronts of San Francisco, I saw dwellings431.16 built of straw, adobes431.16 and cream-colored431.17 pebble-and-shell-conglomerated coral cut into oblong431.17–18 blocks and laid in cement; also a great number of431.18 neat431.12–18 white cottages, with green window-shutters; in place of front yards like billiard-tables with iron fences around them, I saw these homes431.20 surrounded by ample yards431.21, thickly clad with green grass, and shaded by tall trees, through whose dense foliage the sun could scarcely penetrate; in place of the customary geranium, calla lily, etc.,431.23–24 languishing in dust and general debility431.24, I saw luxurious banks and thickets of flowers, fresh as a meadow after a rain, and glowing with the richest dyes; in place of the dingy horrors of San Francisco’s pleasure grove,431.26–27 the “Willows,”an431.27 I saw huge-bodied, wide-spreading forest trees, with strange names and stranger appearance—trees that cast a shadow like a thunder-cloud, and were able to stand alone without being tied to green poles; in place of431.30
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I looked on a multitude of people, some white, in white coats, vests, pantaloons, even white cloth shoes, made snowy with chalk duly laid on every morning; but the majority of the people were almost as dark as negroes—women with comely features, fine black eyes, rounded forms, inclining to the voluptuous, clad in a single
[begin page 433]
In432.10–433.12 place of roughs and rowdies staring and blackguarding on the corners, I saw long-haired, saddle-colored Sandwich Island maidens sitting on the ground in the shade of corner houses, gazing indolently at whatever or whoever happened along; instead of wretched433.18 cobble-stone pavements433.19, I walked on a firm foundation of coral, built up from the bottom of the sea by the absurd but persevering insect of that name, with a light layer of lava and cinders overlying the coral, belched up out of fathomless perdition433.23 long ago through the seared and blackened crater that stands dead and harmless433.24 in the distance now; instead of cramped and crowded street cars433.25, I met dusky native women sweeping by, free as the wind, on fleet horses and astride433.26, with gaudy ridingsashes streaming like banners behind them; instead of the combined stenches of Chinadom433.28 and Brannan433.28 street slaughter-houses, I breathed the balmy fragrance of jessamine, oleander, and the Pride of India; in place of the hurry and bustle and noisy confusion of San Francisco, I moved in the midst of a summer433.31 calm as tranquil as dawn in the Garden of Eden; in place of the Golden City’s433.32 skirting sand hills and the placid bay, I saw on the one side a framework433.33–34 of tall, precipitous mountains close at hand, clad in refreshing green, and cleft by deep, cool, chasm-like valleys—and in front the grand sweep of the ocean:433.36 a brilliant, transparent green near the shore, bound and bordered by a long white line of foamy spray dashing against the reef, and further out the dead433.38 blue water of the
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It was such ecstasy434.8 to dream, and dream—till you got a bite. A scorpion bite. Then the first duty was to get up out of the grass and kill the scorpion; and the next to bathe the bitten place with alcohol or brandy; and the next to resolve to keep out of the grass in future. Then came an adjournment to the bed-chamber434.12 and the pastime of writing up the day’s journal with one hand and the destruction of mosquitoes with the other—a whole community of them at a slap. Then, observing an enemy approaching,—a hairy tarantula on stilts—why not set the spittoon on him? It is done, and the projecting ends of his paws give a luminous idea of the magnitude of his reach. Then to bed and become a promenade for a centipede with forty-two legs on a side and every foot hot enough to burn a hole through a raw-hide. More soaking with alcohol, and a resolution to examine the bed before entering it, in future. Then wait, and suffer, till all the mosquitoes in the neighborhood have crawled in under the bar, then slip out quickly, shut them in and
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We had an abundance of fruit in Honolulu, of course. Oranges, pine-apples, bananas,
strawberries, lemons, limes, mangoes, guavas, melons, and a rare and curious luxury
called the chirimoya, which is deliciousness
itself. Then there is the tamarind.
[begin page 436]
CHAPTER 64
In my diary of our third day in Honolulu, I find this:
I436.2 am probably the most sensitive man in Hawaii436.2 to-night—especially about sitting down in the presence of my betters. I have ridden fifteen or twenty miles on horseback436.4 since 5 p.m.436.4, and to tell the honest truth, I have a delicacy about sitting down at all.436.5
An excursion to Diamond Head and the King’s Cocoanut Grove was planned to-day—time, 4:30 p.m.436.7—the party to consist of half a dozen gentlemen and three ladies. They all started at the appointed hour except myself. I was at the Government Prisonan, (with Capt. Fish and another whaleship-skipper, Capt.436.10 Phillipsan,)436.9–10 and got so interested in its examination that I did not notice how quickly the time was passing. Somebody remarked that it was twenty minutes past five o’clock, and that woke me up. It was a fortunate circumstance that Capt.436.14 Phillips was along436.14 with his “turn-out,” as he calls a top-buggy that Capt.436.15 Cookan brought here in 1778, and a horse that was here when Capt. Cook came. Capt.436.16 Phillips takes a just pride in his driving and in the speed of his horse, and to his passion for displaying them I owe it that we were only sixteen minutes coming from the prison to the American Hotelan—a distance which has been estimated to be over half a mile. But it took some fearful436.20 driving. The captain’s436.21 whip came down fast, and the blows started so much dust out of the horse’s hide that during the last half of the journey we rode through an impenetrable fog, and ran by a pocket compass in the hands of Capt.436.24 Fish, a whaler436.24 of twenty-six years’436.24 experience, who sat there through the436.25 perilous voyage as self-possessed as if he had been on the euchre-deck of his own ship, and calmly said, “Port your helm—port,” from time to time, and “Hold her a little free—steady—so-o,” and “Luff—hard down to starboard!” and never once lost his presence of mind or betrayed the least anxiety by voice or manner. When we came to anchor at last,
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The437.5 landlord of the American said the party had been gone nearly an hour, but that he could give me my choice of several horses that could overtake437.7 them. I said, never mind—I preferred a safe horse to a fast one—I would like to have an excessively gentle horse—a horse with no spirit whatever—a lame one, if he had such a thing. Inside of five minutes I was mounted, and perfectly satisfied with my outfit. I had no time to label him “This is a horse,” and so if the public took him for a sheep I cannot help it. I was satisfied, and that was the main thing. I could see that he had as many fine points as any man’s horse, and so I437.14 hung my hat on one of them, behind the saddle, and swabbed the perspiration from my face and started. I named him after this island, “Oahu” (pronounced O-waw-hoo437.17). The first gate he came to he started in; I had neither whip nor spur, and so I simply argued the case with him. He resisted437.19 argument, but ultimately yielded to insult and abuse. He backed out of that gate and steered for another one on the other side of the street. I triumphed by my former process. Within the next six hundred yards he crossed the street fourteen times and attempted thirteen gates, and in the meantime the tropical sun was beating down and threatening to cave the top of my head in, and I was literally dripping with perspiration. He abandoned437.25 the gate business after that and went along peaceably enough, but absorbed in meditation. I noticed this latter circumstance, and it soon began to fill me with apprehension437.28. I said to myself, this creature437.28 is planning some new outrage, some fresh deviltry or other—no horse ever thought over a subject so profoundly as this one is doing just for nothing. The more this thing preyed upon my mind the more uneasy I became, until437.32 the suspense became almost437.32 unbearable and I dismounted to see if there was anything wild in his eye—for I had heard that the eye of this noblest of our domestic animals is very expressive. I cannot describe what a load of anxiety was lifted from my mind when I found that he was only asleep. I woke him up and started him into a faster walk, and then the villainy437.37 of his nature came out again. He tried to climb over a stone wall, five or
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And now438.8 there can be no fitter occasion than the present to pronounce a left-handed blessing438.9 upon the man who invented the American saddle. There is no seat to speak of about it—one might as well sit in a shovel—and the stirrups are nothing but an ornamental nuisance. If I were to write down here all the abuse I expended on those stirrups, it would make a large book, even without pictures. Sometimes I got one foot so far through, that the stirrup partook of the nature of an anklet; sometimes both feet were through, and I was handcuffed by the legs;438.16 and sometimes my feet got clear out and left the stirrups wildly dangling about my shins. Even when I was in proper position and carefully balanced upon the balls of my feet, there was no comfort in it, on account of my nervous dread that they were going to slip one way or the other in a moment. But the subject is too exasperating to write about.te
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About439.11 a dozen cottages, some frame and the others of native grass, nestled sleepily in the shade here and there. The grass cabins are of a grayish color, are shaped much like our own cottages, only with higher and steeper roofs usually, and are made of some kind of weed strongly bound together in bundles. The roofs are very thick, and so are the walls; the latter have square holes in them for windows. At a little distance these cabins have a furry appearance, as if they might be made of bear skins. They are very cool and pleasant inside. The King’s flag was flying from the roof of one of the cottages, and his439.20 Majesty was probably within. He owns the whole concern thereabouts, and passes his time there frequently, on sultry days “laying off.” The spot is called “The King’s Grove.”an
Near439.23 by is an interesting ruin—the meagre439.23 remains of an ancient heathen temple—a place where human sacrifices were offered up in those old bygone days when the simple child of nature,
[begin page 440]
This440.20 ancient temple was built of rough blocks of lava, and was simply a roofless enclosure440.21 a hundred and thirty feet long and seventy wide—nothing but naked440.27 walls, very thick, but not much higher than a man’s head. They will last for ages, no doubt, if left unmolested. Its three altars and other sacred appurtenances have crumbled and passed away years ago. It is said that in the old times thousands of human beings were slaughtered here, in the presence of naked and howling savages. If these mute stones could speak, what tales they could tell, what pictures they could describe, of fettered victims writhing440.29 under the knife; of massed440.29 forms straining forward out of the gloom, with ferocious440.30 faces lit up by the440.30 sacrificial fires; of the background440.31 of ghostly trees440.31; of the dark pyramid of Diamond Head standing sentinel over the uncanny440.32 scene, and the peaceful moon looking440.33 down upon it through rifts in the cloud-rack440.34!
When Kamehameha (pronounced Ka-may-ha-may-ah) the Great—who was a sort of a440.36 Napoleonan in military genius and uniform success—invaded this island of Oahu three-quarters of a century440.37–38 ago, and exterminated the army sent to oppose him, and took
[begin page 441]
Those were savage times when this old slaughter-house was in its prime. The King441.5 and the chiefs ruled the common herd with a rod of iron; made them gather all the provisions the masters needed; build all the houses and temples; stand all the expenses, of whatever kind; take kicks and cuffs for thanks; drag out lives well flavored with misery, and then suffer death for trifling offenses or yield up their lives on the sacrificial altars to purchase favors from the gods for their hard rulers. The missionaries have clothed them, educated them, broken up the tyrannous authority of their chiefs, and given them freedom and the right to enjoy whatever their hands441.13–14 and brains produce441.14, with equal laws for all and punishment for all alike who transgress them. The contrast is so strong—the benefit441.16 conferred upon this people by the missionaries is so prominent, so palpable and so unquestionable, that the frankest compliment I can pay them, and the best, is simply to point to the condition of the Sandwich Islanders of Capt.441.19 Cook’s time, and their condition to-day. Their work speaks for itselfan.an441.20
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CHAPTER 65
By and by, after a rugged climb, we halted on the summit of a hill which commanded a far-reaching view. The moon rose and flooded mountain and valley and ocean with a mellow radiance, and out of the shadows of the foliage the distant lights of Honolulu glinted like an encampment of fire-flies442.5. The air was heavy with the fragrance of flowers. The halt was brief. Gayly442 title–6 laughing and talking, the party galloped on, and I442.7 clung to the pommel and cantered after. Presently we came to a place where no grass grew—a wide expanse of deep sand. They said it was an old battle-ground. All around everywhere, not three feet apart, the bleached bones of men gleamed white in the moonlight. We picked up a lot of them for mementoesan. I got quite a number of arm bones and leg bones—of great chiefs, maybe, who had fought savagely in that fearful battle in the old days, when blood flowed like wine where we now stood—and wore the choicest of them out on Oahu afterward, trying to make him go. All sorts of bones could be found except skulls; but a citizen said, irreverently, that there had been an unusual number of “skull-hunters” there lately—a species of sportsmen I had never heard of before.442.19
Nothing whatever is known about this place—its story is a secret that will never be revealed. The oldest natives make no pretense of being possessed of its history. They say these bones were here when they were children. They were here when their grandfathers were children—but how they came here, they can only conjecture. Many people believe this spot to be an ancient battle-ground, and it is usual to call it so; and they believe that these skeletons have lain for ages just where their proprietors fell in the great fight. Other people believe that Kamehameha I fought his first battle here. On this point, I have heard a story, which may have been
[begin page 443]
The story is pretty enough, but Mr. Jarves’s443.26 excellent historyan says the Oahuans were intrenched in Nuuanu Valley; that Kamehameha ousted them, routed them, pursued them up the valley and drove them over the precipice. He makes no mention of our bone-yard at all in his book.443.30
Impressed by the profound silence and repose that rested over the beautiful landscape, and being, as usual, in the rear, I gave voice to my thoughts. I said:
“What a picture is here slumbering in the solemn glory of the moon! How strong the rugged outlines of the dead volcano stand out against the clear sky! What a snowy fringe marks the bursting of the surf over the long, curved reef! How calmly443.37 the dim city
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At this point the horse called Oahu sat444.7 down in the sand. Sat down to listen, I suppose. Never mind what he heard. I stopped apostrophising and convinced him that I was not a man to allow contempt of court444.10 on the part of a horse. I broke the back-bone of a chief444.11 over his rump and set out to join the cavalcade again.
Very considerably fagged out we arrived in town at nine444.12 o’clock at night, myself in the lead—for when my horse finally came to understand that he was homeward bound and hadn’t far to go, he turned his attention strictly to businessan.444.15
This444.16 is a good time to drop in a paragraph of information. There is no regular livery stable in Honolulu, or, indeed, in any part of the kingdom of Hawaii; therefore, unless you are acquainted with wealthy residents (who all have good horses), you must hire animals
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In hiring a horse from a Kanaka, you must have all your eyes about you, because you can rest satisfied that you are dealing with a shrewd unprincipled rascal445.14. You may leave your door open and your trunk unlocked as long as you please, and he will not meddle with your property; he has no important vices and no inclination to commit robbery on a large scale; but if he can get ahead of you in the horse business, he will take a genuine delight in doing it. This trait is characteristic of horse-jockeys445.19, the world over, is it not? He will overcharge you if he can; he will hire you a finelooking horse at night (anybody’s—maybe the King’s, if the royal steed be in convenient view), and bring you the mate to my Oahu in the morning, and contend that it is the same animal. If you make trouble445.24, he will get out by saying it was not himself who made the bargain with you, but his brother, “who went out in the country this morning.” They have always got a “brother” to shift the responsibility upon. A victim said to one of these fellows one day:
“But I know I hired the horse of you, because I noticed that scar on your cheek.”
The reply was not bad: “Oh, yes—yes—my brother all same—we twins!”
A friend of mine, J. Smithan, hired a horse yesterday, the Kanaka warranting him to be in excellent condition. Smith had a saddle and blanket of his own, and he ordered the Kanaka to put these on the horse. The Kanaka protested that he was perfectly willing to trust the gentleman with the saddle that was already on the animal,
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Another friend of mine bought a pretty good horse from a native, a day or two ago, after a tolerably thorough examination of the animal. He discovered to-day that the horse was as blind as a bat, in one eye. He meant to have examined that eye, and came home with a general notion that he had done it; but he remembers now
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You447.26 can buy a pretty good horse for forty or fifty dollars, and a good enough horse for all practical purposes for two dollars and a half. I estimate Oahu to be worth somewhere in the neighborhood of thirty-five cents. A good deal better animal than he is was sold here day before yesterday for a dollar and seventy-five cents447.30, and sold again to-day for two dollars and twenty-five cents; Williams447.31an bought a handsome and lively little pony yesterday for ten dollars; and about the best common horse on the island (and he is a really good one) sold yesterday, with Mexican447.34 saddle and bridle, for seventy dollars—a horse which is well and widely known, and greatly respected for his speed, good disposition and everlasting bottom. You give your horse a little grain once a day; it comes from San
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The448.9 hay-bundles cost twenty-five cents apiece, and one will last a horse about a day. You can get a horse for a song, a week’s hay for another song, and you can turn your animal loose among the luxuriant grass in your neighbor’s broad front yard without a song at all—you do it at midnight, and stable the beast again before morning. You have been at no expense thus far, but when you come to buy a saddle and bridle they will cost you from twenty to thirty-five dollars448.15–16. You can hire a horse, saddle and bridle at from seven to ten dollars448.16–17 a week, and the owner will take care of them at his own expense.an448.18
It is time to close this day’s record—bed time. As I prepare for
[begin page 449]
Translated, that means “When we were marching through Georgia.”an
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CHAPTER 66449.5–450 title
Passing450.1 through the market place we saw that feature of Honolulu under its most favorable
auspices—that is, in the full glory of
Saturday afternoon, which is a festive day with the natives.
[begin page 451]
The girls put on all the finery they can451.8 on Saturday afternoon—fine black silk robes; flowing red ones that nearly put your eyes out; others as white as snow; still others that discount the rainbow; and they wear their hair in nets, and trim their jaunty hats with fresh flowers, and encircle their dusky throats with home-made451.12–13 necklaces of the brilliant vermillion-tinted blossom of the ohiaan; and they fill the markets and the adjacent streets with their bright presences, and smell like a rag factory on fire451.15 with their offensive451.15–16 cocoanut oil.
Occasionally you see a heathen from the sunny isles away down in the South Seas, with his face and neck tattooed451.18 till he looks like the customary mendicant from Washoe451.19 who has been blown up in a mine. Some are tattooed a dead blue color down to the upper lip—masked, as it were—leaving the natural light yellow skin of Micronesia unstained from thence down; some with broad marks drawn down from hair to neck, on both sides of the face, and a strip of the original yellow skin, two inches wide, down the centre451.24—a gridiron with a spoke broken out; and some with the entire face discolored with the popular mortification tint, relieved only by one or two thin, wavy threads of natural yellow running across the face from ear to ear, and eyes twinkling out of this darkness, from under shadowing hat-brims, like stars in the dark of the moon.
Moving451.30 among the stirring crowds, you come to the poi merchants, squatting in the shade on their hams, in true native fashion, and surrounded by purchasers. (The Sandwich Islanders always squat on their hams, and who knows but they may be the old original “ham sandwiches?” The thought is pregnant with interest.) The poi looks like common flour paste, and is kept in large bowls formed of a species of gourd, and capable of holding from one to three or four gallons. Poi is the chief article of food among the
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Around a small shanty was collected a crowd of natives buying the awa root. It is said that but for the use of this root the destruction of the people in former times by certain imported452.30 diseases would have been far greater than it was, and by others it is said that this is merely a fancy. All agree that poi will rejuvenate a man who is used up and his vitality almost annihilated by hard drinking, and that in some kinds of diseases it will restore health after all medicines have failed; but all are not willing to allow to the awa the virtues claimed for it. The natives manufacture an intoxicating drink from it which is fearful in its effects when persistently indulged in. It covers the body with dry, white scales, inflames the eyes, and
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We found the fish market crowded; for the native is very fond of fish, and eats the article raw and alive!453.8 Let us change the subject.
In453.9 old times here Saturday was a grand gala day indeed. All the native population of the town forsook their labors, and those of the surrounding country journeyed to the city. Then the white folks had to stay indoors, for every street was so packed with charging cavaliers and cavalieresses that it was next to impossible to thread one’s way through the cavalcades without getting crippled.453.14
At night they feasted and the girls danced the lascivious hula-hula453.15–16—a dance that is said to exhibit the very perfection of educated motion of limb and arm, hand, head and body, and the exactest uniformity of movement and accuracy of “time.” It was performed by a circle of girls with no raiment on them to speak of, who went through453.20 an infinite variety of motions and figures without prompting, and yet so true was their “time,” and in such perfect concert did they move that when they were placed in a straight line, hands, arms, bodies, limbs and heads waved, swayed, gesticulated, bowed, stooped, whirled, squirmed, twisted and undulated as if they were part and parcel of a single individual; and it was difficult to believe they were not moved in a body by some exquisite piece of mechanism.
Of late years, however, Saturday has lost most of its quondam gala features. This weekly stampede of the natives interfered too much with labor and the interests of the white folks, and by sticking in a law here, and preaching a sermon there, and by various other means, they gradually broke it up. The demoralizing hula-hula453.32–33 was forbidden to be performed, save at night, with closed doors, in presence of few spectators, and only by permission duly procured from the authorities and the payment of ten dollarsan for the same. There are few girls now-a-days able to dance this ancient national dance in the highest perfection of the art.453.37an
The missionaries have christianized and educated all the natives.
[begin page 454]
Society is a queer medley in this notable missionary, whaling and governmental centre. If454.15–16 you get into conversation with a stranger454.17, and experience that natural desire to know what sort of ground you are treading on by finding out what manner of man your stranger is, strike out boldly and address him as “Captain.” Watch him narrowly, and if you see by his countenance that you are on the wrong tack, ask him where he preaches. It is a safe bet that he is either a missionary or captain of a whaler. I am now personally acquainted with seventy-two captains and ninety-six missionaries. The captains and ministers form one-half of the population; the third fourth is composed of common Kanakas and mercantile foreigners and their families, and the final fourth is made up of high officers of the Hawaiian Government. And there are just about cats enough for three apiece all around.
A solemn stranger met me in the suburbs the other day454.29, and said:
“Good morning, your reverence. Preach in the stone church yonder, no doubt?”
“No, I don’t. I’m not a preacher.”
“Really, I beg your pardon, Captain. I trust you had a good season. How much oil—”454.34
“Oil? What454.35 do you take me for? I’m not a whaler.”
“Oh, I beg a thousand pardons, your Excellency. Major General in the household troops, no doubt? Minister of the Interior, likely?
[begin page 455]
“Stuff!455.3 I’m no official. I’m not connected in any way with the Government.”
“Bless my life! Then, who the mischief are you? what the mischief are you? and how the mischief did you get here, and where in thunder did you come from?”
“I’m only a private personage—an unassuming stranger—lately arrived from America.”
“No? Not a missionary! not a whaler! not a member of his Majesty’s Government! not even Secretary of the Navy! Ah, Heaven! it is too blissful to be true; alas, I do but dream. And yet that noble, honest countenance—those oblique, ingenuous eyes—that massive head, incapable of—of—anything; your hand; give me your
[begin page 456]
Here his feelings were too much for him, and he swooned away. I pitied this poor creature from the bottom of my heart. I was deeply moved. I shed a few tears on him and kissed him for his mother. I then took what small change he had and “shoved.”an456.6
[begin page 457]
CHAPTER 67
I still quote from my journal:457 title–1
I found the national457.2 Legislature to consist of half a dozen white men and some thirty or forty natives. It was a dark assemblage. The nobles and Ministers (about a dozen of them altogether) occupied the extreme left of the hall, with David Kalakaua (the King’s Chamberlain)an and Prince Williaman at the head. The President of the Assembly, his457.7 Royal Highness M. Kekuanaoa,♦457.7 and the Vice President (the latter a white man,457.8)an sat in the pulpit, if I may so term it.
The President is the King’s fatheran. He is an erect, strongly built, massive featured, white-haired, tawny457.10 old gentleman of eighty457.10 years of age or thereabouts. He was simply but well dressed, in a blue cloth coat and white vest, and white pantaloons, without spot, dust or blemish upon them. He bears himself with a calm, stately dignity, and is a man of noble presence. He was a young man and a distinguished warrior under that terrific fighter457.15, Kamehameha I, more than half a century ago. A knowledge of his career suggested some such thought as this:457.16–17 “This man, naked as the day he was born, and war-club and spear in hand, has charged at the head of a horde of savages against other hordes of savages more than a generation and a half ago457.19–20, and reveled in slaughter and carnage; has worshipped457.21 wooden images on his devout457.21 knees; has seen hundreds of his race offered up in heathen temples as sacrifices to wooden457.23 idols, at a time when no missionary’s foot had ever pressed this soil, and he had never heard of the white man’s God; has believed his enemy could secretly pray him to death; has seen the day, in his childhood, when it was a crime punishable by death for a man to eat with his wife, or for a plebeian to let his shadow fall upon the King—and now look at him: an educated Christian;
[begin page 458]
Kekuanaoa is not of the blood royal. He derives his princely rank from his wife, who was a daughter of Kamehameha the Greatan. Under other monarchies the male line takes precedence of the female in tracing genealogies, but here the opposite is the case—the female line takes precedence. Their reason for this is exceedingly sensible, and I recommend it to the aristocracy of Europe: They say it is easy to know who a man’s mother was, but, etc., etc.an458.18
The christianizing of the natives has hardly even weakened some of their barbarian superstitions, much less destroyed them. I have just referred to one of these. It is still a popular belief that if your enemy can get hold of any article belonging to you he can get down on his knees over it and pray you to deathan. Therefore many a native gives up and dies merely because he imagines that some enemy is putting him through a course of damaging prayer. This praying an individual to death seems absurd enough at a first glance, but then when we call to mind some of the pulpit efforts of certain of our own ministers the thing looks plausible.
In former times, among the Islanders, not only a plurality of wives was customary, but a plurality of husbands likewise. Some native women of noble rank had as many as six husbands. A
[begin page 459]
In those days woman was rigidly taught to “know her place.” Her place was to do all the work, take all the cuffs, provide all the food, and content herself with what was left after her lord had finished his dinner. She was not only forbidden, by ancient law, and under penalty of death, to eat with her husband or enter a canoe, but was debarred, under the same penalty, from eating bananas, pine-apples, oranges and other choice fruits at any time or in any place. She had to confine herself pretty strictly to “poi” and hard work. These poor ignorant heathen seem to have had a sort of groping idea of what came of woman eating fruit in the Garden459.14 of Eden, and they did not choose to take any more chances. But the missionaries broke up this satisfactory arrangement of things. They liberated woman and made her the equal of man.
The natives had a romantic fashion of burying some of their children alive when the family became larger than necessary. The missionaries interfered in this matter too, and stopped it.
To this day the natives are able to lie down and die whenever they want toan, whether there is anything the matter with them or not. If a Kanaka takes a notion to die, that is the end of him; nobody can persuade him to hold on; all the doctors in the world could not save him.
A luxury which they enjoy more than anything else, is a large funeral. If a person wants to get rid of a troublesome native, it is only necessary to promise him a fine funeral and name the hour and he will be on hand to the minute—at least his remains will.
All the natives are Christians, now, but many of them still desert to the Great Shark Godan for temporary succor in time of trouble. An eruption459.32 of the great volcano of Kilauea, or an earthquake, always brings a deal of latent loyalty to the Great Shark God to the surface. It is common report that the King, educated, cultivated and refined Christian gentleman as he undoubtedly is, still turns to the idols of his fathers for help when disaster threatens. A planter caught a shark, and one of his christianized natives testified his emancipation from the thrall of ancient superstition by assisting
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In the rural districts of any of the Islands, the traveler hourly comes upon parties of dusky maidens bathing in the streams or in the sea without any clothing on and exhibiting no very intemperate zeal in the matter of hiding their nakedness. When the missionaries first took up their residence in Honolulu, the native women would pay their families frequent friendly visits, day by day, not even clothed with a blush. It was found a hard matter to convince them that this was rather indelicate. Finally the missionaries
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[begin page 462]
In our country, children play “keep house;” and in the same high-sounding but miniature way the grown folk here, with the poor little material of slender territory and meagre population, play “empire.” There is his royal Majesty the Kingan, with a New York detective’s income of thirty or thirty-five thousand dollars a year from the “royal civil list” and the “royal domain.”an He lives in a two-story frame “palace.”an
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Then there is his Excellency the “royal Chamberlain”—a sinecure, for his Majesty463.4 dresses himself with his own hands, except when he is ruralizing at Waikiki and then he requires no dressing.
Next we have his Excellency the Commander-in-chief of the Household Troops, whose forces consist of about the number of soldiers usually placed under a corporal in other landsan.
Next comes the royal Steward and the Grand Equerry in Waiting—high dignitaries with modest salaries and little to do.
Then we have his Excellency the First Gentleman of the Bed-chamberan—an office as easy as it is magnificent.
Next we come to his Excellency the Prime Minister, a renegade American from New Hampshire, all jaw, vanity, bombast and ignorance, a lawyer of “shyster” calibre, a fraud by nature, a humble worshipper463.16 of the sceptre above him, a reptile never tired of sneering
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Then we have his Excellency the Imperial Minister of Finance, who handles a million dollars of public money a year, sends in his annual “budget” with great ceremony, talks prodigiously of “finance,” suggests imposing schemes for paying off the “national debt” (of a hundred and fifty thousand dollars464.8,)an and does it all for four thousand dollars464.9 a year and unimaginable gloryan.
Next we have his Excellency the Minister of War, who holds sway over the royal armiesan—they consist of two hundred and thirty uniformed Kanakas, mostly Brigadier Generals, and if the country ever gets into trouble with a foreign power we shall probably hear from them. I knew an American whose copper-plate visiting card bore this impressive legend: “Lieutenant-Colonel in the Royal Infantry.”464.16 To say that he was proud of this distinction is stating it but tamely. The Minister of War has also in his charge some venerable swivels on Punch-Bowl Hillan wherewith royal salutes are fired when foreign vessels of war enter the port.
Next comes his Excellency the Minister of the Navy—a nabob who rules the “royal fleet,” (a steam-tug and a sixty-ton schooner.)an
And next comes his Grace the Lord Bishop of Honolulu, the chief dignitary of the “Established Church”—for when the American Presbyterian missionaries had completed the reduction of the nation to a compact condition of Christianity, native royalty stepped in and erected the grand dignity of an “Established (Episcopal) Church” over it, and imported a cheap ready-made Bishop from England to take chargean. The chagrin of the missionaries has never been comprehensively expressed, to this day, profanity not being admissible.
Next comes his Excellency the Minister of Public Instructionan.
Next, their Excellencies the Governors of Oahu, Hawaii, etc.an, and after them a string of High Sheriffs and other small fry too numerous for computation.
Then there are their Excellencies the Envoy Extraordinary and Minister Plenipotentiary of his Imperial Majesty the Emperor of the French; her British Majesty’s Minister; the Minister Resident, of the United Statesan; and some six or eight representatives of other
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Imagine all this grandeur in a play-house “kingdom” whose population falls absolutely short of sixty thousand soulsan!
The people are so accustomed to nine-jointed titles and colossal magnates that a foreign prince makes very little more stir in Honolulu than a western465.7 Congressman does in New York.
And let it be borne in mind that there is a strictly defined “court costume” of so “stunning” a nature that it would make the clown in a circus look tame and commonplace by comparison; and each Hawaiian official dignitary has a gorgeous vari-colored, gold-laced uniform peculiar to his office—no two of them are alike, and it is hard to tell which one is the “loudest.” The King haste✱465.13 a “drawing-room” at stated intervals, like other monarchs, and when these varied uniforms congregate there weak-eyed people have to contemplate the spectacle through smoked glass. Is there not a gratifying contrast between this latter-day exhibition and the one the ancestors of some of these magnates afforded the missionaries the Sunday after the old-time distribution of clothing? Behold what religion and civilization have wrought!
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CHAPTER 68
While I was in Honolulu I witnessed the ceremonious funeral of the King’s sister, her Royal Highness the Princess Victoria. According to the royal custom, the remains had lain in state at the palace thirty daysan, watched day and night by a guard of honor. And during all that time a great multitude of natives from the several islands had kept the palace grounds well crowded and had made the place a pandemonium every night with their howlings and wailings, beating of tom-toms and dancing of the (at other times) forbidden hula-hula466.9 by half-clad maidens to the music of songs of questionable decency chanted in honor of the deceased. The printed programme of the funeral procession interested me at the time; and after what I have just said of Hawaiian grandiloquence in the matter of “playing empire,” I am persuaded that a perusal of it may interest the reader:
After466.15 reading the long list of dignitaries, etc., and remembering the sparseness of the population, one is almost inclined to wonder where the material for that portion of the procession devoted to “Hawaiian Population Generally” is going to be procured:
Undertaker.466.19
Royal School. Kawaiahao School. Roman Catholic School.466.20
Maemae466.21 School.
Honolulu Fire Department.
Mechanics’466.23 Benefit Union.
Attending Physicians.
Konohikis (Superintendents)466.25 of Crown466.25 Lands, Konohikis of Private466.26
Lands of His Majesty, Konohikis of Private Lands of Her late Royal Highness.
Governor of Oahuan and Staff.
Hulumanu (Military Company)466.28.
The Prince of Hawaii’s Own (Military Company).
Household Troops.466.29–30
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Servants of Her late Royal Highness.
Protestant Clergy. The Clergy of the Roman Catholic Church.
His Lordship Louis Maigret, the Rt. Rev.
Bishopte✱467.7 of Arathea,
Vicar-Apostolic of the Hawaiian Islandsan.
The Clergy of the Hawaiian Reformed Catholic Church.
His Lordship the Right Reverend Bishop of Honoluluan.
Escort Haw. Cavalry.
Large Kahilis.
Small Kahilis.
PALL BEARERS.
[HEARSE.]467.8
Escort Haw. Cavalry.
Large Kahilis.
♦467rt.2
Small Kahilis.
PALL BEARERS.
Her Majesty Queen Emma’s Carriagean.
His Majesty’s Staff.
Carriage of Her late Royal Highness.
Carriage of Her Majesty the Queen Dowageran.
The King’s Chancelloran.
Cabinet Ministers.
His Excellency the Minister Resident of the United States467.15.
H. I. M.’s Commissioneran467.16.
H. B. M.’s Acting Commissioner467.17.
Judges of Supreme Court.
Privy Councillors.
Members of the467.20 Legislative Assembly.
Consular Corps.
Circuit Judges.
Clerks of Government Departments.
Members of the Bar.
Collector General, Custom House Officers and Officers of the Customs.
Marshal and Sheriffs of the different Islands.
King’s Yeomanry.
Foreign Residents.
Ahahui Kaahumanuan.
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Hawaiian Cavalry.
I resume my journal at the point where the procession arrived at the royal mausoleum:468.4–5
As the procession filed through the gate, the military deployed handsomely to the right and left and formed an avenue through which the long column of mourners passed to the tomb. The coffin was borne through the door of the mausoleum, followed by the King and his chiefs, the great officers of the kingdom, foreign Consuls, Embassadors and distinguished guests (Burlingamean and Gen.468.11 Van Valkenburghan). Several of the kahilis468.11 were then fastened to a framework468.12 in front of the tomb, there to remain until they decay and fall to pieces, or, forestalling this, until another scion of royalty dies. At this point of the proceedings the multitude set up such a heart-broken468.15 wailing as I hope never to hear again. The soldiers fired three volleys of musketry—the wailing being previously silenced to permit of the guns being heard. His Highness Prince William, in a showy military uniform (the “true prince,” this—scion of the house over-thrown by the present dynasty—he468.18–19 was formerly betrothed to the Princess but was not allowed to marry her), stood guard and paced back and forth within the door. The privileged few who followed the coffin into the mausoleum remained
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He469.12 was dressed entirely in black—dress-coat and silk hat—and looked rather democratic in the midst of the showy uniforms about him. On his breast he wore a large gold star, which was half hidden by the lappelte of his coat. He remained at the door a half hour, and occasionally gave an order to the men who were erecting the kahilis before the tomb. He had the good taste to make one of them substitute black crape for the ordinary hempen rope he was about to tie one of them to the framework with. Finally he entered his carriage and drove away, and the populace shortly began to drop into469.20 his wake. While he was in view there was but one man who attracted more attention than himself, and that was Harris (the Yankee Prime Minister)469.21–22. This feeble personage had crape enough around his hat to express the grief of an entire nation, and as usual he neglected no opportunity of making himself conspicuous and exciting the admiration of the simple Kanakas. Oh! noble ambition of this modern Richelieu!
It469.26 is interesting to contrast the funeral ceremonies of the Princess Victoria with those of her noted469.27 ancestor Kamehameha the Conqueror, who died fifty469.28 years ago—in 1819, the year before the first missionaries came:
On the 8th of May, 1819, at the age of sixty-six, he died as he had lived, in the faith of his country. It was his misfortune not to have come in contact with men who could have rightly influenced his religious aspirations. Judged by his advantages, and compared with the most eminent of his countrymen, he may be justly styled, not only great, but goodan. To this day his memory warms the heart and elevates the national feelings of Hawaiians. They are proud of their old warrior-king; they love his name; his deeds form their historical age; and an enthusiasm everywhere prevails, shared even by foreigners who knew his worth, that constitutes the firmest pillar of the throne of his dynasty469.39.
In lieu of human victims (the custom of that age)469.40, a sacrifice of three hundred dogs attended his obsequies; no mean holocaust, when their national value and the estimation in which they were held are469.42 considered. The bones of Kamehameha after being kept for a while, were so carefully
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The account of the circumstances of his death, as written by the native historians, is full of minute detail, but there is scarcely a line of it which does not mention or illustrate some bygone470.8 custom of the country. In this respect it is the most comprehensive document I have yet met withan. I will quote it entire:470.6–10
When470.11 Kamehameha was dangerously sick and the priests were unable to cure him, they said, “Be of good courage, and build a house for the god” (his own private god or idol), “that470.12–13 thou mayest recover.” The chiefs corroborated this advice of the priests, and a place of worship was prepared for Kukailimokuan, and consecrated in the evening. They proposed also to the king, with a view to prolong his life, that human victims should be sacrificed to his deity; upon which the greater part of the people absconded through fear of death, and concealed themselves in hiding-places till the tabu,♦470.19 in which destruction impended, was past. It is doubtful whether Kamehameha approved of the plan of the chiefs and priests to sacrifice men, as he was known to say, “The men are sacred for the king;”470.21 meaning that they were for the service of his successor. This information was derived from his son, Liholihoan470.23.
After470.24 this, his sickness increased to such a degree that he had not strength to turn himself in his bed. When another season, consecrated for worship at the new temple—heiau—arrived, he said to his son Liholiho, “Go thou and make supplication to thy god; I am not able to go and will offer my prayers at home.” When his devotions to his feathered god, Kukailimoku, were concluded, a certain religiously disposed individual, who had a bird-god, suggested to the king that through its influence his sickness might be removed. The name of this god was Pua; its body was made of a bird, now eaten by the Hawaiians, and called in their language alae. Kamehameha was willing that a trial should be made, and two houses were constructed to facilitate the experiment; but while dwelling in them, he became so very weak as not to receive food. After lying there three days, his wives, children, and chiefs, perceiving that he was very low, returned him to his own house. In the evening he was carried to the
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The471.22 sick king471.22 was once more taken to his house, when he expired; this was at two o’clock—a circumstance from which Leleiohokuan derived his name. As he breathed his last Kalaimokuan came to the eating-house to order those in it to go out. There were two aged persons thus directed to depart; one went, the other remained on account of love to the king, by whom he had formerly been kindly sustained. The children also were sent away. Then Kalaimoku came to the house, and the chiefs had a consultation. One of them spoke thus: “This is my thought, we will eat him raw.”†471n.1–6 Kaahumanu (one of the dead king’s471.30 widows)471.30 replied, “Perhaps his body is not at our disposal; that is more properly with his successor. Our part in him—the471.32 breath—has departed; his remains will be disposed of by Liholiho.”
After471.34 this conversation, the body was taken into the consecrated house for the performance of the proper rites by the priest and the new471.35 king. The name of this ceremony is uko; and when the sacred hog was baked, the priest offered it to the dead body and it became a god, the king at the same time repeating the customary prayers.
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Then472.9 the high priest Hewahewa, inquired of the chiefs, where shall be the residence of King Liholiho? They replied, “Where, indeed? you of all men ought to know.” Then the priest observed, “There are two suitable places; one is Kau, the other is472.12 Kohala.” The chiefs preferred the latter, as it was more thickly inhabited. The priest added, “These are proper places for the king’s residence, but he must not remain in Konaan, for it is polluted.” This was agreed to. It was now break of day. As he was being carried to the place of burial, the people perceived that their king was dead, and they wailed. When the corpse was removed from the house to the tomb, a distance of one chain, the procession was met by a certain man who was ardently attached to the deceased. He leaped upon the chiefs who were carrying the king’s body; he desired to die with him, on account of his love. The chiefs drove him away. He persisted in making numerous attempts, which were unavailing.472.22Kalaimoku472.22 also had it in his heart to die with him, but was prevented by Hookio.
The472.24 morning following Kamehameha’s death, Liholiho and his train departed for Kohala according to the suggestions of the priest, to avoid the defilement occasioned by the dead. At this time, if a chief died the land was polluted, and the heirs sought a residence in another part of the country, until the corpse was dissected and the bones tied in a bundle, which being done, the season of defilement terminated. If the deceased were not a chief, the house only was defiled, which became pure again on the burial of the body. Such were the laws on this subject.
On472.32 the morning in which Liholiho sailed in his canoe for Kohala, the chiefs and people mourned after their manner on occasion of a chief’s death, conducting themselves472.34 like madmen, and like beasts. Their conduct was such as to forbid description. The priests, also, put into action the sorcery apparatus, that the person who had prayed the king to death might die; for it was not believed that Kamehameha’s departure was the effect either of sickness or old age. When the sorcerers set up by their fire-places472.38–39sticks472.39 with a strip of kapa flying at the top, the chief Keeaumoku, Kaahumanu’s472.40 brotheran, came, in a state of intoxication, and broke the flag-staff of the sorcerers, from which it was inferred that Kaahumanu and her friends had been instrumental in the king’s death472.42. On this account they were subjected to abuse.ante472.43
You have the contrast, now, and a strange one it is. This great Queen, Kaahumanu, who was “subjected to abuse” during the
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Dogs were, and still are, reared and fattened for food, by the natives—hence the reference to their value in one of the above paragraphs.
Forty years ago it was the custom in the Islands to suspend all law for a certain number of days after the death of a royal personage; and then a saturnalia ensued which one may picture to himself after a fashion, but not in the full horror of the reality. The people shaved their heads, knocked out a tooth or two, plucked out an eye sometimes, cut, bruised, mutilated or burned their flesh, got drunk, burned each other’s huts, maimed or murdered one another according to the caprice of the moment, and both sexes gave themselves up to brutal and unbridled licentiousnessan. And after it all, came a torpor from which the nation slowly emerged bewildered and dazed, as if from a hideous half-remembered nightmare. They were not the salt of the earth, those “gentle children of the sun.”
The natives still keep up an old custom of theirs which cannot be comforting to an invalid. When they think a sick friend is going
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They surround a hut and wail in the same heart-broken way when its occupant returns from a journey. This is their dismal idea of a welcome. A very little of it would go a great way with most of us.
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CHAPTER 69473.4–475 title
Bound475.1 for Hawaii, (a hundred and fifty miles distant,)475.1 to visit the great volcano and behold the other notable things which distinguish that475.3 island above the remainder of the group, we sailed from Honolulu on a certain Saturday afternoon, in the good schooner Boomerangan.
The Boomerang was about as long as two street cars, and about as wide as one. She was so small (though she was larger than the majority of the inter-island coasters) that when I stood on her deck I felt but little smaller than the Colossus of Rhodes must have felt when he had a man-of-war under him. I could reach the water when she lay over under a strong breeze. When the captain475.11 and my comrade (a Mr. Billings)an,475.12 myself and four other persons475.12 were all assembled on the little after portion of the deck which is sacred to the cabin passengers, it was full—there was not room for any more quality folks. Another section of the deck, twice as large as ours, was full of natives of both sexes, with their customary dogs, mats, blankets, pipes, calabashes of poi, fleas, and other luxuries and baggage of minor importance. As soon as we set sail the natives all lay475.19 down on the deck as thick as negroes in a slave-pen, and smoked, conversed, and475.20 spit on each other, and were truly sociable.
The little low-ceiled cabin below was rather larger than a hearse, and as dark as a vault. It had two coffins on each side—I mean two bunks475.24. A small table, capable of accommodating three persons at dinner, stood against the forward bulkhead, and over it hung the dingiest whale-oil lantern that ever peopled the obscurity of a dungeon with ghostly475.27 shapes. The floor room unoccupied was not extensive. One might swing a cat in it, perhaps, but not a long cat475.28. The hold forward of the bulkhead had but little freight in it, and from morning till night a portly475.30 old rooster, with a voice like Balaam’s475.30–476.1
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Sleeping was out of the question when he was on watch. He was a source of genuine aggravation and annoyance476.13. It was worse than useless to shout at him or apply offensive epithets to him—he only took these things for applause, and strained himself to make more noise. Occasionally, during the day, I threw potatoes at him through an aperture in the bulkhead, but he only dodged476.18 and went on crowing.
The first night, as I lay in my coffin, idly watching the dim lamp swinging to the rolling of the ship, and snuffing the nauseous odors of bilge water, I felt something gallop over me. I turned out promptly476.21–22. However, I turned in again when I found it was only a rat. Presently something galloped over me once more. I knew it was not a rat this time, and I thought it might be a centipede, because the captain476.25 had killed one on deck in the afternoon. I turned out. The first glance at the pillow showed me a repulsive sentinel perched upon each end of it—cockroaches as large as peach leaves—fellows with long, quivering antennæ and fiery, malignant eyes. They were grating their teeth like tobacco worms, and appeared to be dissatisfied about something. I had often heard that these reptiles were in the habit of eating off sleeping sailors’ toe nails down to the quick, and I would not get in the bunk any more. I lay476.33 down on the floor. But a rat came and bothered me, and shortly afterward a procession of cockroaches arrived and camped in my hair. In a few moments the rooster was crowing with uncommon spirit and a party of fleas were throwing double summersets476.36–37 about my person in the wildest disorder, and taking a bite every time they struck. I was beginning to feel really annoyed. I got up and put my clothes on and went on deck.
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It477.4 was compensation for my477.4 sufferings to come unexpectedly upon so beautiful a scene as met my eye—to step suddenly out of the sepulchral gloom of the cabin and stand under the strong light of the moon—in the centre477.7, as it were, of a glittering sea of liquidsilver—477.8 to see the broad sails straining in the gale, the ship heeled477.8 over on her side, the angry foam hissing past her lee bulwarks, and sparkling sheets of spray dashing high over her bows and raining upon her decks; to brace myself and hang fast to the first object that presented itself, with hat jammed down and coat tails whipping in the breeze, and feel that exhilaration that thrills in one’s hair and quivers down his back-bone477.14 when he knows that every inch of canvas is drawing and the vessel cleaving through the waves477.16 at her utmost speed. There was no darkness, no dimness, no obscurity there. All was brightness, every object was vividly defined. Every prostrate Kanaka; every coil of rope; every calabash of poi; every puppy; every seam in the flooring; every bolthead; every object, however minute, showed sharp and distinct in its every
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Monday morning we were close to the island of Hawaii. Two of its high mountains were in view—Mauna Loa and Hualalai478.5. The latter is an imposing peak, but being only ten thousand feet high is seldom mentioned or heard of. Mauna Loa is said to be sixteen478.7 thousand feet highan. The rays of glittering snow and ice, that clasped its summit like a claw, looked refreshing when viewed from the blistering climate we were in. One could stand on that mountain (wrapped up in blankets and furs to keep warm), and while he nibbled a snow-ball or an icicle to quench his thirst he could look down the long sweep of its sides and see spots where plants are growing that grow only where the bitter cold of winter478.14 prevails; lower down he could see sections devoted to productions that thrive in the temperate zone alone; and at the bottom of the mountain he could see the home of the tufted cocoa palms and other species of vegetation that grow only in the sultry atmosphere of eternal summer478.19. He could see all the climes of the world at a single glance of the eye, and that glance would only pass over a distance of four or five478.21 miles as the bird flies!
By and by we took boat and went ashore at Kailua, designing to ride horseback through the pleasant orange and coffee region of Kona, and rejoin the vessel at a point some leagues distantan. This journey is well worth taking. The trail passes478.21–25 along on high ground—say a thousand feet above sea level—and usually about a mile distant from the ocean, which is always in sight, save that occasionally you find yourself buried in the forest in the midst of a rank, tropical vegetation and a dense growth of trees, whose great boughs478.30 overarch the road and shut out sun and sea and everything, and leave you in a dim, shady tunnel, haunted with invisible singing birds and fragrant with the odor of flowers. It was pleasant to ride occasionally in the warm sun, and feast the eye upon the everchanging panorama of the forest (beyond and below us), with its many tints, its softened lights and shadows, its billowy478.35 undulations sweeping gently down from the mountain to the sea. It was pleasant also, at intervals, to leave the sultry sun and pass into the cool, green depths of this forest and indulge in sentimental reflections under the inspiration of its brooding twilight and its whispering foliage.
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At480.3 one farmhouse we got some large peaches of excellent flavor480.3. This fruit, as a general thing, does not do well in the Sandwich Islands. It takes a sort of almond shape, and is small and bitter. It needs frost, they say, and perhaps it does; if this be so, it will have a good opportunity to go on needing it, as it will not be likely to get it. The trees from which the fine fruit I have spoken of came had been planted and replanted sixteen times480.9, and to this treatment the proprietor of the orchard attributed his success.
We passed several sugar plantations—new ones and not very extensive. The crops were, in most cases, third rattoons. [Note.—The first crop is called “plant cane;” subsequent crops which spring from the original roots, without replanting,480.14 are called “rattoons.”] Almost everywhere on the island of Hawaii sugar-cane matures in twelve months, both rattoons and plant, and although it ought to be taken off as soon as it tassels, no doubt, it is not absolutely necessary to do it until about four months afterward. In Kona, the average yield of an acre of ground is two tons480.19 of sugar, they say. This is only a moderate yield for these islands, but would be astounding480.21 for Louisiana and most other sugar growing countries. The plantations in Kona being on pretty high ground—up among the light and frequent rains—no irrigation whatever is required.anan480.24
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CHAPTER 70
We stopped some time at one of the plantationsan, to rest ourselves and refresh the horses. We had a chatty conversation with several gentlemen present; but there was one person, a middle aged man, with an absent look in his face, who simply glanced up, gave us good-day and lapsed again into the meditations which our coming had interrupted. The planters whispered uste not to mind him—crazy. They said he was in the Islands for his health; was a preacher; his home, Michigan. They said that if he woke up presently and fell to talking about a correspondence which he had some time held with Mr. Greeley about a trifle of some kind, we must humor him and listen with interest; and we must humor his fancy that this correspondence was the talk of the world.
It was easy to see that he was a gentle creature and that his madness had nothing vicious in it. He looked pale, and a little worn, as if with perplexing thought and anxiety of mind. He sat a long time,
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“Circumstance? What circumstance? Ah, I know—I know too well. So you have heard of it too.” [With a sigh.] “Well, no matter—all the world has heard of it. All the world. The whole world. It is a large world, too, for a thing to travel so far in—now isn’t it? Yes, yes—the Greeley correspondence with Erickson has created the saddest and bitterest controversy on both sides of the ocean—and still they keep it up! It makes us famous, but at what a sorrowful sacrifice! I was so sorry when I heard that it had caused that bloody and distressful war over there in Italy. It was little comfort to me, after so much bloodshed, to know that the victors sided with me, and the vanquished with Greeley.482.18 It is little comfort to know that Horace Greeley is responsible for the battle of Sadowaan, and not me. Queen Victoria wrote me that she felt just as I did about it—she said that as much as she was opposed to Greeley and the spirit he showed in the correspondence with me, she would not have had Sadowa happen for hundreds of dollars. I can show you her letter, if you would like to see it. But gentlemen, much as you may think you know about that unhappy correspondence, you cannot know the straight of it till you hear it from my lips. It has always been garbled in the journals, and even in history. Yes, even in history—think of it! Let me—please let me, give you the matter, exactly as it occurred. I truly will not abuse your confidence.”
Then he leaned forward, all interest, all earnestness, and told his story—and told it appealingly, too, and yet in the simplest and most unpretentious way; indeed, in such a way as to suggest to one, all the time, that this was a faithful, honorable witness, giving evidence in the sacred interest of justice, and under oath. He said:
“Mrs. Beazeley—Mrs. Jackson Beazeley, widow, of the village of Campbellton, Kansas,—wrote me about a matter which was near her heart—a matter which many might think trivial, but to her it was a thing of deep concern. I was living in Michigan, then—serving in the ministry. She was, and is, an estimable woman—a
[begin page 483]
[begin page 484]
“I was a stranger to Mr. Greeley, but what of that? The matter was urgent. I wrote and begged him to solve the difficult problem if possible and save the student’s life. My interest grew, until it partook of the anxiety of the mother. I waited in much suspense.484.15 At last the answer came.
“I found that I could not read it readilyan, the handwriting being unfamiliar and my emotions somewhat wrought up. It seemed to refer in part to the boy’s case, but chiefly to other and irrelevant matters—such as paving-stones, electricity, oysters, and something which I took to be ‘absolution’ or ‘agrarianism,’ I could not be certain which; still, these appeared to be simply casual mentions, nothing more; friendly in spirit, without doubt, but lacking the connection or coherence necessary to make them useful.484.24 I judged that my understanding was affected by my feelings, and so laid the letter away till morning.
“In the morning I read it again, but with difficulty and uncertainty still, for I had lost some little rest and my mental vision seemed clouded. The note was more connected, now, but did not meet the emergency it was expected to meet. It was too discursive. It appeared to read as follows, though I was not certain of some of the words:
Polygamy484.33 dissembles majesty; extracts redeem polarity; causes hitherto exist. Ovations pursue wisdom, or warts inherit and condemn. Boston, botany, cakes, folonyte undertakes, but who shall allay? We fear not.
Yrxwly, Hevace Eveeloj.484.36
“But there did not seem to be a word about turnips. There seemed to be no suggestion as to how they might be made to grow
[begin page 485]
[begin page 486]
Bolivia486.3 extemporizes mackerel; borax esteems polygamy; sausages wither in the east. Creation perdu, is done; for woes inherent one can damn. Buttons, buttons, corks, geology underrates but we shall allay. My beer’s out. Yrxwly,
HevaceEveeloj.486.7
“I was evidently overworked. My comprehension was impaired. Therefore I gave two days to recreation, and then returned to my task greatly refreshed. The letter now took this form:
Poultices486.11 do sometimes choke swine; tulips reduce posterity; causes leather to resist. Our notions empower wisdom, her let’s afford while we can. Butter but any cakes, fill any undertaker, we’ll wean him from his filly. We feel hot. Yrxwly,
HevaceEveeloj.486.15
“I was still not satisfied. These generalities did not meet the question. They were crisp, and vigorous, and delivered with a confidence that almost compelled conviction; but at such a time as this, with a human life at stake, they seemed inappropriate, worldly, and in bad taste. At any other time I would have been not only glad, but proud, to receive from a man like Mr. Greeley a letter of this kind, and would have studied it earnestly and tried to improve myself all I could; but now, with that poor boy in his far home languishing for relief, I had no heart for learning.
“Three days passed by, and I read the note again. Again its tenor had changed. It now appeared to say:
Potations486.27 do sometimes wake wines; turnips restrain passion; causes necessary to state. Infest the poor widow; her lord’s effects will be void. But dirt, bathing, etc., etc., followed unfairly, will worm him from his folly—so swear not. Yrxwly,
HevaceEveeloj.486.31
“This was more like it. But I was unable to proceed. I was too much worn. The word ‘turnips’ brought temporary joy and encouragement, but my strength was so much impaired, and the delay might be so perilous for the boy, that I relinquished the idea of pursuing the translation further, and resolved to do what I ought to have done at first. I sat down and wrote Mr. Greeley as follows:
[begin page 487]
Under487.8 a misapprehension, you seem to attribute to me interested motives in this matter—to call it by no harsher term. But I assure you, dear sir, that if I seem to be ‘infesting the widow,’ it is all seeming, and void of reality. It is from no seeking of mine that I am in this position. She asked me, herself, to write you. I never have infested her—indeed I scarcely know her. I do not infest anybody. I try to go along, in my humble way, doing as near right as I can, never harming anybody, and never throwing out insinuations. As for ‘her lord and his effects,’ they are of no interest to me. I trust I have effects enough of my own—shall endeavor to get along with them, at any rate, and not go mousing around to get hold of somebody’s that are ‘void.’487.18 But do you not see?—this woman is a widow—she has no ‘lord.’ He is dead—or pretended to be, when they buried him. Therefore, no amount of ‘dirt, bathing,’ etc., etc., howsoever ‘unfairly followed’ will be likely to ‘worm him from his folly’—if being dead and a ghost is ‘folly.’ Your closing remark is as unkind as it was uncalled for; and if report says true you might have applied it to yourself, sir, with more point and less impropriety. Very Truly Yours,
Simon Erickson.
“In the course of a few days, Mr. Greeley did what would have saved a world of trouble, and much mental and bodily suffering and misunderstanding, if he had done it sooner. To wit487.28, he sent an intelligible rescript or translation of his original note, made in a plain hand by his clerk. Then the mystery cleared, and I saw that his heart had been right, all the time. I will recite the note in its clarified form:
[Translation.]
Potatoes487.34 do sometimes make vines; turnips remain passive: cause unnecessary to state. Inform the poor widow her lad’s efforts will be vain. But diet, bathing, etc. etc., followed uniformly, will wean him from his folly—so fear not. Yours,
Horace Greeley.487.38
“But alas, it was too late, gentlemen—too late. The criminal delay had done its work—young Beazeley487.40 was no more. His spirit had taken its flight to a land where all anxieties shall be charmed
[begin page 488]
So ended Erickson, and lapsed again into nodding, mumbling, and abstraction. The company broke up, and left him so. . . . But they did not say what drove him crazy. In the momentary confusion, I forgot to ask.
[begin page 489]
CHAPTER 71
At 489.1 four o’clock in the afternoon we were winding down a mountain of dreary and desolate lava to the sea, and closing our pleasant land journey. This lava is the accumulation of ages; one torrent of fire after another has rolled down here in old times, and built up the island structure higher and higher. Underneath, it is honey-combed with caves; it would be of no use to dig wells in such a place; they would not hold water—you would not find any for them to hold, for that matter. Consequently, the planters depend upon cisterns.
The last lava flow occurred here so long ago that there are none now living who witnessed it. In one place it enclosed489.11 and burned down a grove of cocoanut489.12 trees, and the holes in the lava where the trunks stood are still visible; their sides retain the impression of the bark; the trees fell upon the burning river, and becoming partly submerged, left in it the perfect counterpart489.15 of every knot and branch and leaf, and even nut, for curiosity seekers of a long distant day to gaze upon and wonder at.
There were doubtless plenty of Kanaka sentinels on guard hereabouts at that time, but they did not leave casts of their figures in the lava as the Roman sentinels at Herculaneum and Pompeii did. It is a pity it is so, because such things are so interesting, but so it is. They probably went away. They went away early, perhaps.489.22 However, they had their merits; the Romans exhibited the higher pluck, but the Kanakas showed the sounder judgment.489.24
Shortly we came in sight of that spot whose history is so familiar to every school-boy in the wide world—Kealakekua Bay—the place where Capt.489.27 Cook, the great circumnavigator, was killed by the natives nearly a hundred years ago. The setting sun was flaming upon it, a summer489.29 shower was falling, and it was spanned by two magnificent rainbows. Two men489.30 who were in advance of us
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Kealakekua Bay is a little curve like the last kink of a snail shell, winding deep into the land, seemingly not more than a mile wide from shore to shore. It is bounded on one side—where the murder was done—by a little flat plain, on which stands a cocoanut grove and some ruined houses; a steep wall of lava, a thousand feet high at the upper end and three or four hundred at the lower, comes down from the mountain and bounds the inner extremity of it. From this wall the place takes its name, Kealakekua, which in the native tongue signifies “The Pathway of the Gods.” They say (and still believe, in spite of their liberal education in Christianity), that the great god Lonoante✱490.22, who used to live upon the hillside, always traveled that causeway when urgent business connected with heavenly affairs called him down to the seashore in a hurry.
As the red sun looked across the placid ocean through the tall, clean stems of the cocoanut trees, like a blooming whisky bloat through the bars of a city prison, I went and stood in the edge of the water on the flat rock pressed by Capt.490.28 Cook’s feet when the blow was dealt which490.29 took away his life, and tried to picture in my mind the doomed man struggling in the midst of the multitude of exasperated savages—the men in the ship crowding to the vessel’s side and gazing in anxious dismay toward the shore—the—but490.32 I discovered that I could not do it.
It was growing dark, the rain began to fall, we could see that the distant Boomerang was helplessly becalmed at sea, and so I adjourned to the cheerless little box of a warehouse and sat down to smoke and think, and wish the ship would make the land—for we had not eaten much for ten490.38 hours and were viciously hungry.
Plain490.39 unvarnished history takes the romance out of Capt.490.39 Cook’s
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His flesh was stripped from the bones and burned (except nine pounds of it which were sent on board the ships).491.14 The heart was hung up in a native hut, where it was found and eaten by three children, who mistook it for the heart of a dog. One of these children grew to be a very old man, and died491.17 in Honolulu a few years ago. Some491.18 of Cook’s bones were recovered and consigned to the deepan by the officers of the ships.
Small blame should attach to the natives for the killing of Cook. They treated him well. In return, he abused them.491.21 He and his men inflicted bodily injury upon many of them at different times, and kilied at least three of them before they offered any proportionate retaliation.anan491.24
Near the shore we found “Cook’s Monument”—only a491.25 cocoanut stump, four491.26 feet high, and about a foot in diameter at the butt. It had lava boulders491.27 piled around its base to hold it up and keep it in its place, and it was entirely sheathed over, from top to bottom, with rough, discolored sheets of copper, such as ships’ bottoms are coppered with. Each sheet had a rude inscription scratched upon it—with a nail, apparently—and in every case the execution was wretched. Most of these merely recorded the visits of British naval commanders to the spot, but one of them bore this legend:491.32–33
“Near this spot fell
CAPTAIN JAMES COOK,
The Distinguished Circumnavigator, who
Discovered these
Islands A. D. 1778.”491.37
After Cook’s murder, his second in command, on board the ship, opened fire upon the swarms of natives on the beach, and one of
[begin page 492]
Toward midnight492.14 a fine breeze sprang up and the schooner soon worked herself492.15 into the bay and cast anchor. The boat came ashore for us, and in a little while the clouds and the rain were all492.16 gone. The moon was beaming tranquilly down on land and sea, and we two were stretched upon the deck sleeping the refreshing sleep and dreaming the happy dreams that are only vouchsafed to the weary and the innocent.an492.20
[begin page 493]
CHAPTER 72
In the breezy morning we went ashore and visited the ruined temple of the lost✱493.2 godte Lonoan. The493 title–2 high chief cook of this temple—the priest who presided over it and roasted the human sacrifices—was uncle to Obookiah493.4, and at one time that youth was an apprentice-priest under him. Obookiah493.5 was a young native of fine mind, who, together with three other native boys, was taken to New England by the captain of a whaleship during the reign of Kamehameha I, and they493.8 were the means of attracting the attention of the religious world to their country. This resulted in the sending of493.9–10 missionaries therean. And this Obookiah493.10 was the very same sensitive savage who sat down on the church steps and wept because his people did not have the Biblean. That incident has been very elaborately painted in many a charming Sunday school493.13 book—aye, and told so plaintively and so tenderly that I have cried over it in Sunday school493.15 myself, on general principles, although at a time when I did not know much and could not understand why the people of the Sandwich Islands needed to worry so much493.17 about it as long as they did not know there was a Bible at all.493.18
Obookiah493.19 was converted and educated, and was to have returned to his native land with the first missionaries, had he lived. The other native youths made the voyagean, and two of them did good service, but the third, William493.22 Kanui, fell from grace afterward, for a time, and when the gold excitement broke out in California he journeyed thither and went to mining, although he was fifty years old. He succeeded pretty well, but the failure of Page, Bacon & Co. relieved him of six thousand dollars493.26, and then, to all intents and purposes, he was a bankrupt in his old age and he resumed service in the pulpit again. He died in Honolulu in 1864.an493.27–28.
Quite a broad tract of land near the temple493.29, extending from the sea to the mountain top, was sacred to the god Lono in olden
[begin page 494]
And494.11 there was a large temple near at hand which was built in a single night, in the midst of storm and thunder and rain, by the ghastly hands of dead men! Tradition says that by the weird494.13 glare of the lightning a noiseless multitude of phantoms were seen at their strange labor far up the mountain side at dead of night—flitting hither and thither and bearing great lava blocks494.16 clasped in their nerveless fingers—appearing and disappearing as the pallid lustre494.17–18 fell upon their forms494.18 and faded away again. Even to this day, it is said, the natives hold this dread structure in awe and reverence, and will not pass by it in the night.
At494.21 noon I observed a bevy of nude native young ladies bathing in the sea, and went and sat down on their clothes to keep them from
[begin page 495]
I have spoken, several times, of the god Lono—I may as well furnish two or three sentences concerning him.495.15–16
The idol the natives worshipped495.17 for him was a slender, unornamented staff twelve feet long. Tradition495.18 says he was a favorite god on the island of Hawaii—a great king who had been deified for meritorious services—just our own fashion of rewarding heroes, with the difference that we would have made him a Postmaster instead of a god, no doubt. In an angry moment he slew his wife, a goddess named Kaikilani Alii495.23. Remorse of conscience drove him mad, and tradition presents us the singular spectacle of a god traveling “on the shoulder;”an for in his gnawing grief he wandered about
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Some496.12 of the old natives believed Cook was Lono to the day of their death; but many did not, for they could not understand how he could die if he was a god.
Only496.15 a mile or so from Kealakekua Bay is a spot of historic interest—the place where the last battle was fought for idolatryan. Of course we visited it, and came away as wise as most people do who go and gaze upon such mementoes of the past when in an unreflective mood.
While the first missionaries were on their way around the Horn, the idolatrous customs which had obtained in the Islands496.21 as far back as tradition reached were suddenly broken up. Old Kamehameha I was dead, and his son, Liholiho, the new King, was a free liver, a roystering, dissolute fellow, and hated the restraints of the ancient tabu. His assistant in the Government, Kaahumanu, the Queen dowager, was proud and high-spirited, and hated the tabu because it restricted the privileges of her sex and degraded all women very nearly to the level of brutes. So the case stood. Liholiho had half496.29 a mind to put his foot down, Kaahumanu496.29 had a whole mind to badger him into doing itan, and whisky did the rest. It was probably the first496.31 time whisky ever prominently figured as an aid to civilization. Liholiho came up to Kailua as drunk as a piperan, and attended a great feast; the determined Queen spurred his drunken courage up to a reckless pitch, and then, while all the multitude stared in blank dismay, he moved deliberately forward and sat down with the women! They saw him eat from the same vessel with them, and were appalled! Terrible moments drifted slowly by, and still the King ate, still he lived, still the lightnings of the insulted
[begin page 497]
Thus did King Liholiho and his dreadful whisky preach the first sermon and prepare the way for the new gospel that was speeding southward over the waves of the Atlantic.
The tabu broken and destruction failing to follow the awful sacrilege, the people, with that childlike precipitancy which has always characterized them, jumped to the conclusion that their gods were a weak and wretched swindle, just as they formerly jumped to the conclusion that Capt.497.12 Cook was no god, merely because he groaned, and promptly killed him without stopping to inquire whether a god might not groan as well as a man if it suited his convenience497.14–15 to do it; and satisfied that the idols were powerless to protect themselves they went to work at once and pulled them down—hacked them to pieces—applied the torch—annihilated them!
The pagan priests were furious. And well they might be; they had
[begin page 498]
In the first skirmish the idolaters triumphed over the royal army sent against them, and full of confidence they resolved to march upon Kailua. The King sent an envoy to try and conciliate them, and came very near being an envoy short by the operation; the savages not only refused to listen to him, but wanted to kill him. So the King sent his men forth under Major General Kalaimoku and the two hosts met at Kuamoo. The battle was long and fierce—men and women fighting side by side, as was the custom—and when the day was done the rebels were flying in every direction in hopeless panic, and idolatry and the tabu were dead in the landan!
The royalists marched gayly home to Kailua glorifying the new dispensation. “There is no power in the gods,” said they; “they are a vanity and a lie. The army with idols was weak; the army without idols was strong and victorious!”
The nation was without a religion.
The missionary ship arrived in safety shortly afterwardan, timed by providential exactness to meet the emergency, and the gospel was planted as in a virgin soilan.
[begin page 499]
CHAPTER 73499 title
At noon, we hired a Kanaka to take us down to the ancient ruins at Honaunauan in his canoe—price two dollars—reasonable enough, for a sea voyage of eight miles, counting both ways.
The native canoe is an irresponsible looking contrivance. I cannot think of anything to liken it to but a boy’s sled runner hollowed out, and that does not quite convey the correct idea. It is about fifteen feet long, high and pointed at both ends, is a foot and a half or two feet deep, and so narrow that if you wedged a fat man into it you might not get him out again. It sits on499.9 top of the water like a duck, but it has an outrigger and does not upset easily if you keep still.499.11 This outrigger is formed of two long bent sticks, like plow handles, which project from one side, and to their outer ends is bound a curved beam composed of an extremely light wood, which skims along the surface of the water and thus saves you from an upset on that side, while the outrigger’s weight is not so easily lifted as to make an upset on the other side a thing to be greatly feared. Still, until one gets used to sitting perched upon this knife-blade, he is apt to reason within himself that it would be more comfortable if there were just an outrigger or so on the other side also.
I499.21 had the bow seat, and Billings499.21an sat amidships and faced the Kanaka, who occupied the stern of the craft and did the paddling. With the first stroke the trim shell of a thing shot out from the shore like an arrow. There was not much to see. While we were on the shallow water of the reef, it was pastime to look down into the limpid depths at the large bunches of branching coral—the unique shrubbery of the sea. We lost that, though, when we got out into the dead blue water of the deep. But we had the picture of the surf, then, dashing angrily against the crag-bound shore and sending a
[begin page 500]
[begin page 501]
At the end of an hour we had made the four miles, and landed on a level point of land, upon which was a wide extent of old ruins, with many a tall cocoanut tree growing among them. Here was the ancient City of Refuge—a vast enclosure501.26, whose stone walls were twenty feet thick at the base, and fifteen501.27 feet high; an oblong square, a thousand and forty feet one way, and a fraction under seven hundred the otheran. Within this enclosure501.29, in early times, had501.30 been three rude temples; each was✱501.30tetwo hundred and ten501.30 feet long by one hundred501.31 wide, and thirteen501.31 high.
In those days, if a man killed another anywhere on the island the relatives501.33 were privileged to take the murderer’s life; and then a chase for life and liberty began—the outlawed criminal flying through pathless forests and over mountain and plain, with his hopes fixed upon the protecting walls of the City of Refuge, and
[begin page 502]
This old sanctuary was sacred to all—even to rebels in arms and invading armies. Once within its walls, and confession made to the priest and absolution obtained, the wretch with a price upon his head could go forth without fear and502.16 without danger—he was tabu, and to harm him was death. The routed rebels in the lost battle for idolatry fled to this place to claim sanctuary, and many were thus saved.
Close502.20 to a502.20 corner of the great enclosure502.20 is a round structure of
[begin page 503]
The503.8 walls of the temple are a study. The same food for speculation that is offered the visitor to the Pyramids of Egypt he will find here—the mystery of how they were constructed by a people unacquainted with science and mechanics. The natives have no invention of their own for hoisting heavy weights, they had no beasts of burden, and they have never even shown any knowledge of the properties of the lever. Yet some of the lava blocks quarried out, brought over rough, broken ground, and built into this wall, six or seven feet from the ground, are of prodigious size and would weigh tons. How did they transport and how raise them?an
Both the inner and outer surfaces of the walls present a smooth front and are very creditable specimens of masonry. The blocks are of all manner of shapes and sizes, but yet are fitted together with the neatest exactness. The gradual narrowing of the wall from the base upward is accurately preserved. No cement was used, but the edifice is firm and compact and is capable of resisting storm and decay for centuries. Who built this temple, and how it was503.24 built, and when, are mysteries that may never be unraveled.
Outside503.26 of these ancient walls lies a sort of coffin-shaped stone eleven feet four inches long and three feet square at the small end (it would weigh a few thousand pounds), which the high chief who held sway over this district many centuries ago brought thither503.29 on his shoulder one day to use as a lounge! This circumstance is established by the most reliable traditions. He used to lie down on it, in his indolent way, and keep an eye on his subjects at work for him and see that there was no “soldiering” done. And no doubt there was not any done to speak of, because he was a man of that sort of build that incites to attention to business on the part of an employé503.35–36. He was fourteen or fifteen feet high. When he stretched
[begin page 504]
On the other side of the temple is a monstrous seven-ton rock, eleven feet long, seven feet wide and three feet thick. It is raised a foot or a foot and a half above the ground, and rests upon half a dozen little stony pedestals. The same old fourteen-footer brought it down from the mountain, merely for fun504.9 (he had his own notions about fun), and propped it up as we find it now and as others may find it504.10 a century hence, for it would take a score of horses to budge it from its position. They say that fifty or sixty years ago the proud Queen Kaahumanu used to fly to this rock for safety, whenever she had been making trouble504.15 with her fierce husband, and hide under it until his wrath was appeased. But these Kanakas will lie, and this statement is one of their ablest efforts—for Kaahumanu was six feet high—she was bulky—she was built like an ox—and she could no more have squeezed herself under that rock than she could have passed between the cylinders of a sugar mill. What could she gain by it, even if she succeeded? To be chased and abused by a504.23 savage husband could not be otherwise than humiliating to her high spirit, yet it
[begin page 505]
We505.3 walked a mile over a raised macadamized road of uniform width; a road paved with flat stones and exhibiting in its every detail a considerable degree of engineering skill. Some say that that505.5 wise old pagan Kamehameha I planned and built it, but others say it was built so long before his time that the knowledge of who constructed it has passed out of the traditions. In either case, however, as the handiwork of an untaught and degraded race it is a thing of pleasing interest. The stones are worn and smooth, and pushed apart in places, so that the road has the exact appearance of those ancient paved highways leading out of Rome which one sees in pictures.
The504.14 object of our tramp was to visit a great natural curiosity at the base of the foothills—a congealed cascade of lava. Some old forgotten volcanic eruption sent its broad river of fire down the mountain side here, and it poured down in a great torrent from an overhanging bluff some fifty feet high to the ground below. The flaming torrent cooled in the winds from the sea, and remains there to-day, all seamed, and frothed and rippled—a petrified Niagara. It is very picturesque, and withal so natural that one might almost imagine it still flowed. A smaller stream trickled over the cliff and built up an isolated pyramid about thirty feet high, which has the semblance505.24 of a mass of large gnarled and knotted vines and roots and stems intricately twisted and woven together.
We505.26 passed in behind the cascade and the pyramid, and found the bluff pierced by several cavernous tunnelsan, whose crooked courses we followed a long distance.505.28
Two of these winding tunnels stand as proof of Nature’s mining abilities. Their floors are level, they are seven feet wide, and their roofs are gently arched. Their height505.31 is not uniform, however. We passed through one a hundred feet long, which leads through a spur of the hill and opens out well up in the sheer wall of a precipice whose foot rests in the waves of the sea. It is a commodious tunnel, except that there are occasional505.35 places in it where one must stoop to pass under. The roof is lava, of course, and is thickly
[begin page 506]
[begin page 507]
CHAPTER 74
We got back to the schooner in good time, and then sailed down to Kau, where we disembarked and took final leave of the vessel. Next day we bought horses and bent our way over the summer-clad mountain-terraces, toward the great volcano of Kilaueaan (Ke-low-way-ah). We made nearly a two days’ journey of it, but that was on account of laziness. Toward sunset on the second day, we reached an elevation of some four thousand feet above sea level, and as we picked our careful way through billowy wastes of lava long generations ago stricken dead and cold in the climax of its tossing fury, we began to come upon signs of the near presence of the volcano—signs in the nature of ragged fissures that discharged jets of sulphurous vapor into the air, hot from the molten ocean down in the bowels of the mountain.
Shortly the crater came into view. I have seen Vesuvius sincean, but it was a mere toy, a child’s volcano, a soup-kettle, compared to this. Mount Vesuvius is a shapely cone thirty-six hundred feet high; its crater an inverted cone only three hundred feet deep, and not more than a thousand feet in diameter, if as much as that; its fires meagre, modest, and docile.507.19 But here was a vast, perpendicular, walled cellar, nine hundred feet deep in some places, thirteen hundred in others, level-floored, and ten miles in circumferencean! Here was a yawning pit upon whose floor the armies of Russia could camp, and have room to spare.
Perched upon the edge of the crater, at the opposite end from where we stood, was a small lookout507.25 house—say three miles away. It assisted us, by comparison, to comprehend and appreciate the great depth of the basin—it looked like a tiny martin-box clinging at the eaves of a cathedral. After some little time spent in resting and looking and ciphering, we hurried on to the hotel.
[begin page 508]
A✱508.11 colossal column of cloud towered to a great height508.11 in the air immediately above the crater, and the outer swell of every one of its vast folds was dyed with a rich crimson lustre508.13, which was subdued to a pale rose tint in the depressions between. It glowed like a muffled torch and stretched upward to a dizzy height508.15 toward the zenith. I thought it just possible that its like had not been seen since the children of Israel wandered on their long march through the desert so many centuries ago over a path illuminated by the mysterious “pillar of fire.”an And I was sure that I now had a vivid conception of what the majestic “pillar of fire” was like, which almost amounted to a revelation.te
Arrived508.24 at the little thatched lookout house, we rested our elbows on the railing in front and looked abroad over the wide crater and down over the sheer precipice at the seething fires beneath us. The view was a startling improvement on my daylight experience. I turned to see the effect on the balance of the company and found the reddest-faced set of men I almost ever saw. In the strong light every countenance glowed like red-hot iron, every shoulder was suffused with crimson and shaded rearward into dingy, shapeless
[begin page 509]
I turned my eyes upon the volcano again. The “cellar” was tolerably well lighted up. For a mile and a half in front of us and half a mile on either side, the floor of the abyss was magnificently illuminated; beyond these limits the mists hung down their gauzy curtains and cast a deceptive gloom over all that made the twinkling fires in the remote corners of the crater seem countless leagues removed—made them seem like the camp-fires of a great army far away. Here was room for the imagination to work! You could imagine those lights the width of a continent away—and that hidden under the intervening darkness were hills, and winding rivers, and weary wastes of plain and desert—and even then the tremendous vista stretched on, and on, and on!—to the fires and far beyond! You could not compass it—it was the idea of eternity made tangible—and the longest end of it made visible to the naked eye!
The greater part of the509.18 vast floor of the desert under us was as black as ink, and apparently smooth and level; but over a mile square of it was ringed and streaked and striped with a thousand branching streams of liquid and gorgeously brilliant fire! It looked like a colossal railroad map of the State of Massachusetts done in chain lightning on a midnight sky. Imagine it—imagine a coal-black509.23–24 sky shivered into a tangled net-work of angry fire!
Here and there were gleaming holes a a hundred509.25 feet in diameter, broken in the dark crust, and in them the melted lava—the color a dazzling white just tinged with yellow—was boiling and surging furiously; and from these holes branched numberless bright torrents in many directions, like the spokes of a wheel509.29, and kept a tolerably straight course for a while and then swept round in huge rainbow curves, or made a long succession of sharp worm-fence angles, which looked precisely like the fiercest jagged lightning. These streams met other streams, and they mingled with and crossed and recrossed each other in every conceivable direction, like skate tracks on a popular skating ground. Sometimes streams twenty or thirty feet wide flowed from the holes to some distance without dividing—and through the opera glasses509.37 we could see that they ran down small, steep hills and were genuine cataracts of fire,
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[begin page 511]
Through the glasses, the little fountains scattered about looked very beautiful. They boiled, and coughed, and spluttered, and discharged sprays of stringy red fire—of about the consistency of mush, for instance—from ten to fifteen feet into the air, along with a shower of brilliant white sparks—a quaint and unnatural mingling of gouts of blood and snow-flakes!
We had circles and serpents and streaks of lightning all twined and wreathed and tied together, without a break throughout an area more than a mile square (that amount of ground was covered, though it was not strictly “square”), and it was with a feeling of placid exultation that we reflected that many years had elapsed since any visitor had seen such a splendid displayan—since any visitor had seen anything more than the now snubbed and insignificant “North” and “South” lakes in action. We had been reading old files of Hawaiian newspapers and the “Record Book” at the Volcano Housean, and were posted.
I could see the North Lake lying out on the black floor away off in the outer edge of our panorama, and knitted to it by a webwork of lava streams. In its individual capacity it looked very little more respectable than a schoolhouse on fire. True, it was about nine hundred feet long and two or three hundred wide, but then, under the present circumstances, it necessarily appeared rather insignificant, and besides it was so distant from us.511.34
I forgot to say that the noise made by the bubbling lava is not great, heard as we heard it from our lofty perch. It makes three distinct sounds—a rushing, a hissing, and a coughing or puffing sound; and if you stand on the brink and close your eyes it is no
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We512.6 left the lookout house at ten o’clock in a half cooked condition, because of the heat from Pele’s furnacesan, and wrapping up in blankets, for512.8 the night was cold, we512.8 returned to our hotel.an512.8
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CHAPTER 75
The next night was appointed for a visit to the bottom of the crateran, for we desired to traverse its floor and see the “North Lake” (of fire) which lay two miles away, toward the further wall. After dark half a dozen of us set out, with lanterns and native guides, and climbed down a crazy, thousand-foot pathway in a crevice fractured in the crater wall, and reached the bottom in safety.
The eruption513.7 of the previous evening had spent its force and the floor looked black and cold; but when we ran out upon it we found it hot yet, to the feet, and it was likewise riven with crevices which revealed the underlying fires gleaming vindictively. A neighboring cauldron was threatening to overflow513.11, and this added to the dubiousness of the situation. So the native guides refused to continue the venture, and then everybody513.13 deserted except a stranger named Marlettean. He said he had been in the crater a dozen times in daylight and believed he could find his way through it at night. He thought that a run of three hundred yards would carry us over the hottest part of the floor and leave us our shoe-soles. His pluck gave me back-bone. We took one lantern and instructed the guides to hang the other to the roof of the lookout513.19 house to serve as a beacon for us in case we got lost, and then the party started back up the precipice and Marlette and I made our run. We skipped over the hot floor and over the red crevices with brisk dispatch and reached the cold lava safe but with pretty warm feet. Then we took things leisurely and comfortably, jumping tolerably wide and probably bottomless chasms, and threading our way through picturesque lava upheavals with considerable confidence. When we got fairly away from the cauldrons of boiling fire, we seemed to be in a gloomy desert, and a suffocatingly dark one, surrounded by dim walls that seemed to tower to the sky. The only cheerful objects were the glinting stars high overhead.
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It was a long tramp, but an exciting one. We reached the North Lake between ten and eleven o’clock, and sat down on a huge overhanging lava-shelf, tired but satisfied. The spectacle presented was worth coming double the distance to see. Under us, and stretching away before us, was a heaving sea of molten fire of seemingly limitless
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Now and then the surging bosom of the lake under our noses would calm down ominously and seem to be gathering strength for an enterprise; and then all of a sudden a red dome of lava of the bulk of an ordinary dwelling would heave itself aloft like an escaping balloon, then burst asunder, and out of its heart would flit a pale-green film of vapor, and float upward and vanish in the darkness—a released soul soaring homeward from captivity with the damned, no doubt. The crashing plunge of the ruined dome into
[begin page 516]
We got lost again on our way back, and were more than an hour hunting for the path. We were where we could see the beacon lantern at the lookout516.9 house at the time, but thought it was a star and paid no attention to it. We reached the hotel at two o’clock in the morning pretty well fagged out.
Kilauea never overflows its vast crater, but bursts a passage for its lava through the mountain side when relief is necessary, and then the destruction is fearful. About 1840 it rent its overburdened stomachan and sent a broad river of fire careering down to the sea, which swept away forests, huts, plantations and everything516.16 else that lay in its path. The stream was five miles broad, in places, and two hundred feet deep, and the distance it traveled was forty miles. It tore up and bore away acre-patches of land on its bosom like rafts—rocks, trees and all intact. At night the red glare was visible a hundred miles at sea; and at a distance of forty miles fine print could be read at midnightan. The atmosphere was poisoned with sulphurous vapors and choked with falling ashes, pumice stones and
[begin page 517]
Fishes were killed for twenty miles along the shore, where the lava entered the sea. The earthquakes caused some loss of human life, and a prodigious tidal wave swept inland, carrying everything517.11 before it and drowning a number of nativesan. The devastation consummated along the route traversed by the river of lava was complete and incalculable. Only a Pompeii and a Herculaneum were needed at the foot of Kilauea to make the story of the eruption517.15 immortal.
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CHAPTER 76518 title
We rode horseback all around the island of Hawaii (the crooked road making the distance two hundred miles), and enjoyed the journey very much. We were more than a week making the tripan, because our Kanaka horses would not go by a house or a hut without stopping—whip and spur could not alter their minds about it, and so we finally found that it economized time to let them have their way. Upon inquiry the mystery was explained: the natives are such thorough-going518.8 gossips that they never pass a house without stopping to swap news, and consequently their horses learn to regard that sort of thing as an essential part of the whole duty of manan, and his salvation not to be compassed without it. However, at a former crisis of my life I had once taken an aristocratic young lady out driving, behind a horse that had just retired from a long and honorable career as the moving impulse of a milk wagon, and so this present experience awoke a reminiscent sadness in me in place of the exasperation more natural to the occasion. I remembered how helpless I was that day and how humiliated; how ashamed I was of having intimated to the girl that I had always owned the horse and was accustomed to grandeur; how hard I tried to appear easy, and even vivacious, under suffering that was consuming my vitals; how placidly and maliciously the girl smiled, and kept on smiling, while my hot blushes baked themselves into a permanent blood-pudding in my face; how the horse ambled from one side of the street to the other and waited complacently before every third house two minutes and a quarter while I belabored his back and reviled him in my heart; how I tried to keep him from turning corners, and failed; how I moved heaven and earth to get him out of town, and did not succeed; how he traversed the entire settlement and delivered imaginary milk at a hundred and sixty-two different domiciles, and how he finally brought up at
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In one place in the island of Hawaii, we saw a laced and ruffled cataract of limpid water leaping from a sheer precipice fifteen hundred feet high; but that sort of scenery finds its stanchest ally in the arithmetic rather than in spectacular effect. If one desires to be so stirred by a poem of Nature wrought in the happily commingled graces of picturesque rocks, glimpsed distances, foliage, color, shifting lights and shadows, and falling water, that the tears almost come into his eyes so potent is the charm exerted, he need not go away from America to enjoy such an experience. The Rainbow
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In one locality, on our journey, we saw some horses that had been born and reared on top of the mountains, above the range of running water, and consequently they had never drankte that fluid in their livesan, but had been always accustomed to quenching their thirst by eating dew-laden or shower-wetted leaves. And now it was destructively funny to see them sniff suspiciously at a pail of water, and then put in their noses and try to take a bite out of the fluid, as if it were a solid. Finding it liquid, they would snatch away their heads and fall to trembling, snorting and showing other evidences of fright. When they became convinced at last that the water was friendly and harmless, they thrust in their noses up to their eyes, brought out a mouthful of the water, and proceeded to chew it complacently. We saw a man coax, kick and spur one of them five or ten minutes before he could make it cross a running stream. It spread its nostrils, distended its eyes and trembled all over, just as horses customarily do in the presence of a serpent—and for aught I know it thought the crawling stream was a serpent.
In due course of time our journey came to an end at Kawaihae520.24 (usually pronounced To-a-hi—and before we find fault with this elaborate orthographical method of arriving at such an unostentatious result, let us lop off the ugh from our word “though”). I made this horseback trip on a mule. I paid ten dollars for him at Kau (Kah-oo), added four to get him shod, rode him two hundred miles, and then sold him for fifteen dollars. I mark the circumstance with a white stonean (in the absence of chalk—for I never saw a white stone that a body could mark anything with, though out of respect for the ancients I have tried it often enough); for up to that day and date it was the first strictly commercial transaction I had ever entered into, and come out winner. We returned to Honolulu, and from thence sailed to the island of Maui, and spent several weeks therean very pleasantly. I still remember, with a sense of indolent luxury, a pic-nicking520.38 excursion up a romantic gorge there, called
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[begin page 522]
But the chief pride of Maui is her dead volcano of Haleakala—which means, translated, “the house of the sun.” We climbed a thousand feet up the side of this isolated colossus one afternoon; then camped, and next day climbed the remaining nine thousand feetan, and anchored on the summit, where we built a fire and froze and roasted by turns, all night. With the first pallor of dawn we got up and saw things that were new to us. Mounted on a commanding pinnacle, we watched Nature work her silent wonders. The sea was spread abroad on every hand, its tumbled surface seeming only wrinkled and dimpled in the distance. A broad valley below appeared like an ample checker-board, its velvety green sugar plantations alternating with dun squares of barrenness and groves of
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I have spoken of the outside view—but we had an inside one, too. That was the yawning dead crater, into which we now and then tumbled rocks, half as large as a barrel, from our perch, and saw them go careering down the almost perpendicular sides, bounding three hundred feet at a jump; kicking up dust-clouds wherever they struck; diminishing to our view as they sped farther into distance; growing invisible, finally, and only betraying their course by faint little puffs of dust; and coming to a halt at last in the bottom of the abyss, two thousand five hundred feet down from where they started! It was magnificent sport. We wore ourselves out at it.
The crater of Vesuvius, as I have before remarked, is a modest pit about a thousand feet deepan and three thousand in circumference; that of Kilauea is somewhat deeper, and ten miles in circumference. But what are either of them compared to the vacant stomach of Haleakala? I will not offer any figures of my own, but give official ones—those of Commander Wilkes, U. S. N., who surveyed it and testifies that it is twenty-seven miles in circumferencean! If it had a level bottom it would make a fine site for a city like London. It must have afforded a spectacle worth contemplating in the old days when its furnaces gave full rein to their anger.
Presently vagrant white clouds came drifting along, high over the sea and the valley; then they came in couples and groups; then in imposing squadrons; gradually joining their forces, they banked themselves solidly together, a thousand feet under us, and totally
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While the hush yet brooded, the messengers of the coming resurrection appeared in the east524.24. A growing warmth suffused the horizon, and soon the sun emerged and looked out over the cloud-
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It was the sublimest spectacle I ever witnessed, and I think the memory of it will remain with me always.an
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CHAPTER 77
I stumbled upon one curious character in the island526.1 of Mauian526.1. He became a sore annoyance to me in the course of time. My first glimpse of him was in a sort of public room in the town of Lahaina. He occupied a chair at the opposite side of the apartment, and sat eyeing our party with interest for some minutes, and listening as critically to what we were saying as if he fancied we were talking to him and expecting him to reply. I thought it very sociable in a stranger. Presently, in the course of conversation, I made a statement bearing upon the subject under discussion—and I made it with due modesty, for there was nothing extraordinary about it, and it was only put forth in illustration of a point at issue. I526.1–11 had barely finished when this person526.12 spoke out with rapid utterance and feverish anxiety:
“Oh, that was certainly remarkable, after a fashion, but you ought to have seen my chimney—you ought to have seen my chimney, sir! Smoke!526.16 I wish I may hang if—Mr. Jones, you remember that chimney—you must remember that chimney! No, no—I recollect, now, you warn’t living on this side of the island then. But I am telling you nothing but the truth, and I wish I may never draw another breath if that chimney didn’t smoke so that the smoke actually got caked in it and I had to dig it out with a pickaxean! You may smile, gentlemen, but the High Sheriff’s got a hunk of it which I dug out before his eyes, and so it’s perfectly easy for you to go and examine for yourselves.”
The interruption broke up the conversation, which had already begun to lag, and we presently hired some natives and an outrigger526.26 canoe or two, and went out to overlook a grand surf-bathing contest526.27–28.
Two weeks after this, while talking in a company, I looked up and detected this same man boring through and through me with
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“Beg your pardon, sir, beg your pardon, but it can only be considered remarkable when brought into strong outline by isolation. Sir, contrasted with a circumstance which occurred in my own experience, it instantly becomes commonplace. No, not that—for I will not speak so discourteously of any experience in the career of a stranger and a gentleman—but I am obliged to say that you could not, and you would not ever again refer to this tree as a large one, if you could behold, as I have, the great Yakmatack tree, in the island of Ounaska, sea of Kamtchatkate—a tree, sir, not one inch less than four hundred and fifteen feet in solid diameter!—and I wish I may die in a minute if it isn’t so! Oh, you needn’t look so questioning, gentlemen; here’s old Cap Saltmarsh can say whether I know what I’m talking about or not. I showed him the tree.”
Capt.527.16Saltmarsh.—“Come, now, cat your anchor, lad—you’re heaving too taut. You promised to show me that stunner, and I walked more than eleven mile with you through the cussedest527.18 jungle I ever see, a hunting527.19 for it; but the tree you showed me finally
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“Hear the man talk! Of course the tree was reduced that way, but didn’t I explain528.4 it? Answer me, didn’t I? Didn’t I say I wished you could have seen it when I first saw it? When you got up on your ear and called me names, and said I had brought you eleven miles to look at a sapling, didn’t I explain to you that all the whaleships528.7 in the North Seas had been wooding off of it for more than twentyseven years? And did you s’pose the tree could last for-ever528.9, con-found it? I don’t see why you want to keep back things that way, and try to injure a person that’s never done you any harm.”
Somehow this man’s presence made me uncomfortable, and I was glad when a native arrived at that moment to say that Muckawow, the most companionable and luxurious among the rude war-chiefs of the Islands, desired us to come over and help him enjoy a missionary whom he had found trespassing on his grounds.
I think it was about ten days afterward that, as I finished a statement I was making for the instruction of a group of friends and acquaintances, and which made no pretense528.19 of being extraordinary, a familiar528.20 voice chimed instantly in on the heels of my last word, and said:
“But, my dear sir, there was nothing remarkable about that horse, or the circumstance either—nothing in the world! I mean no sort of offense528.24 when I say it, sir, but you really do not know anything whatever about speed. Bless your heart, if you could only have seen my mare Margaretta; there was a beast!—there was lightning for you! Trot! Trot is no name for it—she flew! How she could whirl a buggy along! I started her out once, sir—Col.528.28Bilgewater528.28–29, you recollect that animal perfectly well—I started her out about thirty or thirty-five yards ahead of the awfullest storm I ever saw in my life, and it chased us upwards of eighteen miles! It did, by the everlasting hills! And I’m telling you nothing but the unvarnished truth when I say that not one single drop of rain fell on me—not a single drop, sir! And I swear to it! But my dog was a swimming528.34–35 behind the wagonan all the way!”
For a week or two I stayed mostly within doors, for I seemed to meet this person everywhere, and he had become utterly hateful to me. But one evening I dropped in on Capt.528.38 Perkins and his
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“Oh, my dear sir, really you expose yourself when you parade that as a surprising circumstance. Bless your heart and hide, you are ignorant of the very A B C of meanness! ignorant as the unborn babe! ignorant as unborn twins! You don’t know anything about it! It is pitiable to see you, sir, a well-spoken and prepossessing stranger, making such an enormous pow-wow here about a subject concerning which your ignorance is perfectly humiliating529.14! Look me in the eye, if you please; look me in the eye. John James Godfrey was the son of poor but honest parents in the State of Mississippi—boyhood friend of mine—bosom comrade in later years. Heaven rest his noble spirit, he is gone from us now. John James Godfrey was hired by the Hayblossom529.19 Mining Company in California to do some blasting for them—the ‘Incorporated Company of Mean Men,’529.20–21 the boys used to call it. Well, one day he drilled a hole about four feet deep and put in an awful blast of powder, and
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I said I had the headache, and so excused myself and went home. And on my diary I entered “another night spoiled” by this offensive loafer. And a fervent curse was set down with it to keep the item company. And the very next day I packed up, out of all patience, and left the island530.34.
Almost from the very beginning, I regarded that man as a liar.
The line of points represents an interval of years. At the end of which time the opinion hazarded in that last sentence came to be
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[begin page 532]
CHAPTER 78532 title
After half a year’s luxurious
vagrancy in the Islands532.1, I took shipping in a sailing vessel, and regretfully returned to San Franciscoan—a voyage in every way delightful, but without an incident: unless lying two long weeks in
a dead calm, eighteen hundred miles from the nearest land, may rank as an incident.
Schools of whales grew so tame that day after day
they played about the ship among the porpoises and the sharks without the least apparent
fear of us, and we pelted them with empty
bottles for lack of better sport. Twenty-four hours afterward these bottles would
be still lying on the glassy water under our noses,
showing that the ship had not moved out of her place in all that time. The calm was
absolutely breathless, and the surface of the sea
absolutely without a wrinkle. For a whole day and part of a night we lay so close to another
shipan that had drifted to our vicinity, that we carried on conversations with her
passengers,
[begin page 533]
I was home again, in San Francisco, without means and without employmentan. I tortured my brain for a saving scheme of some kind, and at last a public lecture occurred to mean! I sat down and wrote one, in a fever of hopeful anticipation. I showed it to several friends, but they all shook their heads. They said nobody would come to hear me, and I would make a humiliating failure of itan. They said that as I had never spoken in public, I would break down in the delivery, anyhow. I was disconsolate now. But at last an editor slapped me on the back and told me to “go ahead.”an He said, “Take the largest house in town, and charge a dollar a ticket.” The audacity of the proposition was charming; it seemed fraught with practical worldly wisdom, however. The proprietor of the several theatres endorsed the advice, and said I might have his handsome new opera-housean at half price—fifty dollars. In sheer desperation I took it—on credit, for sufficient reasons. In three days I did a hundred and fifty dollars’ worth of printing and advertising, and was the most distressed and frightened creature on the Pacific coast. I could not sleep—who could, under such circumstances? For other people there was facetiousness in the last line of my posters, but to me it was plaintive with a pang when I wrote it:
Doors open at 7½. The trouble will begin at 8.533.25
That line has done good service since. Showmen have borrowed it frequentlyan. I have even seen it appended to a newspaper advertisement reminding school pupils in vacation what time next term would begin. As those three days of suspense dragged by, I grew more and more unhappy. I had sold two hundred tickets among my personal friends, but I feared they might not come. My lecture, which had seemed “humorous” to me, at first, grew steadily more and more dreary, till not a vestige of fun seemed left, and I grieved that I could not bring a coffin on the stage and turn the thing into a funeral. I was so panic-stricken, at last, that I went to three old friends, giants in stature, cordial by nature, and stormyvoiced, and said:
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They said they would. Then I went to the wife of a popular citizen, and said that if she was willing to do me a very great kindness, I would be glad if she and her husband would sit prominently in the left-hand stage-boxan, where the whole house could see them. I explained that I should need help, and would turn toward her and smile, as a signal, when I had been delivered of an obscure joke—“and then,” I added, “don’t wait to investigate, but respond!”
She promised. Down the street I met a man I never had seen before. He had been drinking, and was beaming with smiles and good nature. He said:
“My name’s Sawyer. You don’t know me, but that don’t matter. I haven’t got a cent, but if you knew how bad I wanted to laugh, you’d give me a ticketan. Come, now, what do you say?”
“Is your laugh hung on a hair-trigger?—that is, is it critical, or can you get it off easy?”
My drawling infirmity of speech so affected him that he laughed a specimen or two that struck me as being about the article I wanted, and I gave him a ticket, and appointed him to sit in the second circle, in the centre, and be responsible for that division of the house. I gave him minute instructions about how to detect indistinct jokes, and then went away, and left him chuckling placidly over the novelty of the idea.
I ate nothing on the last of the three eventful days—I only suffered. I had advertised that on this third day the box-office would be opened for the sale of reserved seats. I crept down to the theatre at four in the afternoon to see if any sales had been made. The ticket seller was gone, the box-office was locked up. I had to swallow suddenly, or my heart would have got out. “No sales,” I said to myselfan; “I might have known it.” I thought of suicide, pretended illness, flight. I thought of these things in earnest, for I was very miserable and scared. But of course I had to drive them away, and prepare to meet my fate. I could not wait for half past534.35 seven—I wanted to face the horror, and end it—the feeling of many a man doomed to hang, no doubt. I went down back streets at six o’clock, and entered the theatre by the back door. I stumbled my way in the dark among the ranks of canvas scenery, and stood on the stage.
[begin page 535]
The tumult in my heart and brain and legs continued a full minute before I could gain any command over myself. Then I recognized the charity and the friendliness in the faces before me, and little by little my fright melted away, and I began to talk.535.26 Within three or four minutes I was comfortable, and even content. My three chief allies, with three auxiliaries, were on hand, in the parquette, all sitting together,
[begin page 536]
All the papers were kind in the morning; my appetite returned; I had abundance of moneyan. All’s well that ends well.
[begin page 537]
CHAPTER 79
I launched out as a lecturer, now, with great boldness. I had the field all to myself, for public lectures were almost an unknown commodity in the Pacific market. They are not so rare, now, I suppose. I took an old personal friend along to play agent for mean, and for two or three weeks we roamed through Nevada and Californiaan and had a very cheerful time of it. Two days before I lectured in Virginia City, two stage-coaches537.7 were robbed within two miles of the town. The daring act was committed just at dawnan, by six masked men, who sprang up alongside the coaches, presented revolvers at the heads of the drivers and passengers, and commanded a general dismount. Everybody climbed down, and the robbers took their watches and every cent they had. Then they took gunpowder537.12 and blew up the express specie boxes and got their contents. The leader of the robbers was a small, quick-spoken man, and the fame of his vigorous manner and his intrepidity was in everybody’s mouth when we arrived.
The night after instructing Virginia, I walked over the desolate “divide” and down to Gold Hill, and lectured there. The lecture done, I stopped to talk with a friend, and did not start back till eleven. The “divide” was high, unoccupied ground, between the towns, the scene of twenty midnight murders and a hundred robberies. As we climbed up and stepped out on this eminence, the Gold Hill lights dropped out of sight at our backs, and the night closed down gloomy and dismal. A sharp wind swept the place, too, and chilled our perspiring bodies through.
“I tell you I don’t like this place at night,” said Mike the agent.
“Well, don’t speak so loud,” I said. “You needn’t remind anybody that we are here.”
Just then a dim figure approached me from the direction of Virginia—a man, evidently. He came straight at me, and I stepped
[begin page 538]
“Don’t!”
He ejaculated sharply:
“Your watch! Your money!”
I said:
“You can have them with pleasure—but take the pistol away from my face, please. It makes me shiver.”
“No remarks! Hand out your money!”
“Certainly—I—”
“Put up your hands! Don’t you go for a weapon! Put ’em up! Higher!”
I held them above my head.
A pause. Then:
“Are you going to hand out your money or not?”
I dropped my hands to my pockets and said:
“Certainly538.19! I—”
“Put up your hands! Do you want your head blown off? Higher!”
I put them above my head again.
Another pause.
“Are538.23 you going to hand out your money or not? Ah-ah—again? Put up your hands! By George, you want the head shot off you awful bad!”
“Well, friend, I’m trying my best to please you. You tell me to give up my money, and when I reach for it you tell me to put up my hands. If you would only—. Oh, now—don’t! All six of you at me! That other man will get away while—.538.29 Now please take some of those revolvers out of my face—do, if you please! Every time one of them clicks, my liver comes up into my throat! If you have a mother—any of you—or if any of you have ever had a mother—or a—grandmother—or a—”
“Cheese it! Will you give up your money, or have we got to—. There-there—none of that! Put up your hands!”
“Gentlemen—I know you are gentlemen by your—”
“Silence! If you want to be facetious, young man, there are times and places more fitting. This is a serious business.”
[begin page 539]
“Curse your palaver! Your money!—your money!—your money! Hold!—put up your hands!”
“Gentlemen, listen to reason. You see how I am situated—now don’t put those pistols so close—I smell the powder. You see how I am situated. If I had four hands—so that I could hold up two and—”
“Throttle him! Gag him! Kill him!”
“Gentlemen, don’t! Nobody’s watching the other fellow. Why don’t some of you—. Ouch! Take it away, please! Gentlemen, you see that I’ve got to hold up my hands; and so I can’t take out my money—but if you’ll be so kind as to take it out for me, I will do as much for you some—”
“Search him Beauregard—and stop his jaw with a bullet, quick, if he wags it again. Help Beauregard, Stonewall.”
Then three of them, with the small, spry leader, adjourned to Mike and fell to searching him. I was so excited that my lawless fancy tortured me to ask my two men all manner of facetious questions about their rebel brother-generals of the South, but, considering the order they had received, it was but common prudence to keep still. When everything had been taken from me,—watch,
[begin page 540]
“Be still! Put up your hands! And keep them up!”
They stood Mike up alongside of me, with strict orders to keep his hands above his head, too, and then the chief highwayman said:
“Beauregard, hide behind that boulder; Phil Sheridan, you hide behind that other one; Stonewall Jackson, put yourself behind that sage-bush there. Keep your pistols bearing on these fellows, and if they take down their hands within ten minutes, or move a single peg, let them have it!”
Then three disappeared in the gloom toward the several ambushes, and the other three disappeared down the road toward Virginia.
It was depressingly still, and miserably cold. Now this whole thing was a practical joke, and the robbers were personal friends of ours in disguisean, and twenty more lay hidden within ten feet of us during the whole operation, listening. Mike knew all this, and was in the joke, but I suspected nothing of it. To me it was most uncomfortably genuine.
When we had stood there in the middle of the road five minutes, like a couple of idiots, with our hands aloft, freezing to death by inches, Mike’s interest in the joke began to wane. He said:
“The time’s up, now, ain’t540.26 it?”
“No, you keep still. Do you want to take any chances with those bloody savages?”
Presently Mike said:
“Now the time’s up, anyway. I’m freezing.”
“Well freeze. Better freeze than carry your brains home in a basket. Maybe the time is up, but how do we know?—got no watch to tell by. I mean to give them good measure. I calculate to stand here fifteen minutes or die. Don’t you move.”
So, without knowing it, I was making one joker very sick of his contract. When we took our arms down at last, they were aching with cold and fatigue, and when we went sneaking off, the dread I was in that the time might not yet be up and that we would feel
[begin page 541]
The joke of these highwayman friends of ours was mainly a joke upon themselves; for they had waited for me on the cold hill-top two full hours before I came, and there was very little fun in that; they were so chilled that it took them a couple of weeks to get warm again. Moreover, I never had a thought that they would kill me to get money which it was so perfectly easy to get without any such folly, and so they did not really frighten me bad enough to make their enjoyment worth the trouble they had taken. I was only afraid that their weapons would go off accidentally. Their very numbers inspired me with confidence that no blood would be intentionally spilled. They were not smart; they ought to have sent only one highwayman, with a double-barreled shotgun541.14, if they desired to see the author of this volume climb a tree.
However, I suppose that in the long run I got the largest share of the joke at last; and in a shape not foreseen by the highwaymen; for the chilly exposure on the “divide” while I was in a perspiration gave me a cold which developed itself into a troublesome disease
[begin page 542]
When I returned to San FranciscoanI projected a pleasure journey to Japan and thence westward around the worldan; but a desire to see home again changed my mind, and I took a berth in the steamship, bade good-bye to the friendliest land and livest, heartiest542.7 community on our continent, and came by the way of the Isthmus to New Yorkan—a trip that was not much of a pic-nic excursion, for the cholera broke out among us on the passage and we buried two or three bodies at sea every dayan. I found home a dreary placean after my long absence; for half the children I had known were now wearing whiskers or waterfalls, and few of the grown people I had been acquainted with remained at their hearthstones prosperous and happy—some of them had wandered to other scenes, some were in jail, and the rest had been hanged. These changes touched me deeply, and I went away and joined the famous Quaker City European Excursionan and carried my tears to foreign lands.
Thus, after seven years of vicissitudesan, ended a “pleasure trip” to the silver mines of Nevada which had originally been intended to occupy only three months. However, I usually miss my calculations further than that.
moral.
If the reader thinks he is done, now, and that this book has no moral to it, he is in error. The moral of it is this: If you are of any account, stay at home and make your way by faithful diligence; but if you are “no account,” go away from home, and then you will have to work, whether you want to or not. Thus you become a blessing to your friends by ceasing to be a nuisance to them—if the people you go among suffer by the operation.
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[begin page 544]
[begin page 545]
APPENDIX A545 title
BRIEF SKETCH OF MORMON HISTORY545 sub
Mormonism is only about forty years old, but its career has been full of stir and adventure from the beginning, and is likely to remain so to the end. Its adherents have been hunted and hounded from one end of the country to the other, and the result is that for years they have hated all “Gentiles” indiscriminately and with all their might. Joseph Smith, the finder of the Book of Mormon and founder of the religion, was driven from State to State with his mysterious copperplates and the miraculous stones he read their inscriptions withan. Finally he instituted his “church” in Ohio and Brigham Young joined itan. The neighbors began to persecute, and apostasy commenced. Brigham held to the faith and worked hard. He arrested desertion. He did more—he added converts in the midst of the trouble. He rose in favor and importance with the brethren. He was made one of the Twelve Apostles of the church545.14. He shortly fought his way to a higher post and a more powerful—President of the Twelvean. The neighbors rose up and drove the Mormons out of Ohio, and they settled in Missouri. Brigham went with them. The Missourians drove them out and they retreated to Nauvoo, Illinoisan. They prospered there, and built a temple which made some pretensions to architectural grace and achieved some celebrityan in a section of country where a brick court-house with a tin dome and a cupola on it was contemplated with reverential awe. But the Mormons were badgered and harried again by their neighbors. All the proclamations Joseph Smith could issue denouncing polygamy and repudiating it as utterly anti-Mormon were of no availan; the people of the neighborhood, on both sides of the Mississippi, claimed that polygamy was practiced545.27 by the Mormons, and not only polygamy but a little of everything that was
[begin page 546]
[begin page 547]
Great Salt Lake City throve finely, and so did Utah. One of the last things which Brigham Young had done before leaving Iowa, was to appear in the pulpit dressed to personate the worshipped and lamented prophet Smith, and confer the prophetic succession, with all its dignities, emoluments and authorities, upon “President Brigham Young!”an The people accepted the pious fraud with the maddest enthusiasm, and Brigham’s power was sealed and secured for all time. Within five years afterward he openly added polygamy to the tenets of the church by authority of a “revelation” which he pretended had been received nine years before by Joseph Smith, albeit Joseph is amply on record as denouncing polygamy to the day of his deathan.
Now was Brigham become a second Andrew Johnson in the small beginning and steady progress of his official grandeuran. He had served successively as a disciple in the ranks; home missionary; foreign missionary; editor and publisher; Apostle; President of the Board of Apostles; President of all Mormondom, civil and ecclesiastical; successor to the great Joseph by the will of heaven; “prophet,” “seer,” “revelator.” There was but one dignity higher which he could aspire to, and he reached out modestly and took that—he proclaimed himself a Godan!
He claims that he is to have a heaven of his own hereafter, and that he will be its God, and his wives and children its goddesses, princes and princesses. Into it all faithful Mormons will be admitted, with their families, and will take rank and consequence according
[begin page 548]
Let it be borne in mind that the majority of the Mormons have always been ignorant, simple, of an inferior order of intellect, unacquainted with the world and its ways; and let it be borne in mind that the wives of these Mormons are necessarily after the same pattern and their children likely to be fit representatives of such a conjunction; and then let it be remembered that for forty years these creatures have been driven, driven, driven, relentlessly! and mobbed, beaten, and shot down; cursed, despised, expatriated; banished to a remote desert, whither they journeyed gaunt with famine and disease, disturbing the ancient solitudes with their lamentations and marking the long way with graves of their dead—and all because they were simply trying to live and worship God in the way which they believed with all their hearts and souls to be the true one. Let all these things be borne in mind, and then it will not be hard to account for the deathless hatred which the Mormons bear our people and our governmentan.
That hatred has “fed fat its ancient grudge”an ever since Mormon Utah developed into a self-supporting realm and the church waxed rich and strong. Brigham as Territorial Governor made it plain that Mormondom was for the Mormonsan. The United States tried to rectify all that by appointing Territorial548.27 officers from New England and other anti-Mormon localities, but Brigham prepared to make their entrance into his dominions difficult. Three thousand U. S.548.30 troops had to go across the plains and put these gentlemen in officean. And after they were in office they were as helpless as so many stone images. They made laws which nobody minded and which could not be executed. The Federal548.33 judges opened court in a land filled with crime and violence and sat as holiday spectacles for insolent crowds to gape at—for there was nothing to try, nothing to do, nothing on the dockets! And if a Gentile brought a suit, the Mormon jury would do just as it pleased about bringing in a verdict, and when the judgment of the court was rendered no Mormon
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Up to the date of our visit to Utah, such had been the Territorial record. The Territorial government established there had been a hopeless failure, and Brigham Young was the only real power in the land. He was an absolute monarch—a monarch who defied our President—a monarch who laughed at our armies when they camped about his capital—a monarch who received without emotion the news that the august Congress of the United States had enacted a solemn law against polygamy, and then went forth calmly and married twenty-five or thirty more wivesan.
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APPENDIX B550 title
THE MOUNTAIN MEADOWS MASSACRE550 sub
The persecutions which the Mormons suffered so long—and which they consider they still suffer in not being allowed to govern themselves—they have endeavored and are still endeavoring to repay. The now almost forgotten “Mountain Meadows massacre” was their work. It was very famous in its day. The whole United States rang with its horrors. A few items will refresh the reader’s memory. A great emigrant train from Missouri and Arkansas passed through Salt Lake City and a few disaffected Mormons joined it for the sake of the strong protection it afforded for their escape. In that matter lay sufficient cause for hot retaliation by the Mormon chiefs. Besides, these one hundred and forty-five or one hundred and fifty unsuspecting emigrants being in part from Arkansas, where a noted Mormon missionary had lately been killed, and in part from Missouri, a State remembered with execrations as a bitter persecutor of the saints when they were few and poor and friendless, here were substantial additional grounds for lack of love for these wayfarersan. And finally, this train was richan, very rich in cattle, horses, mules and other property—and how could the Mormons consistently keep up their coveted resemblance to the Israelitish tribes and not seize the “spoil” of an enemy when the Lord had so manifestly “delivered it into their hand?”an
Wherefore, according to Mrs. C. V. Waite’s entertaining book, “The Mormon Prophet,” it transpired that—
A “revelation”550.24 from Brigham Young, as Great Grand Archee, or Godan, was despatched to President J. C. Haight, Bishop Higbee, and J. D. Lee (adopted son of Brigham)550.26an, commanding them to raise all the forces they could muster and trust, follow those cursed gentiles (so read the revelation), attack them, disguised as Indians, and with the arrows of the Almighty
[begin page 551]
The command of the “revelation” was faithfully obeyed. A large party of Mormons, painted and tricked out as Indians, overtook the train of emigrant wagons some three hundred miles south of Salt Lake City, and made an attack. But the emigrants threw up earthworks, made fortresses of their wagons and defended themselves gallantly and successfully for five days! Your Missouri or Arkansas gentleman is not much afraid of the sort of scurvy apologies for “Indians” which the southern part of Utah affordsan. He would stand up and fight five hundred of them.
At the end of the five days the Mormons tried military strategy. They retired to the upper end of the “Meadows,” resumed civilized apparel, washed off their paint, and then, heavily armed, drove down in wagons to the beleaguered emigrants, bearing a flag of truce! When the emigrants saw white men coming they threw down their guns and welcomed them with cheer after cheer! And, all unconscious of the poetry of it, no doubt, they lifted a little child aloft, dressed in white, in answer to the flag of truce!
The leaders of the timely white “deliverers” were President Haight and Bishop John D. Leean, of the Mormon church551.25. Mr. Cradlebaugh, who served a term as a Federal Judge in Utah and afterward was sent to Congress from Nevada, tells in a speech delivered in Congressan how these leaders next proceeded:
They551.29 professed to be on good terms with the Indians, and represented them551.30 as being very mad. They also proposed to intercede, and settle the matter with the Indians. After several hours of551.31 parley, they, having (apparently)551.31–32 visited the Indians, gave the ultimatum of the savages551.32; which was, that the emigrants should march out of their camp, leaving everything behind them, even their guns. It was promised by the Mormon bishops that they would bring a force, and guard the emigrants back to the settlements.
The551.36 terms were agreed to,—the emigrants being desirous of saving the lives of their families. The Mormons retired, and subsequently appeared551.37 with thirty or forty armed men. The emigrants were marched out, the women and children in front, and the men behind, the Mormon guard
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The552.6 women and children ran on, two or three hundred yards further, when they were overtaken, and with the aid of the Indians they were slaughtered. Seventeen individuals only, of all the emigrant party, were spared, and they were little childrenan552.8–9, the eldest of them552.9 being only seven years old552.10. Thus, on the 10th day of September, 1857, was consummated one of the most cruel, cowardly, and bloody murders known in our history.552.11
The number of persons butchered by the Mormons on this occasion was one hundred and twenty.
With unheard-of temerity Judge Cradlebaugh opened his court and proceeded to make Mormondom answer for the massacrean. And what a spectacle it must have been to see this grim veteran, solitary and alone in his pride and his pluck, glowering down on his Mormon jury and Mormon auditory, deriding them by turns, and by turns “breathing threatenings and slaughter!”an
An editorial in the Territorial Enterprisean of that day says of him and of the occasion:552.12–21
Hete✱552.22 spoke and acted with the fearlessness and resolution of a Jackson; but the jury failed to indict, or even report on the charges, while threats of violence were heard in every quarter, and an attack on the U.S.552.24 troops intimated, if he persisted in his course.
Finding552.26 that nothing could be done with the juries, they were discharged, with a scathing rebuke from the Judge. And then, sitting552.27 as a committing magistrate, he commenced his task alone552.28. He examined witnesses, made arrests in every quarter, and created a consternation in the camps of the saints, greater than any they had ever witnessed before, since Mormondom was born552.30–31. At last accounts, terrified elders and bishops were decamping to save their necks; and developments of the most startling character were being made, implicating the highest church dignitaries in the many murders and robberies committed upon the gentiles during the past eight years.552.35
Had Harney been Governor, Cradlebaugh would have been supported in his work, and the absolute proofs adduced by him of Mormon guilt in this massacre and in a number of previous murders, would have conferred gratuitous coffins upon certain citizens, together with occasion to use them. But Cumming was the Federal
[begin page 553]
Mrs. C. V. Waite closes her interesting detail of the great massacre with the following remark and accompanying summary of the testimony—and the summary is concise, accurate and reliable:553.5–7
For the benefit of those who may still be disposed to doubt the guilt of Young and his Mormons in this transaction, the testimony is here collated, and circumstances given, which go, not merely to implicate, but to fasten conviction upon them, by “confirmations strong as proofs of✱553.11 Holy Writante.”
1. The evidence of Mormons themselves, engaged in the affair, as shown by the statements of Judge Cradlebaugh and Deputy U.S. Marshal Rogersan553.14–15.
2. The failure of Brigham Young to embody any account of it in his Report as Superintendent of Indian Affairs. Also his failure to make any allusion to it whatever from the pulpit, until several years after the occurrencean.
3. The flight to the mountains of men high in authority in the Mormon Church and State, when this affair was brought to the ordeal of a judicial investigation.
4. The failure of the “Deseret News,” the Church organ, and the only paper then published in the Territory, to notice the massacre, until several months afterwardan, and then only to deny that Mormons were engaged in it.
5. The testimony of the children saved from the massacrean.
6. The children and the property of the emigrants found in possession of the Mormons, and that possession traced back to the very day after the massacre.
7.te✱553.16–31 The statements of Indians in the neighborhood of the scene of the553.31 massacre: these statements are shown, not only by Cradlebaugh and Rogers553.32–33, but by a number of military officers, and by J. Forney, who was, in 1859, Superintendent of Indian Affairs for the Territoryan. To all these were such statements freely and frequently made by the Indians.
8. The testimony of R. P. Campbell, Capt. 2d Dragoons, who was sent in the spring of 1859 to Santa Clara, to protect travellersan on the road to California, and to inquire into Indian depredations.an
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CONCERNING A FRIGHTFUL ASSASSINATION
THAT WAS NEVER CONSUMMATED554 sub
[If ever there was a harmless man, it is Conrad Wiegand, of Gold Hill, Nevadaan. If ever there was a gentle spirit that thought itself unfired gunpowder554.3 and latent ruin, it is Conrad Wiegand. If ever there was an oyster that fancied itself a whale; or a jack-o-lantern, confined to a swamp, that fancied itself a planet with a billion-mile orbit; or a summer zephyr that deemed itself a hurricane, it is Conrad Wiegand. Therefore, what wonder is it that when he says a thing, he thinks the world listens; that when he does a thing the world stands still to look; and that when he suffers, there is a convulsion of nature? When I met Conrad, he was “Superintendent of the Gold Hill Assay Office”an—and he was not only its Superintendent, but its entire force. And he was a street preacher, too, with a mongrel religion of his own inventionan, whereby he expected to regenerate the universe. This was years ago. Here latterly he has entered journalisman; and his journalism is what it might be expected to be: colossal to ear, but pigmy to the eye. It is extravagant grandiloquence confined to a newspaper about the size of a double letter sheet. He doubtless edits, sets the type, and prints his paper, all alone; but he delights to speak of the concern as if it occupies a block and employs a thousand men.
[Something less than two years ago, Conrad assailed several people mercilessly in his little “People’s Tribune,” and got himself into trouble. Straightway he airs the affair in the Territorial Enterprise,554.23–24 in a communication over his own signature, and I propose to reproduce it here, in all its native simplicity and more than human candor. Long as it is, it is well worth reading, for it is the richest
[begin page 555]
From the Territorial Enterprise, Jan. 20, 1870.
A SEEMING PLOT FOR ASSASSINATION MISCARRIED555.3–4an.
to the editor of the enterprisean,
Months ago, when Mr. Sutro incidentally exposed mining mismanagement555.6–7 on the Comstockan, and among others roused555.7 me to protest against its continuancean, in great kindness you warned me that any attempt by publications, by public meetings and by legislative action, aimed at the correction555.10 of chronic mining evils in Storey County, must entail upon me (a) business ruin, (b) the burden of all its555.12 costs, (c) personal violence, and if my purpose were persisted in, then (d)555.13 assassination; and after all nothing would be555.13 effected.
your prophecy fulfilling.
In large part at least555.16 your prophecies have been fulfilled, for (a) assaying555.17, which was well attended to in the Gold Hill Assay Office (of which I am superintendent), in consequence of my publications has been taken elsewhere, so the President of one of the companies assures me. With no reason assigned, other work has been taken away. With but one or two important exceptions, our assay business now consists simply of the gleanings555.22 of the vicinity. (b)555.22 Though my own personal donations to the People’s Tribune Association have already exceeded $1,500, outside of our own numbers we have received (in money) less than $300 as contributions and subscriptions for the journal. (c)555.26On Thursday last, on the main street in Gold Hill, near noon, with neither warning nor cause assigned, by a powerful blow I was felled to the ground, and while down I was kicked by a manan who it would seem had been led to believe that I had spoken derogatorily of him. By whom he was so induced to believe I am as yet unable to say. On Saturday last I was again assailed and beaten by a man who first informed me why he did so, and who persisted in making his assault even after the erroneous impression under which he also was at first laboring had
[begin page 556]
[He sees doom impending:]556.13
when will the circle join?
How long before the whole of your prophecy will be fulfilled I cannot say, but under the shadow of so much fulfillment in so short a time, and with such direct556.17 threats from a man who is one of the most prominent exponents of the San Francisco mining Ring staring me and this whole community boldly and556.19 defiantly in the face and pointing to a completion of your augury, do you blame me for feeling that this communication is the last I shall ever write for the Press, especially when a sense alike of personal self-respect, of duty to this money-oppressed and fear-ridden community, and of American fealty to the spirit of true Liberty all command me, and each more loudly than love of life itself, to declare the name of that prominent man to be JOHN B. WINTERS, President of the Yellow Jacket Companyan, a political aspirant and a military Generalan. The name of his partially duped accomplice and abettor in this last marvelous assault, is no other than PHILIP LYNCH, Editor and proprietor of the Gold Hill Newsan.
Despite of556.31 the insult and wrong heaped upon me by John B. Winters, on Saturday afternoon, only a glimpse of which I shall be able to afford your readers, so much do I deplore clinching (by publicity) a serious mistake of any one, man or woman, committed under natural and not self-wrought passion, in view of his great apparent excitement at the time and in view of the almost perfect privacy of
[begin page 557]
[The “non-combatant” sticks to principle, but takes along a friend or two of a conveniently different stripe:]557.16–17
the trap set.
On Saturday morning John B. Winters sent verbal word to the Gold Hill Assay Office557.20 that he desired to see me at the Yellow Jacket office. Though such a request struck me as decidedly cool in view of his own recent discourtesies to me there alike as a publisher and as a stockholder in the Yellow Jacket minean, and though it seemed to me more like a summons than the courteous request by one gentleman to another for a favor, hoping that some conference with Sharonan looking to the betterment of mining matters in Nevada might arise from it, I felt strongly inclined to overlook what possibly was simply an oversight in courtesy557.28. But as then it had only been two days since I had been bruised and beaten under a hasty and false apprehension of facts, my caution was somewhat aroused. Moreover I remembered sensitively his contemptuousness of manner to me at my last interview in his office. I therefore felt it needful, if I went at all, to go accompanied by a friend whom he would not dare to treat with incivility, and whose presence with me might secure me557.35 exemption from insult. Accordingly I asked a neighbor to accompany me.
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the trap almost detected.
Although I was not then aware of this fact, it would seem that previous to my request this same neighbor had heard Dr. Zabriskiean state publicly in a saloon, that Mr. Winters had told him he had decided either to kill558.5 or to horsewhip me, but had not finally decided on which. My neighbor, therefore, felt unwilling to go down with me until he had first called on Mr. Winters alone. He therefore paid him a visit. From that interview he assured me that he gathered the impression that he did not believe I would have any difficulty with Mr. Winters, and that he (Winters) would call on me at 4 o’clock in my own office.558.11
my own precautions.
As Sheriff Cummingsan was in Gold Hill that afternoon, and as I desired to converse with him about the previous assault, I invited him to my office, and he came. Although a half-hour had passed beyond 4 o’clock, Mr. Winters had not called, and we both of us began preparing to go home. Just then, Philip Lynch, Publisher of the Gold Hill News, came in and said, blandly and cheerily, as if bringing good news:
“Hello, John558.20 B. Winters wants to see you.”
I replied, “Indeed! Why he sent me word that he would call on me here this afternoon at 4 o’clock!”
“O, well, it don’t do to be too ceremonious just now, he’s in my office, and that will do as well—come on in,558.24 Winters wants to consult with you alone. He’s got something to say to you.”
Though slightly uneasy at this change of programme, yet believing that in an editor’s house I ought to be safe, and anyhow that I would be within hail of the street, I hurriedly, and but partially whispered my dim apprehensions to Mr. Cummings, and asked him if he would not keep near enough to hear my voice in case I should call. He consented to do so while waiting for some other parties, and to come in if he heard my voice or thought I had need of protection.
On reaching the editorial part of the News office, which viewed from the street is dark, I did not see Mr. Winters, and again my misgivings arose. Had I paused long enough to consider the case, I should have invited Sheriff Cummings in, but as Lynch went down
[begin page 559]
[I do not desire to strain the reader’s fancy, hurtfully, and yet it would be a favor to me if he would try to fancy this lamb in battle, or the duelling ground or at the head of a vigilance committee—M. T.:te] ✱559.3–6
I followed, and without Mr. Cummings, and without arms, which I never do or will carry, unless as a soldier in war, or unless I should yet come to feel I must fight a duel, or to join and aid in the ranks of a necessary Vigilance Committee. But by following I made a fatal mistake. Following was entering a trap, and whatever animal suffers itself to be caught should expect the common fate of a caged rat, as I fear events to come will prove.
Traps commonly are not set for benevolence.
[His body-guard is shut out:]559.15
the trap inside.
I followed Lynch down stairs. At their foot a door to the left opened into a small room. From that room another door opened into yet another room, and once entered I found myself inveigled into what many will ever henceforth regard as a private subterranean Gold Hill den, admirably adapted in proper hands to the purposes of murder, raw or disguised, for from it with both or even one door closed, when too late, I saw that I could not be heard by Sheriff Cummings, and from it, BY VIOLENCE AND BY FORCE, I was prevented from making a peaceable exit, when I thought I saw the studious object of this “consultation” was no other than to compass my killing, in the presence of Philip Lynch as a witness, as soon as by insult a proverbially excitable man should be exasperated to the point of assailing Mr. Winters, so that Mr. Lynch, by his conscience and by his well known tenderness of heart toward the rich and potent would be compelled to testify that he saw Gen. John B. Winters kill Conrad Wiegand in “self-defense.” But I am going too fast.
our host.
Mr. Lynch was present during most559.35 of the time (say a little short of an hour,) but three times he left the room. His testimony, therefore,
[begin page 560]
“I have come here to exact of you a retraction, in black and white, of those damnably false charges which you have preferred against me in that —— ——560.8 infamous lying sheet560.8 of yoursan, and you must declare yourself their author; that you published them knowing them to be false, and that your motives were malicious.”
“Hold, Mr. Winters. Your language is insulting and your demand an enormity. I trust I was not invited here either to be insulted or coerced. I supposed myself here by invitation of Mr. Lynch, at your request.”
“Nor did I come here to insult you. I have already told you that I am here for a very different purpose.”
“Yet your language has been offensive, and even now shows strong excitement. If insult is repeated I shall either leave the room or call in Sheriff Cummings, whom I just left standing and waiting for me outside the door.”
“No, you won’t, sir560.21. You may just as well understand it at once as not. Here you are my man, and I’ll tell you why!560.22Months ago you put your property out of your hands, boasting that you did so to escape losing it on prosecution for libelan.”
“It is true that I did convert all my immovable property into personal property, such as I could trust safely to others, and chiefly to escape ruin through possible libel suits.”
“Very good, sir560.28. Having560.28 placed yourself beyond the pale of the law, may God help your soul560.29 if you DON’T make precisely such a retraction as I have demanded. I’ve got you now, and by ——560.30, before you can get out of this room you’ve got to both write and sign precisely the retraction I have demanded, and before you go, anyhow—you560.32–33 —— —— low-lived —— lying —— ——560.33, I’ll teach you what personal responsibility is outside of the law; and, by ——560.34, Sheriff Cummings and all the friends you’ve got in the world, besides, can’t save you, you —— ——560.36, etc.! No, sir560.36. I’m alone now, and I’m prepared to be shot down just here and now rather than be vilified560.38 by you as I have been, and suffer you to escape me after
[begin page 561]
I confess this speech, with its terrible and but too plainly implied threat of killing me if I did not sign the paper he demanded, terrified me, especially as I saw he was working himself up to the highest possible pitch of passion, and instinct told me that any reply other than one of seeming concession to his demands would only be fuel to a raging fire, so I replied:
“Well, if I’ve got to sign ——,”561.10 and then I paused some time. Resuming, I said, “But, Mr. Winters,561.11 you are greatly excited. Besides, I see you are laboring under a total misapprehension. It is your duty not to inflame but to calm yourself. I am prepared to show you, if you will only point out the article that you allude to, that you regard as ‘charges’561.15 what no calm and logical mind has any right to regard as such. Show me the charges, and I will try, at all events; and if it becomes plain that no charges have been preferred, then plainly there can be nothing to retract, and no one could rightly urge you to demand a retraction. You should beware of making so serious a mistake, for however honest a man may be, every one is liable to misapprehend.
“Besides you assume that I am the author of some certain article which you have not pointed out. It is hasty to do so.”
He then pointed to some numbered paragraphs in a Tribune article, headed “What’s the Matter with Yellow Jacket?” saying “That’s what I refer to.”
To gain time for general reflection and resolution, I took up the paper and looked it over for a while, he remaining silent, and as I hoped, cooling. I then resumed, saying, “As I supposed. I do not admit having written that article, nor have you any right to assume so important a point, and then base important action upon your assumption. You might deeply regret it afterwards. In my published Address to the Peoplean, I notified the world that no information as to the authorship of any article would be given without the consent of the writer. I therefore cannot honorably tell you who wrote that article, nor can you exact it.”
“If you are not the author, then I do demand to know who is?”561.37
“I must decline to say.”
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“Passing that point, the most important misapprehension which I notice is, that you regard them as ‘charges’ at all, when their context, both at their beginning and end, show they are not. These words introduce them:562.6 ‘Such an investigation [just before indicated,] we think MIGHT result in showing some of the following points.’ Then follow eleven specifications, and the succeeding paragraph shows that the suggested investigation ‘might EXONERATE those who are generally believed guilty.’ You see, therefore, the context proves they are not preferred as charges, and this you seem to have overlooked.”
While making those comments, Mr. Winters frequently interrupted me in such a way as to convince me that he was resolved not to consider candidly the thoughts contained in my words. He insisted upon it that they were charges, and “By ——562.16,” he would make me take them back as charges, and he referred the question to Philip Lynch, to whom I then appealed as a literary man, as a logician, and as an editor, calling his attention especially to the introductory paragraph just before quoted.
He replied, “If they are not charges, they certainly are insinuations,562.21–22” whereupon Mr. Winters renewed his demands for retraction precisely such as he had before named, except that he would allow me to state who did write the article if I did not myself, and this time shaking his fist in my face with more cursings and epithets.
When he threatened me with his clenched fist, instinctively I tried to rise from my chair, but Winters then forcibly thrust me down, as he did every other time (at least seven or eight,) when under similar imminent danger of bruising by his fist, (or for aught I could know worse than that after the first stunning blow,) which he could easily and safely to himself have dealt me so long as he kept me down and stood over me.
This fact it was, which more than anything else, convinced me that by plan and plot I was purposely made powerless in Mr. Winters’ hands, and that he did not mean to allow me that advantage of being afoot which he possessed. Moreover, I then became convinced that Philip Lynch (and for what reason I wondered,) would do absolutely nothing to protect me in his own house. I realized
[begin page 563]
[The reader is requested not to skip the following.—M. T.:]563.19
strategy and mesmerism.
To gain time for further reflection, and hoping that by a seeming acquiescence I might regain my personal liberty, at least till I could give an alarm, or take advantage of some momentary inadvertence of Winters, and then without a cowardly flight escape, I resolved to write a certain kind of retraction, but previously had inwardly decided
First. That I would studiously avoid every action which might be construed into the drawing of a weapon, even by a self-infuriated man, no matter what amount of insult might be heaped upon me, for it seemed to me that this great excess of compound profanity, foulness and epithet must be more than a mere indulgence, and therefore must have some object. “Surely in vain the net is spread in the sight of any bird.”an Therefore, as before without thought, I thereafter by intent kept my hands away from my pockets, and generally in sight and spread upon my knees.
Second. I resolved to make no motion with my arms or hands which could possibly be construed into563.37 aggression.
Third. I resolved completely to govern my outward manner and
[begin page 564]
Fourth. I resolved to try on Winters, silently, and unconsciously to himself a mesmeric power which I possess over certain kinds of people, and which at times I have found to work even in the dark over even564.8 the lower animals.
Does any one smile at these last counts? God save you from ever being obliged to beat in a game of chess, whose stake is your life, you having but four poor pawns and pieces and your adversary with his full force unshorn. But if you do564.12, provided you have any strength with breadth of will, do not despair. Though mesmeric power may not save you it may help you; try it at all events. In this instance I was conscious of power coming into me, and by a law of nature, I know Winters was correspondingly weakened. If I could have gained more time I am sure he would not even have struck me.
It takes time both to form such resolutions and to recite them. That time, however, I gained while thinking564.20 of my retraction, which I first wrote in pencil, altering it from time to time till I got it to suit me, my aim being to make it look like a concession to demands, while in fact it should tersely speak the truth into Mr. Winters’ mind. When it was finished, I copied it in ink, and if correctly copied from my first draft it should read as follows. In copying I do not think I made any material change:
copy.
To Philip Lynch, Editor of the Gold Hill News:
I learn that Gen. John B. Winters believes the following (pasted on) clipping from the People’s Tribune of January to contain distinct charges of mine against him personally, and that as such he desires me to retract them unqualifiedly564.32.
In compliance with his request, permit me to say that, although Mr. Winters and I see this564.34 matter differently, in view of his strong feelings in the premises, I hereby declare that I do not know those “charges” (if such they are) to be true, and I hope that a critical examination would altogether disprove them.
CONRAD WIEGAND.
Gold Hill, January 15, 1870.
[begin page 565]
“That’s not satisfactory, and it won’t do;” and then addressing himself to Mr. Lynch, he further said: “How does it strike you?”
“Well, I confess I don’t see that it retracts anything.”
“Nor do I,” said Winters; “In fact, I regard it as adding insult to injury. Mr.565.7 Wiegand, you’ve got to do better than that. You are not the man who can pull wool over my eyes.”
“That, sir, is the only retraction I can write.”
“No it isn’t, sir, and if you so much as say so again you do it at your peril, for I’ll thrash you to within an inch of your life, and by ——565.11–12, sir, I don’t565.12 pledge myself to spare you even that inch either. I want you to understand I have asked you for a very different paper, and that paper you’ve got to sign.”
“Mr. Winters, I assure you that I do not wish to irritate you, but, at the same time, it is utterly impossible for me to write any other paper than that which I have written. If you are resolved to compel me to sign something, Philip Lynch’s hand must565.18 write it565.18 at your dictation, and if, when written, I can sign it I will do so, but such a document as you say you must have from me I never can sign. I mean what I say.”
“Well, sir, what’s to be done must be done quickly, for I’ve been here long enough already. I’ll put the thing in another shape (and then pointing to the paper;) Don’t you know those charges are565.24 false?”
“I do not.”
“Do you know them to be true?”
“Of my own personal knowledge I do not.”
“Why then print565.29 them?”
“Because rightly considered in their connection they are not charges, but pertinent and useful suggestions in answer to the queries of a correspondent who stated facts which are inexplicable.”
“Don’t you know that I know they are false?”
“If you do, the proper course is simply to deny them and court an investigation.”
“And do YOU claim the right to make ME come out and deny anything you may choose to write and print?”
[begin page 566]
“I cannot in honor tell you who wrote it.”
“Did you not see it before it was printed?”
“Most certainly, sir.”
“And did you deem it a fit thing to publish?”
“Most assuredly, sir, or I would never have consented to its appearance. Of its authorship I can say nothing whatever, but for its publication I assume full, sole and personal responsibility.566.10”
“And do you then retract it or not?”
“Mr. Winters, if my refusal to sign such a paper as you have demanded must entail upon me all that your language in this room fairly implies, then I ask a few minutes for prayer.”
“Prayer! —— —— you566.15, this is not your hour for prayer—566.15your time to pray was when you were writing those566.16—— lying566.16 charges. Will you sign or not?”
“You already have my566.18 answer.”
“What566.19! do you still refuse?”
“I do sir.”
“Take that, then,” and to my amazement and inexpressible relief he drew only a raw-hide instead of what I expected—a bludgeon or pistol. With it, as he spoke, he struck at my left ear downwards, as if to tear it off, and afterwards on the side of the head. As he moved away to get a better chance for a more effective shot, for the first time I gained a chance under peril to rise, and I did so pitying him from the very bottom of my soul, to think that one so naturally capable of true dignity, power and nobility could, by the temptations of this State, and by unfortunate associations and aspirations, be so deeply debased as to find in such brutality anything which he could call satisfaction—but the great hope for us all is in progress and growth, and John B. Winters, I trust, will yet be able to comprehend my feelings.566.33
He continued to beat me with all his great force, until absolutely weary, exhausted and panting for breath. I still adhered to my purpose of non-aggressive defense, and made no other use of my arms than to defend my head and face from further disfigurement. The mere pain arising from the blows he inflicted upon my person was
[begin page 567]
When I supposed he was through, taking the butt end of his weapon and shaking it in my face, he warned me, if I correctly understood him, of more yet to come, and furthermore said, if ever I again dared introduce his name to print, in either my own or any other public journal, he would cut off my left ear (and I do not think he was jesting) and send me home to my family a visibly mutilated man, to be a standing warning to all low-lived puppies who seek to blackmail gentlemen and to injure their good names. And when he did so operate, he informed me that his implement would not be a whip but a knife.
When he had said this, unaccompanied by Mr. Lynch, as I remember it, he left the room, for I sat down by Mr. Lynch exclaiming: “The man is mad—he is utterly mad—this step is his ruin—it is a mistake—it would be ungenerous in me, despite of all the ill usage I have here received, to expose him, at least till567.17 he has had an opportunity to reflect upon the matter. I shall be in no haste.”
“Winters is very mad just now,” replied Mr. Lynch, “but when he is himself he is one of the finest men I ever met. In fact, he told me the reason he did not meet you up stairs was to spare you the humiliation of a beating in the sight of others.”
I submit that that unguarded remark of Philip Lynch convicts him of having been privy in advance to Mr. Winters’567.24 intentionsan whatever they may have been, or at least to his meaning to make an assault upon me, but I leave to others to determine how much censure an editor deserves for inveigling a weak, non-combatant567.27 man, also a publisher, to a pen of his own to be horsewhipped, if no worse, for the simple printing of what is verbally in the mouth of nine out of ten men, and women too, upon the street.
While writing this account two theories have occurred to me as possibly true respecting this most remarkable assault:
First. The aim may have been simply to extort from me such admissions as in the hands of money and influence would have sent me to the Penitentiary for libel. This however seems unlikely, because any statements elicited by fear or force could not be evidence in law or could be so explained as to have no force. The statements wanted so badly must have been desired for some other purpose.
[begin page 568]
First. To terrify me by making me conscious of my utter568.16 helplessness after making actual though not legal threats against my life.
Second. To imply that I could save my life only by writing or signing certain specific statements which if not subsequently explained would eternally have branded me as infamous, and would have consigned my family to shame and want, or568.22 to the dreadful compassion and patronage of the rich.
Third. To blow my brains out the moment I had signed, thereby preventing me from making any such568.25 subsequent explanation as568.25could remove the infamy.
Fourth. Philip Lynch to be compelled to testify that I was killed by John B. Winters in self-defense, for the conviction of Winters would bring him in as an accomplice. If that was the programme in John B. Winters’ mind nothing saved my life but my persistent refusal to sign, when that refusal seemed clearly to me to be the choice of death.
The remarkable assertion made to me by Mr. Winters, that pity only spared my life on Wednesday evening last, almost compels me to believe that at first he could not have intended me to leave that room alive; and why I was allowed to, unless through mesmeric or some other invisible influence, I cannot divine. The more I reflect upon this matter, the more probable as true does this horrible interpretation become.
[begin page 569]
Though he may not deem it prudent to take my life just now, the publication of this article I feel sure must compel Gen. Winters (with his peculiar views about his right to exemption from criticism by me) to resolve on my violent death, though it may take years to compass it. Notwithstanding I bear him no ill will; and if W. C. Ralstonan and William Sharon, and other members of the San Francisco mining and milling Ring feel that he above all other men in this State and California is the most fitting man to supervise and control Yellow Jacket matters, until I am able to vote more than half their stock I presume he will be retained to grace his present post.
Meantime, I cordially invite all who know of any sort of important villainy which only can be cured by exposure (and who would expose it if they felt sure they would not be betrayed under bullying threats,) to communicate with the People’s Tribune; for until I am murdered, so long as I can raise the means to publish, I propose to continue my efforts at least to revive the liberties of the State, to curb oppression, and to benefit this part of569.27 man’s world and God’s earth.
CONRAD WIEGAND.
[It does seem a pity that the Sheriff was shut out, since the good sense of a general of militia and of a prominent editor failed to teach them that the merited castigation of this weak, half-witted child was a thing that ought to have been done in the streetan, where the poor thing could have a chance to run. When a journalist maligns a citizen, or attacks his good name on hearsay evidence, he deserves to be thrashed for itan, even if he is a “non-combatant” weakling; but a generous adversary would at least allow such a lamb the use of his legs at such a time.—M. T.]te569.30–38
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[begin page 571]
[begin page 572]
[begin page 573]
EXPLANATORY NOTES
In his Prefatory to Roughing It Mark Twain confessed, “Yes, take it all around, there is quite a good deal of information in the book.” These notes are intended to clarify and supplement this information by identifying people, places, and incidents, and by explaining literary allusions and topical references. In addition, they attempt to demonstrate the factuality of the narrative, so that the reader may more fully appreciate the artistry that Mark Twain used to shape his experiences into a work of literature.
The notes also identify portions of the text based on earlier printings—both of his own works that Mark Twain revised for inclusion in the book, and of works he quoted from other authors. Thus whenever mention is made that he incorporated into the text one of his pieces from, for example, the Buffalo Express or the Sacramento Union, the reader may find in Emendations of the Copy-Text and Rejected Substantives a record of the revisions he carried out while composing Roughing It. Likewise, when a note identifies the source of a quotation from the work of another author, the reader may find a record of any alterations Mark Twain is presumed to have made in the borrowed material.
All references in the text are keyed to this volume by page and line: for example, 1.1 means page 1, line 1. Chapter titles and picture captions are not included in the line count. Frequently cited works have been assigned an abbreviation, which in citations is followed by a page (or volume and page) number: “L2, 298” or “MTB, 1:337.” But most works are cited by the author’s last name (“Hunter, 254” or “Root and Connelley, 44”) or by a short title (“Tribute, 23”). When two or more works by the same author are cited in this way, the date of publication is used to distinguish them: “Fatout 1964, 80” and “Fatout 1976, 10.” Works by members of the Clemens family may be found under their initials: SLC, OC, and MEC. All abbreviations, authors, and short titles used in citations are fully defined in References. For the reader’s convenience, citations to works available in numerous editions may supply a chapter number (or its equivalent, such as a book or act number) rather than a page number. All quotations from holograph documents are transcribed verbatim from the originals (or photocopies thereof), even when a published form is also cited for the reader’s convenience. The location of every unique document or manuscript is identified by the standard Library of Congress abbreviation, or the last name of the owner, always defined in References.
[begin page 574]
[begin page 769]
SUPPLEMENT A
Background Material Supplied by Orion Clemens
8 and 9 September 1861
When Clemens began to work on Roughing It in July 1870, he asked his brother Orion to help him recall the details of their stagecoach trip to Nevada Territory in July–August 1861: “Have you a memorandum of the route we took—or the names of any of the Stations we stopped at?” Orion responded by forwarding his journal of the trip, which Clemens found to be “ever so much use” in writing the overland chapters.1 Unfortunately, this journal is no longer extant. Its contents survive, however, in a letter that Orion wrote to his wife—Mary Eleanor (Mollie) Clemens (1834–1904)—upon his arrival in Carson City: Orion copied the journal, probably in its entirety, into this letter, which is transcribed below from the original in the Mark Twain Papers (CU-MARK). Mollie, who had remained with her family in Keokuk, Iowa, joined Orion in Nevada in October 1862 with their daughter, Jennie Clemens (1855–64). The portion of the letter giving the trip itinerary is thoroughly glossed in the explanatory notes to the Roughing It text; notes for the remaining portion are provided below.
Carson City, Nevada Territory,
September 8, 1861.
My Dear Wife:—
Thinking you may take some interest in my journal, I copy it:
July 26.—Left St. Joseph. Started on the plains about ten miles out. The plains here are simply prairie.
July 27. Crossed the Nebraska line about 180 miles from St. Joseph. Here we saw the first Jack Rabbit. They have larger legs bodies, longer legs and longer ears than our rabbits.
July 28. Saw first prairie wolf, and first antelope., and first prairie dogs
[begin page 770]
July 29.—Saw the first Indians, 75 miles from Kearney, with Buffalo skin wigwams, the hide dressed on both sides, and put up on poles, sugar loaf shape. Here we found Buffalo robes at three to six dollars, beautifully dressed, and some of them wonderfully large. This is the Buffalo region, and robes are higher as you go further, either east or west. Saw an Indian child’s grave on a scaffold about eight feet from the ground, supported by four stakes. Sand Hills and Platte river still in sight.
Tuesday, July 30. Arrived at the “Crossing” of the South Platte, alias “Overland City,” alias “Julesburg,” at 11 A. M., 470 miles from St. Joseph. Saw to-day first Cactus. 1:20 P. M. across the South Platte.
Wednesday, July 31.—Sunrise. Court House Rock, Chimney Rock, and Scott’s Bluffs, in sight. At noon passed through Scott’s Bluff’s pass., 580 miles from St. Joseph. This was the first high ground, since entering upon the plains. All was vast, prairie, until we reached Fort Kearney. Soon afterwards, we struck the barren region, and thenceforward we had a level expanse covered with sage brush, and that was the character of the growth until we arrived here, the plains being more or less elevated, or broken, but in other respects preserving the same characteristics. After we crossed the South Platte we found a great deal of cactus. When we crossed Scotts Bluff’s we had been traveling in sight of the North Platte river all day. In the afternoon we found alkali water in the road, giving it a soapy appearance, and the ground in many places appearing as if whitewashed. About 6 P. M., crossed the range of Sand hills which had been stretching along our left in sight, since Sunday. We crossed this long low range near the scene of the Indian mail robbery and massacre in 1856, wherein Babbitt alone was saved, though left for dead. The whole party was killed, including some passengers. There was some treasure in the coach, which the Indians got.
Thursday, Aug. 1. Found ourselves this morning in the “Black Hills,” with “Laramie Peak,” looming up in large proportions. This peak is 60 miles from Fort Laramie, which we passed in the night. We took breakfast at “Horseshoe” station, forty miles from Fort Laramie, and 676 miles from St. Joseph. After dinner we climbed to the yellow pines. This afternoon passed, near La Parelle station, the little canon in which the Express rider was last night when a bullet from Indians on the side of the road passed through his coat. About 2½ hours before the station keeper at La Parelle had fired four times at one Indian. At noon we passed a Morm train 33 wagons long. They were nooning. About midnight, at a
[begin page 771]
Friday, Aug. 2.—3 o’clock, A. M., passed over North Platte bridge, 760 miles from St. Joseph. 2 P. M., reached “Sweet water” creek, “Independence Rock,” the “Devil’s Gap,” the “Devil’s Gate,” and alkali, or “Soda Lake,” where the mormons shovel up the saleratus, take it to Salt Lake, and sell it for 25¢ per pound. A few days ago they took two wagon loads. Also, the “Rocky Ride,” all within two or three miles of Independence Rock., which is 811 miles from St. Joseph. Passed in the night, “Cold Spring,” an ice water spring, issuing near one of the Stations,. Now, or at any time of the year, the men at this Station by scraping off the soil, sometimes only to the depth of six inches, can cut out pretty, clear, square blocks of ice. This “cold spring” is 36 miles from “Independence Rock,” and 847 miles from St. Joseph.
Saturday, Aug. 3. Breakfast at Rock Ridge Station, 24 miles from “Cold Spring,” and 871 miles from St. Joseph. A mile further on is “South Pass City” consisting of four log cabins, one of which is the post office, and one unfinished. Two miles further on saw for the first time, snow on the mountains, glittering in the sun like settings of silver. Near the summit of the South Pass appears in sight Fremont’s Peak. The wind river mountains, in which we first saw snow, are about 50 miles distant. About 7 2 6 miles beyond the very summit of the South Pass of the Rocky mountains, is Pacific station, in Utah Territory, near the Nebraska line., where we got an excellent dinner. Near this Station are the Pacific Springs, which issue in a branch, taking up its march for the Pacific Ocean. The summit of the Rocky mountains, or the highest point of the South Pass, is 902 miles from St. Joseph.
Sunday, Aug. 4.—Crossed Green River. It is something like the Illinois, except that it is a very pretty clear river. The place we crossed was about 70 miles from the summit of the South Pass. Uinta mountains in sight, with snow on them, and portions of their summits hidden by the clouds. About 5 P. M arrived at Fort Bridger, on Black’s Fork of Green river, 52 miles from the crossing of Green river, about 120 miles from the South Pass, and 1025 miles from St. Joseph.
Monday, Aug. 5.—52 miles further on, near the head of Echo Canon, were encamped 60 soldiers from Camp Floyd. Yesterday they
[begin page ]
4 P. M., arrived on the summit of “Big mountain,” 15 miles from Salt Lake City, when the most gorgeous view of mountain peaks yet encountered, burst on our sight.
Arrived at Salt Lake City at dark, and put up at the Salt Lake House,. There are about 15,000 inhabitants. The houses are scattering, mostly small frame, with large yards and plenty of trees. High mountains surround the city. On some of these perpetual snow is visible. Salt Lake City is 240 miles from the South Pass, or 1148 miles from St. Joseph.
Wednesday, Aug. 7. Bathed in the warm spring. Mountains in the morning, Southwest and East enveloped in clouds.
Thursday, Aug. 8.—Arrived at Fort Crittenden—(Camp Floyd) 8 A.M., 45 miles from Salt Lake City. Arrived at the edge of the desert, 95 miles from Salt Lake City, at 4 P. M.
Friday, Aug. 9.—Sunrise. Across the desert, 45 miles, and at the commencement of the “little Desert.” 2 o’clock, across the little desert, 23 miles, and 163 miles from Salt Lake, being 68 miles across the two deserts, with only a spring at Fish Creek Station to seperate them. They are called deserts because there is no water in them. They are barren, but so is the balance of the route.
Saturday, Aug 10. Arrived in the forenoon at the entrance of “Rocky Canon,” 255 miles from Salt Lake City.
Sunday, Aug 11.—Passed points declared by the driver to be the highest we had crossed. Saturday and Sunday nights were very cold, though the days were very warm.
Tuesday, Aug 13.—Arrived at Carson Sink where Carson river loses itself. It is a beautiful lake, 25 miles long by 15 wide, and 60 miles from Carson City.
Wednesday, Aug. 14,—Arrived at Carson City 580 miles from Salt Lake, or 1700 miles from St. Joseph
Carson City, N. T. Sept 9, 1861.
My Dear Wife—
I am very sorry to find from your letter of Aug. 9th that you are sick; I will accept that as your apology for not writing every week as you promised. Your description of the events going on around you are very interesting. It must be deeply exciting to you all. Even to me it comes home, very close home, when I see the names of intimate friends engaged in the battle, near both to Memphis & Keokuk, and some of them wounded. The
[begin page 773]
I am very glad indeed you waved your handkerchief to the soldiers in St. Louis. It was a noble impulse, and they will always remember it.
I received to-day your letter written to-day August 2 at Lagrange. Have you any idea what made Jennie’s face become a running sore and a scab? Poor little thing, I hate to hear of her being in that condition. Tell her I love her and want her and her Ma out here very much, and I am sorry she is not well. I think Tom Bohon will do very well for Belle.3 Give my love to Cousin Mary.4 It gets pretty hot here about noon, but the climate is too dry for sweat. It has not rained since I have been here. I have just read the 28th chapter of Deuteronomy.
To-night I received from you the most fearful letter I ever read. When I commenced reading it I felt like I did when in Tennessee on my way to Memphis, I picked up a paper announcing Henry’s death—the same stopping and stillness of the heart.5 How thankful I was when I got through the letter, and found the dear little creature was thought by the doctor to be out of danger. Her affection for and thoughtfulness of me touches me deeply. How could we spare her? What was the matter with Jennie? What caused her convulsions?
I am sorry you had to pay out any money on the trunk. I hope, as Congress has made an appropriation for us I will soon have some money to send you. I brought my dictionary with me. I wrote from Salt Lake. Nothing keeps me from depression on account of your absence, but being busy from the time I get up till I go to bed. I do not know that I am any more attached to the Swedenborgian6 than the Presbyterian faith.
Do they still send you the Tri-weekly Democrat.?7 What a relief the last part of your letter was after reading the first part. I shall look for a letter every day, until Jennie gets entirely well. You have indeed passed through a terrible trial—only three hours sleep in three days. I send you
[begin page 774]
Good night.
Your affectionate Husband,
Orion Clemens.
[begin page 775]
The following chart summarizes, in schematic form, the overland itinerary as set down in Orion Clemens’s letter to his wife of 8 and 9 September 1861, and as described by Mark Twain in Roughing It. Its purpose is to enable the reader to determine, at a glance, the major points of similarity and difference between the two accounts. The mileage figures in the second column are either taken directly, or calculated, from Orion’s letter. An arrow (→) in the “Roughing It narrative” column indicates that the text agrees with Orion’s account, and was presumably based on it. Whenever the text specifically mentions time and/or distance, it is noted in this column. Entries in italic type indicate that Mark Twain used exact wording from Orion’s account. Entries in boldface type indicate incidents mentioned in both accounts, but on different days of the journey. Entries in small capitals indicate incidents unique to Roughing It. The chart does not include incidents and anecdotes in the narrative of the book which cannot be linked to a particular time or place in the itinerary, such as the description of overland facilities in chapter 4, the anecdote of Eckert and the cat in chapter 7, or Greeley’s ride in chapter 20.
|
|
||||
| Page.line | Day | Miles | Orion’s letter | Roughing It narrative |
| 6.4 | Day 1, 26 July | 0 | departure from St. Joseph | → |
| 12.18 | Day 2, 27 July | 180 | Nebraska boundary | → 180m |
| 12.25 | ↓ | first jackass rabbit | → | |
| —— | Day 3, 28 July | first prairie dogs, cayote | —— | |
| 26.18 | ↓ | timber of Platte, 2 p.m. | → 2 p.m. | |
| 26.21 | ↓ | —— | crossing of platte, 5 p.m. | |
| 26.22 | ↓ | 296 | Fort Kearny | → 56 hours out, 300m |
| 30.5 | Day 4, 29 July | 371 | Indians, buffalo region | first prairie dogs, cayote |
| 40.5 | Day 5, 30 July | 470 | Julesburg / Overland City, 11 a.m. | → noon, 5th day, 470m |
| 41.11 | ↓ | crossing of South Platte, 1:20 p.m. | → | |
| 41.27 | Day 6, 31 July | —— | breakdown, bemis & bull, dawn, 550m | |
| 50.2 | ↓ | —— | pony-express rider | |
| 52.8 | ↓ | 580 | Scott’s Bluffs Pass, noon | → |
| 52.10 | ↓ | alkali water | → | |
| 53.14 | ↓ | sand hills, mail robbery, 6 p.m. | → | |
| 55.1 | Day 7, 1 Aug | 636 | Fort Laramie, at night | → 7th day |
| 55.2 | ↓ | Black Hills, Laramie Peak | → | |
| 55.7 | ↓ | 676 | Horseshoe station | → 676m |
| 55.10 | ↓ | La Prele (“La Parelle”) station | → | |
| 55.13 | ↓ | attack on pony rider | → | |
| 55.20 | ↓ | attack on Indian | → | |
| —— | ↓ | Mormon train, noon | —— | |
| 57.13 | ↓ | altercation at station, midnight | → | |
| 67.14 | Day 8, 2 Aug | —— | breakfast with slade | |
| —— | ↓ | 760 | North Platte Bridge, 3 a.m. | —— |
| 76.1 | ↓ | —— | Mormon train, after breakfast, 8th day, 798m | |
| 76.10 | ↓ | —— | bath in horse creek | |
|
|
↓ | Sweetwater Creek, 2 p.m. | → afternoon | |
| 76.19 | ↓ | 811 | Independence Rock | → |
| 76.23 | ↓ | Soda Lake | → | |
| 77.3 | ↓ | 847 | Cold Spring, at night | → at night |
| —— | Day 9, 3 Aug | 871 | breakfast at Rocky Ridge station | —— |
| 77.15 | ↓ | 872 | South Pass City | → |
| 78.16 | ↓ | 902 | South Pass summit | → |
| 81.38 | ↓ | 908 | Pacific station | leaf and watermelon anecdotes |
| 84.15 | Day 10, 4 Aug | 972 | crossing of Green river | → 10th day |
| 85.4 | ↓ | 1025 | Fort Bridger, 5 p.m. | → 5 p.m., 1025m |
| 85.7 | Day 11, 5 Aug | 1077 | soldiers from Camp Floyd | → 1077m |
| 85.15 | ↓ | Echo Cañon, 20m long | → 20m long | |
| 85.27 | ↓ | 1133 | Big Mountain, 4 p.m. | → 4 p.m., 1133m |
| 85.33 | ↓ | —— | supper with a destroying angel | |
| 87.4 | ↓ | 1148 | Salt Lake City, nightfall | → |
| 89.8 | Day 12, 6 Aug | —— | salt lake city sightseeing | |
| 92.19 | Day 13, 7 Aug | bath in warm spring | visit to brigham young | |
| 107.1 | ↓ | —— | mormon bible | |
| 120.15 | ↓ | —— | departure, late evening | |
| 122.1 | Day 14, 8 Aug | 1193 | Camp Floyd, 8 a.m. | → 8 a.m., 1193–98m |
| 122.3 | ↓ | 1243 | edge of desert, 4 p.m. | → 4 p.m., 1238–48m |
| 122.7 | Day 15, 9 Aug | 1311 | desert crossing, 68m across | → 68m across |
| 122.13 | ↓ | Fish Springs (“Fish Creek”) station | unnamed station | |
| 126.2 | Day 16, 10 Aug | 1403 | Egan (“Rocky”) Cañon, afternoon | → 16th day, 1398m |
| 126.6 | ↓ | —— | goshoot indians | |
| 130.1 | Day 17, 11 Aug | highest points on trip | → 17th day | |
| 130.6 | Day 18, 12 Aug | —— | reese river station, 18th day | |
| 130.23 | Day 19, 13 Aug | 1640 | Carson Sink | → 19th day |
| 137.29 | Day 20, 14 Aug | 1700 | Carson City | → 20th day |
[begin page 778]
On 10 March 1871 Clemens asked Orion to “torture your memory & write down in minute detail every fact & exploit in the desperado Slade’s life that we heard on the Overland—& also describe his appearance & conversation as we saw him at Rocky Ridge station at breakfast” (NN-B). Orion’s response, written the following day, is transcribed below from the original in the Mark Twain Papers (CU-MARK); it provided Clemens with ideas for much of the material in chapter 10.
agents wanted for overland through asia, knox. uncivilized races, or natural history of man, wood. innocents abroad, twain. beyond the mississippi, field, dungeon and escape, personal history of grant, rich-ardson. great metropolis, browne. the great rebellion, headley. history of the bible, stebbins. pebbles and pearls, abby sage. illustrated family bibles.
e. g. hastings, pres’t. office american publishing company,
e. bliss, jr., sec’y 149 asylum street.
f. e. bliss, treas.
hartford conn. March 11 18 71
My Dear Bro:—
your letters of 9th & 10th just received. I showed them to Bliss, who is much pleased.
I don’t think we heard of Slade till after we had left Rocky Ridge Station—the last before reaching South Pass station where w the clouds looked so low, where we saw the first snow, and where a spring with waters destined for the Atlantic stood within a man’s length (or within sight) of another spring whose waters were about to commence a voyage to the Pacific. There was nothing then in a name to attract us to Slade, and yet I remember something of his appearance while totally forgetting all the others. Perhaps the driver’s description caused the difference. We got there (to R R Station) about sun up. There were a lot of fellows, young and rough in a room adjoining that in which we sat. They —if indeed it was not in the same room. They were washing in a tin pan, joking, laughing and chaffing each other, and kept it up at the table. I don’t remember what they said, or anything they said, but I believe the subject was their hostelry and silly trifles. I think Slade got to the table after every body else did, and shewed good appetite for the bacon slices, &c. I think he was about your
[begin page 779]
Once Slade had a quarrel with a huge teamster, and in an apparent
[begin page 780]
Slade had a desperate fight at Overland City with Julian a Frenchman. Slade had a pistol and the Frenchman a shot gun. He was as desperate a man as Slade, and forced the latter to retreat into a house where he took refuge behind a door which stood ajar. They shot at each other through the door, and Slade was so badly wounded about the body as that he was confined to his bed several weeks. Julian improved the opportunity to leave for the purpose of avoiding Slade’s vengeance. He went to Pikes Peak and was gone about six months. He returned and was captured by Slade or his friends near one of the stations., and bound to a tree. Then Slade cut off his ears, tantalized him, poured out invectives on him, shot his so as barely to miss him several times, and after torturing him half an hour in these ways, killed him.
I don’t know how he came to leave that road, but he went to Montana, where he was worked up into hanged by a vigilance committee. I believe his offence was belonging to a gang of horse thieves and robbers, with some particular murder laid to his charge. On the scaffold he was unmanned by terror and begged piteously for life.
Charlie Kincaid1 had a rough time on that old mail route with the Indians once. If you want it I guess Mollie will remember something about it.
I have done the best I could on Slade—told all I can remember—and more than I recollect distinctly or w feel entirely certain of—trusting that it would be practically near enough correct.
Lo Bliss don’t think you can sell your house soon.
Love to wife and baby.
Bliss has a queer notion about things. He can work at his business all through the month and then in a day or two sit down and spin off no end of insurance articles, and if I am not down here in the office where he writing and where he can holler at me he to go after a proof or do something about the paper he thinks I aint doing any thing, and instead of hiring a girl to write on wrappers has put me at it, because, I suppose, I spent time walking to think in the fresh air, or staid at home to pol after meals to polish up what I had written where I could be uninterrupted, having writ seized the opportunity to write the rough drafts at the office while Bliss was away at New York, for when he is away the others don’t bother me. I
[begin page 781]
He shows about the same discernment in grumbling because your portrait goes into the Aldine.2 I laughed at him telling him you couldn’t and propose it for this paper and he hadn’t thought of it and the Aldine people had. I’ll work along here the best I can till I get my machine out,3 and then I shall hope for better things.
Your Brother,
Orion.
Knox4 has a column for this paper he charges $10 for.
What I am at work on is the exchange list—copying from a book—perhaps 5,000 papers—to help out till first April as they are taking stock.
[begin page 782]
[begin page 783]
SUPPLEMENT B
Maps: Overland Route and Nevada Territory
Map i, divided into four adjoining segments, is a large-scale representation of the western United States and territories that figure in the Roughing It narrative. It depicts the route that Samuel Clemens and his brother Orion followed on their journey by overland-mail stagecoach from St. Joseph, Missouri, to Carson City, Nevada Territory, in July–August 1861. This route has been reliably established by studies of the overland mail and of the pony express, which often—but not always—made use of the mail-route facilities. All of the significant geographic features—both physical and cultural—mentioned in Roughing It and in the explanatory notes are represented on the map, in addition to other selected major features useful for orientation. The level of detail is not uniform: western Nevada Territory, for example, which contains more features of importance to the book than do other regions, appears in greater detail. The map is accurate as of July–August 1861, except for the town of Austin, Nevada, established in 1863. The representation of the travelers’ daily progress is based on Orion’s letter to his wife of 8 and 9 September 1861 (supplement A, item 1). Also shown are the three routes between Nevada Territory and Sacramento: the overland-mail route to Placerville, the road over Henness Pass (which Clemens traveled in May 1864), and the road over Donner Pass (which he traveled in April–May 1868).
Maps 2 and 3 represent a closer view of western Nevada Territory as of November 1861, when the Territorial Legislature established the first county boundaries: Map 2 shows the Humboldt region, which Clemens visited in the winter of 1861–62; Map 3 shows Carson City, Virginia City, and environs, plus the Esmeralda region—including Mono Lake—where he sojourned in the spring and summer of 1862 (having made a brief visit there in September 1861). Dotted lines indicate commonly traveled trails and roads. Clemens’s probable route to Unionville is shown on Map 2, but the route of his return trip as far as Ragtown is not known; the map depicts the possible routes. The Roughing It account of his horseback trip to Aurora in April 1862 implies that he followed the stagecoach road, by way of Genoa. The route he walked on his return trip to Virginia City is not known for certain. Map 3 shows the two likeliest possibilities: the stagecoach road, and a shorter road between the Walker River and Dayton. Nothing is known about Clemens’s routes to and from Lake Tahoe. On his
[begin page 784]
The following general source books defined in References were useful in preparing the maps: Angel’s History, Browning’s Place Names of the Sierra Nevada, Carlson’s Nevada Place Names, Kelly’s 1862 Directory, Mattes’s Great Platte River Road, and Root and Connolley’s Overland Stage. Clemens’s route to the Humboldt region was established primarily from his own account of the trip in a February 1866 “San Francisco Letter” to the Virginia City Territorial Enterprise (SLC 1866d). Three letters (not by Clemens) to the Sacramento Union provided descriptions of the route: “Visit to the Humboldt Mines,” 24 Sept 61, 1; “Letter from the Humboldt Mines” (signed “Wyoming”), 1 Apr 62, 4; and “Letter from the Humboldt Mines” (signed “D.”), 6 May 62, 1. The remaining map sources are listed below.
American Automobile Association.
1989. Iowa, Nebraska. Falls Church, Va.: American Automobile Association.
1990. Colorado, Wyoming. Heathrow, Fla.: American Automobile Association.
1990. Nevada, Utah. Heathrow, Fla.: American Automobile Association.
1990. Western States and Provinces. Heathrow, Fla.: American Automobile Association.
Baltensperger, Bradley H. 1985. Nebraska: A Geography. Boulder, Colo.: Westview Press.
Bancroft, H. H. 1862. Bancroft’s Map of the Washoe Silver Region of Nevada Territory. San Francisco: H. H. Bancroft and Co.
California State Automobile Association. 1979. Lake Tahoe Region. San Francisco: California State Automobile Association.
Clayton, Joshua Elliot. 1861. Map of Esmeralda and Mono. San Francisco: Britton and Co.
Clayton, William. 1848. The Latter-Day Saints’ Emigrants’ Guide. St. Louis: Missouri Republican. Reprint edition, edited by Stanley B. Kimball. Gerald, Md.: Patrice Press, 1983.
Colton, J. H. 1864. Colton’s Map of the States and Territories West of the Mississippi River to the Pacific Ocean. New York: J. H. Colton.
Coy, Owen C. 1973. California County Boundaries. Rev. ed. Fresno, Calif.: Valley Publishers.
[begin page 785]
DeGroot, Henry. 1863. DeGroot’s Map of Nevada Territory, Exhibiting a Portion of Southern Oregon & Eastern California. San Francisco: Warren Holt.
Fike, Richard E., and John W. Headley. 1979. The Pony Express Stations of Utah in Historical Perspective. Bureau of Land Management, Utah. Cultural Resources Series, Monograph 2. Washington, D.C.: U.S. Government Printing Office.
Fink, K. W. 1935. Map of the Pony Express Trail Beginning April 3rd. 1860 from St. Joseph Mo. and Sacramento Calif. Kansas City, Kans.: W. R. Honnell.
Fox, Theron. 196–. Nevada Treasure Hunters Ghost Town Guide. San Jose, Calif.: Theron Fox.
Hunt, Thomas H. 1974. Ghost Trails to California. Palo Alto, Calif.: American West Publishing Company.
Kimball, Stanley B. 1988. Historic Sites and Markers along the Mormon and Other Great Western Trails. Urbana: University of Illinois Press.
Marcy, Randolph B. 1863. The Prairie Traveler, A Hand-Book for Overland Expeditions. London: Trübner and Co.
Mason, Dorothy. 1976. The Pony Express in Nevada. Compiled for the Nevada Bureau of Land Management. Carson City: Harrah’s.
Maule, William M. 1938. A Contribution to the Geographic and Economic History of the Carson, Walker and Mono Basins in Nevada and California. San Francisco: California Region, Forest Service, U.S. Department of Agriculture.
National Geographic Society. 1981. National Geographic Atlas of the World. 5th ed. Washington, D.C.: National Geographic Society.
Nevada Emigrant Trail Marking Committee. 1975. The Overland Emigrant Trail to California. Reno: Nevada Historical Society.
State of Nevada. 1981. Directory of Geographic Names in Nevada. Prepared by State of Nevada, Department of Transportation Planning Division, Cartography and Graphics Section. 2d ed. Reno: State of Nevada.
Swackhamer, William D. 1979. Political History of Nevada. 7th ed. Carson City: Nevada State Printing Office.
Townley, John M. 1980. Across Nevada with the Pony Express and Overland Stage Line. Reno: Great Basin Studies Center.
Urbanek, Mae.
1974. Wyoming Place Names. 3d ed. Boulder, Colo.: Johnson Publishing Company.
1978. Ghost Trails of Wyoming. Boulder, Colo.: Johnson Publishing Company.
[begin page 786]
U.S. Department of the Interior. General Land Office. 1866. Map of the State of Nevada to Accompany the Annual Report of the Commr. Gen1. Land Office. New York: Major and Knapp.
U.S. Department of the Interior. U.S. Geological Survey.
1916. U.S. Contour Map, Polyconic Projection.
1951. Bucklin Reservoirs, Wyoming. Photorevised 1981. 7.5 Minute Series (Topographic).
1951. Carson Sink, Nevada. 15 Minute Series (Topographic).
1951. Graham Ranch, Wyoming. Photorevised 1984. 7.5 Minute Series (Topographic).
1951. Independence Rock, Wyoming. Photorevised 1981. 7.5 Minute Series (Topographic).
1953. Western United States 1:250,000; Delta. Revised 1972.
1953. Western United States 1:250,000; Tooele. Revised 1970.
1955. Western United States 1:250,000; Elko. Revised 1972.
1955. Western United States 1:250,000; Lovelock. Revised 1970.
1956. Aurora, Nevada-California. 15 Minute Series (Topographic).
1956. Toulon, Nevada. 15 Minute Series (Topographic).
1957. Western United States 1:250,000; Mariposa. Revised 1970.
1957. Western United States 1:250,000; Reno. Revised 1971.
1957. Western United States 1:250,000; Sacramento. Revised 1970.
1957. Western United States 1:250,000; Walker Lake. Revised 1969.
1958. Bodie, California. 15 Minute Series (Topographic).
1958. Trench Canyon, California-Nevada. 15 Minute Series (Topographic).
1960. Fairbury, Nebraska. Photorevised 1980. 7.5 Minute Series (Topographic).
1960. Fairbury SW, Nebraska-Kansas. 7.5 Minute Series (Topographic).
1960. Gladstone, Nebraska. 7.5 Minute Series (Topographic).
1961. Mountain Dell, Utah. Photorevised 1975. 7.5 Minute Series (Topographic).
1963. Fort Douglas, Utah. Photorevised 1969 and 1975. 7.5 Minute Series (Topographic).
1966. Hanover East, Kansas. Photorevised 1983. 7.5 Minute Series (Topographic).
1966. Hanover SE, Kansas. Photorevised 1983. 7.5 Minute Series (Topographic).
1966. Hanover SW, Kansas. Photorevised 1983. 7.5 Minute Series (Topographic).
[begin page 787]
1966. Hanover West, Kansas. Photorevised 1983. 7.5 Minute Series (Topographic).
1966. Herkimer, Kansas. Photorevised 1983. 7.5 Minute Series (Topographic).
1966. Marysville, Kansas. Photorevised 1983. 7.5 Minute Series (Topographic).
1966. Washington NE, Kansas. 7.5 Minute Series (Topographic).
1970. Endicott, Nebraska-Kansas. 7.5 Minute Series (Topographic).
1978. Lander, Wyoming. 30×60 Minute Series (Topographic).
1979. Bairoil, Wyoming. 30×60 Minute Series (Topographic).
1979. Casper, Wyoming. 30×60 Minute Series (Topographic).
1981. Rattlesnake Hills, Wyoming. 30×60 Minute Series (Topographic).
1984. South Pass, Wyoming. 30×60 Minute Series (Topographic).
Wesley, Edgar B. 1961. Our United States: Its History in Maps. 2d ed. Chicago: Denoyer-Geppert Company.
Wheeler, George M. 1873. Parts of Southern Nevada and Eastern California, Atlas Sheet No. 57; Geographical Explorations and Surveys West of the 100th. Meridian. Washington, D.C.: U.S. Government Printing Office.
Wheeler, Sessions S. 1971. The Nevada Desert. Caldwell, Idaho: Caxton Printers.
WPA.
1939. Kansas: A Guide to the Sunflower State. Compiled and written by the Federal Writers’ Project of the Work Projects Administration for the State of Kansas. New York: Viking Press.
1939. Nebraska: A Guide to the Cornhusker State. Compiled and written by the Federal Writers’ Project of the Works Progress Administration for the State of Nebraska. New York: Viking Press.
1940. Nevada: A Guide to the Silver State. Compiled by workers of the Writers’ Program of the Work Projects Administration in the State of Nevada. Portland, Oreg.: Binfords and Mort.
1941. Wyoming: A Guide to Its History, Highways, and People. Compiled by workers of the Writers’ Program of the Work Projects Administration in the State of Wyoming. New York: Oxford University Press.
[begin page 788]
[begin page 789]
[begin page 790]
[begin page 791]
[begin page 792]
[begin page 793]
[begin page 794]
SUPPLEMENT C
Horace Greeley to Samuel L. Clemens, 7 May 1871
The letter reproduced here from the original in the Mark Twain Papers (87 percent of actual size, CU-MARK) almost certainly served as the inspiration for Mark Twain’s parody of Greeley’s illegible handwriting in chapter 70. A transcription of the letter is provided below. Greeley evidently wrote it in response to an acknowledgment from Clemens, to whom he had recently given a copy of his new book, What I Know of Farming (1871). See the notes at 483.7–8 and 484.17.
new-york tribune.
new york, May 7, 187 1.
Mark:
You are mistaken as to my criticisms on your farming. I never publicly made any, while you have undertaken to tell the exact cost per pint of my potatoes and cabbages, truely enough the inspiration of genius. If you will really betake yourself to farming, or even to telling what you know about it, rather than what you don’t know about mine, I will not only refrain from disparaging criticism, but will give you my blessing.
Yours,
Horace Greeley.
Mark Twain.
[begin page 795]
[begin page 796]
[begin page 797]
INTRODUCTION
Roughing It was published in February 1872, a year and a half after Mark Twain began it. His second major book, it was also his second major success, comparable in some ways to his first, The Innocents Abroad (1869). Like Innocents, it was a thickly illustrated six-hundred-page volume published by Elisha Bliss and the American Publishing Company of Hartford and sold exclusively by subscription, at least in the United States. But because Innocents had been pirated in England and Canada, Clemens tried to make sure that Roughing It would not be, publishing it “simultaneously” in London through George Routledge and Sons. Just one year after publication, the combined English and American sales stood at ninety-three thousand copies, with royalties in excess of twenty thousand dollars. By Clemens’s own standards, these numbers represented an undeniable success—despite his worst fears to the contrary.
The success of Roughing It makes it easy to overlook, or discount, the author’s fears for his book, especially since his usual attitude toward it was fiercely upbeat: “We shall sell 90,000 copies the first 12 months,” he wrote typically to Bliss, “I haven’t even a shadow of a doubt of that.”1 But Clemens did have his doubts about Roughing It. Ten months before publication he was expecting it to be “a tolerable success—possibly an excellent success if the chief newspapers start it off well.” Three months before publication he was a little less confident: “If the subject were less hackneyed,” he told his wife, “it would be a great success.” Yet even that pessimistic forecast pales beside what he recalled telling his friend David Gray in early 1872, as the book was being issued: “You will remember, maybe, how I felt about ‘Roughing It’—that it would be considered pretty poor stuff, & that therefore I had better not let the press get a chance at it.”2
Acting on this belief, Clemens at first vetoed the distribution of review copies, even to the “chief newspapers.” As a result, only a handful of reviews ever appeared, and sales plummeted just six months after publication. He blamed this unexpected decline on the “engravings & paper,” and
[begin page 798]
For a month Clemens made few exceptions to this ban, but among them were Charles Dudley Warner on the Hartford Courant, and William Dean Howells at the Atlantic Monthly. In late May 1872, when Clemens saw Howells’s comments, he thought the book might be a critical success after all:
The “Atlantic” has come to hand with that most thoroughly & entirely satisfactory notice of “Roughing it,” & I am as uplifted & reassured by it as a mother who has given birth to a white baby when she was awfully afraid it was going to be a mulatto. I have been afraid & shaky all along, but now unless the N. Y. “Tribune” gives the book a black eye, I am all right.4
Favorable though it was, this review failed to prompt any others: only three have been found later than May, and two of these Clemens himself solicited from the New York Tribune.5
Clemens’s relief at Howells’s praise is obvious. It is less obvious why he felt “afraid & shaky all along,” or why he thought of his book as a guiltily begotten “mulatto,” or even as “pretty poor stuff.” Clemens’s uneasiness was caused by two different but related concerns. First was the subject of the West itself. On the one hand, he realized that it had become suddenly “hackneyed,” even as he worked to complete his manuscript: too many journalists had already published books describing their recent tours of California and Nevada. For this reason he was prevented from writing a comic travelogue like Innocents, and was instead forced to remember and therefore transform his personal experiences “on the ground” between 1861 and 1866. On the other hand, despite his own delight in the “vigorous new vernacular of the occidental plains and mountains,” there were members of his audience who regarded slang and dialect, and the rough societies in which they flourished, as “coarse” and “low”—unfit subjects for literature, save perhaps in the refining hands of Bret Harte. Clemens therefore had at least some grounds for doubting whether, in Roughing It, he would, as he put it, “ ‘top’ Bret Harte again or bust.”6
Clemens’s second concern, which increased his uneasiness about the first, may be thought of simply as the multitude of problems he encountered in trying to write and publish Roughing It. These ranged from what
[begin page 799]
He had written Innocents in the spring and summer of 1868, published it within a year, and had since begun to receive an astonishing income from it—nearly $14,000 in the first year. “I mean to write another book during the summer,” he told Mary Mason Fairbanks on 6 January 1870. “This one has proven such a surprising success that I feel encouraged.” Producing the next book seemed at first a rather simple matter, in part because he believed he could always abandon the narrative form altogether, choosing instead to simply reprint his various sketches. On 22 January, for instance, he wrote Bliss that he was suing Charles Henry Webb to regain control of the Jumping Frog (1867), hoping to break up the plates “& prepare a new Vol. of Sketches, but on a different & more ‘taking’ model.” He was confident about the next book, whatever it turned out to be: “I can get a book ready for you any time you want it—but you can’t want one before this time next year—so I have plenty of time.”8
Clemens had less time than he thought, for during the next fifteen months he would be constantly interrupted by personal and family crises that eventually drove him to “a state of absolute frenzy,” and inevitably delayed the book.9 Three weeks after Clemens signed a contract for it, Olivia’s father died, leaving her deeply depressed. One month later a visiting schoolmate of hers (Emma Nye) contracted typhoid and, after weeks of feverish hallucinations, died in the Clemenses’ own bedroom. Five weeks after that, Olivia gave birth (prematurely) to her first child, Langdon, who was never strong and would not survive his second year. And when the child was just three months old, she herself contracted typhoid—from which she recovered slowly, once she was expected to recover at all.
But Clemens’s inability to finish Roughing It “during the summer,” or even within the five months his contract allowed him, is explained only in part by the lugubrious events of 1870–71. In particular, those events do not explain why he created half a dozen distractions during this same period. Just two months after deciding to write the book, he contracted to supply a monthly column for the New York Galaxy—a commitment so demanding that it alone could have stopped his progress on the book. In
[begin page 800]
Before he had finished, Clemens admitted that for long periods during the book’s composition he was unable to be “thoroughly interested” in his subject.10 His penchant for self-interruption and this inability to be “interested” in his subject were closely related phenomena, although Clemens himself seems not to have recognized it at the time. They belong to a pattern of behavior which he eventually accepted as normal, adapting to it by learning to “pigeon-hole” manuscripts when they got “tired, along about the middle.”11 Encountering such resistance for the first time, however, must have been alarming—an open invitation to self-doubt, and to fault finding, since there were many people and things he could blame for his slow progress. But writing this book was Clemens’s first, naive experience with what proved to be his invariable pattern when writing fiction. This fact has not been noticed before, but it explains a good deal about how he wrote Roughing It.
By far the most important obstacle to such an explanation, however, has been the loss of Clemens’s manuscript printer’s copy, which was probably discarded once the book was in type. Without access to this document, it has been virtually impossible to understand, with any precision, Clemens’s letters describing his progress and recording (usually by page or chapter number) how far he had written.12 Now, for the first time, we propose a conjectural reconstruction of this missing document, which amounts to a map of what the printer’s copy initially contained, and how
[begin page 801]
Choosing the subject of his second long book was, for Clemens, essentially a process of elimination: testing an old idea (writing about his experiences in the West) against a series of newer ideas. Until he signed the contract in July 1870, he toyed provocatively with the alternatives—publishers as well as subjects. He could write a “telling book” about England. He had heard from a subscription house in Philadelphia “offering unlimitedly.” He thought his “Noah’s Ark book” would be a “perfect lightning-striker.” The Appleton company wanted him to do a “humorous picture-book.” He gathered “material enough for a whole book” during a visit to Washington in early July (almost certainly the germ of The Gilded Age).15 And the idea of a new sketchbook persisted as an easy alternative to writing
[begin page 802]
Albert Bigelow Paine thought that it was Bliss who “proposed a book which should relate the author’s travels and experiences in the Far West.” If so, Paine’s assertion is now the sole evidence for it. More than a week after Clemens recorded his decision to “rub up old Pacific memories,” he turned aside a suggestion from Bliss: “I like your idea for a book, but the inspiration don’t come.”17 What Bliss proposed is not known, yet even if it was the western book, Clemens had anticipated him. Certainly a book based on his western experiences was not a new idea to him.
Six years earlier, Clemens had chosen the same subject (or one very like it) for what would have been his first book—a book he planned to write, and may have begun, before leaving California. All that is known of this project is contained in a letter he wrote from San Francisco on 28 September 1864 in response to a letter (now lost) from his brother and sister-in-law (Orion and Mollie) in Nevada, to whom he had earlier confided this literary ambition. “I would commence on my book,” he replied to their prodding, but he and Steve Gillis were “getting things ready for his wedding. . . . As soon as this wedding business is over, I believe I will send to you for the files, & begin on my book.”18
The “files” Clemens referred to in 1864 were probably the same as the “coffin of ‘Enterprise’ files” which, in early March 1870, he finally did ask Orion to send him from St. Louis, acknowledging their receipt in Buffalo on 26 March—several months before he signed a contract for his second book.19 These files were surely one reason that Roughing It at first seemed a relatively easy book to write. The files were scrapbooks filled with clippings of his work in the Virginia City Territorial Enterprise, but also of work by various other hands in the Enterprise and other Nevada and California newspapers. To judge from the surviving scrapbooks, the clippings documented Orion’s activities as well as his own, and included even multiple copies of work Clemens had published routinely in the West: everything
[begin page 803]
For Clemens, the scrapbooks held out the promise of two kinds of help. Some, perhaps most, of their clippings would simply remind him of the facts—incidents, people, and stories from his western years. But others, especially clippings of his own work, could surely be revised and reprinted as chapters in the book. Like Innocents, the new book would be a fundamentally factual account, a personal narrative of a real trip—with the trip providing an automatic source of coherence, as well as an excuse for humorous digression. But unlike Innocents, which Clemens had written within a year of the voyage it recounted and largely by cobbling together newspaper letters composed during that voyage, Roughing It had to be written five to ten years after the events it described, and without the help of any such contemporary account, save what could be salvaged from the scrapbooks—supplemented by whatever collateral material Orion was able to provide.
Between their arrival on 26 March 1870 and the signing of the contract in mid-July, the scrapbooks may well have prompted Clemens to write two long western sketches: “The Facts in the Great Land Slide Case,” published in the Buffalo Express on 2 April and later revised and reprinted in chapter 34 of Roughing It; and “A Couple of Sad Experiences,” about his notorious western hoaxes (“Petrified Man” and “A Bloody Massacre near Carson”), written no later than April and published in the June Galaxy, but not reprinted (or even mentioned) in the book. But as a source of ready-made chapters about Nevada and California, the scrapbooks turned out to be much less useful than Clemens had anticipated. He used scarcely anything of his own from the Enterprise, and nothing at all of what he had published in the San Francisco Morning Call, the Californian, and the Golden Era. Samuel C. Thompson, who was briefly Clemens’s
[begin page 804]
Although Roughing It may have been conceived as early as 1864, it was finally written at a time of greatly heightened interest in literature about the West—especially humorous short fiction and “dialect” poetry. Bret Harte and John Hay, both friends of Clemens’s, achieved instantaneous celebrity in 1870–71 through their dialect poems.22 Clemens himself was not much interested in poetry, but he was interested in dialect, and he was already well known for his western sketches. In a 27 December 1870 editorial in the New York Tribune, entitled “The Western School” (promptly reprinted in Clemens’s Buffalo Express), Hay announced that a “vigorous and full-flavored literature is growing up in the West. The period of echoes and imitations, of feeble reproductions of bad models . . . has gone by, and a school of writers is now coming up on the further side of the Alleghenies who have a message of their own to deliver, and who are uttering it in a way distinctly their own.” Hay cited George Horatio Derby (John Phoenix) as the “leader and founder” of this “field of eccentric fiction,” which had “since been so successfully worked by Mr. Francis Bret Harte and Mark Twain.”
The well-earned and legitimate success of these two gentlemen has given occasion to those indolent and ill-informed reviewers who have read nothing of the earlier efforts of the Western school, and only the most recent sketches of the two clever Californians who have taken the public by storm, to imagine that these two writers have a monopoly of Western subjects, and that any hunting in the same preserves is arrant poaching.23
Hay was in fact protesting a recent tendency to treat Bret Harte as the founder and sole legitimate member of this “Western school,” and to regard all others (including Hay himself) as Harte’s incompetent imitators.
For his part, Clemens felt personally indebted to Harte, telling Thomas Bailey Aldrich just a month after this editorial appeared that Harte had “trimmed & trained & schooled me patiently until he changed me from an awkward utterer of coarse grotesquenesses to a writer of paragraphs &
[begin page 805]
The true genius of Bret Harte is found in his vividly dramatic California sketches, far more than in any poem that he has written, and his permanent rank in American literature will depend more upon the cultivation that he gives to it in that description of writing than upon any thing that he can continue to do in the odd vein of the “Truthful James” ballads.25
Clemens’s own rank in American literature could not have seemed to him certain or permanent when he wrote this review—but he had written and published dozens of sketches about the West, especially California. Now he had to confront the problem of how to make a book-length narrative from such materials.
Clemens’s 1867–68 newspaper correspondence and even The Innocents Abroad contained many examples of his impulse to reminisce about his western experiences.26 But the true precursor of a narrative about the West arose from his longstanding interest in it as a lecture topic. As early as January 1867, he wrote Edward P. Hingston that he intended to speak in New York and other eastern states “on California & perhaps on other subjects.” Although Clemens did not write such a lecture that year, in May 1868 he again expressed his intention to “get up a lecture on California.”27 The following year he finally drafted his first narrative about the West, specific plans for which he described in a 10 May 1869 letter to James Redpath, his lecture agent. Clemens conceived the subject both as a lecture topic and as the subject of some newspaper letters he planned to write while revisiting California—and thus essentially in the mode of a tourist’s contemporary report:
[begin page 806]
Clemens never did return to California, nor did he ever deliver “Curiosities of California,” but he did write it. By 5 July he had “written more than enough for a lecture,” which he said “must be still added to & then cut down.” Only a single fragment of what he wrote has survived in manuscript (a description of Lake Tahoe),29 perhaps because he soon made use of the rest of it in the Buffalo Express—though not as a single narrative, but as a series of loosely connected articles. If we assume that he wrote “Curiosities of California” about as he described it to Redpath, then he probably published it between 16 October 1869 and 29 January 1870 as the so-called “Around the World” letters, five of which he subsequently reused in Roughing It.30 It may have been the potential of this protonarrative which led Clemens to ask Orion for the scrapbooks in early March 1870.
By the end of July Clemens had tentatively settled on the idea of a book about the West. According to Paine, Bliss came to Elmira in “early July” to negotiate the contract for Roughing It, but he seems not to have come before the middle of the month. On 4 July, Clemens wrote Bliss to say that he would be in Elmira “10 days or 2 weeks yet,” and to urge him to “Come—come either here or to Buf.”31 On the same day, however, Clemens took the train to Washington, D.C., returning to Elmira no sooner than 10 or 11 July. On 5 July, the Washington correspondent of the Sacramento Union had “quite a chat with him” in Washington:
[begin page 807]
This interview shows that Clemens was already committed to publishing his next book with Bliss, ten days before the formal contract was drawn up and signed. The original draft of that contract, in Bliss’s hand, indicates that it was “made this 15th day of July, AD 1870, at Elmira.” In it Clemens agreed to write a “manuscript for a book upon such subject as may be agreed upon,” and to deliver it “as soon as practicable, but as early as 1st of January next if they the sd company shall desire it. Said manuscript to contain matter sufficient for a book of about 600 pages octavo.” The contract forbade Clemens “to write or furnish manuscript for any other book unless for said company, during the time said manuscript & book are being prepared & sold.” And it stipulated that the American Publishing Company would “publish the said book in their best style—to commence operations at once upon receipt of manuscript & to push it through with all the despatch compatible with its being well done in text & illustrations.” The company also agreed to “a copyright on every copy sold of seven & one half per cent of the retail or subscription price.”33
In 1906 Clemens recalled in some detail—not all of it trustworthy—how he and Bliss had arrived at this percentage:
I had published “The Innocents” on a five per cent. royalty, which would amount to about twenty-two cents per volume. Proposals were coming in now from several other good houses. One offered fifteen per cent. royalty; another offered to give me all of the profits and be content with the advertisement which the book would furnish the house. I sent for Bliss, and he came to Elmira. . . . I told Bliss I did not wish to leave his corporation, and that I did not want extravagant terms. I said I thought I ought to have half the profit above cost of manufacture, and he said with enthusiasm that that was exactly right, exactly right. He went to his hotel and drew the contract and brought it to the house in the afternoon. I found a difficulty in it. It did not name “half profits,” but named a seven-and-a-half per cent royalty instead. I asked him to explain that. I said that that was not the understanding. He said, “No, it wasn’t,” but that he had put in a royalty to simplify the matter—that 7½ per cent. royalty represented fully half the profit and a little more, up to a sale of a hundred thousand copies; that after that, the Publishing Company’s half would be a shade superior to mine.
I was a little doubtful, a little suspicious, and asked him if he could swear to that.
[begin page 808]
The contract did not name the subject of the new book, but the omission was deliberate, as Clemens explained to Orion on the day he signed it:
Per contract I must have another 600-page book ready for my publisher Jan. 1, & I only began it to-day. The subject of it is a secret, because I may possibly change it. But as it stands, I propose to do up Nevada & Cal., beginning with the trip across the country in the stage. Have you a memorandum of the route we took—or the names of any of the Stations we stopped at? Do you remember any of the scenes, names, incidents or adventures of the coach trip?—for I remember next to nothing about the matter. Jot down a foolscap page of items for me. I wish I could have two days’ talk with you.35
Orion did indeed have a memorandum book of the trip, which he promptly sent. He also agreed to write out some notes about their Nevada experiences, although these would not be ready until early November. Clemens did not, however, really begin writing on 15 July. Almost two weeks later he told his mother and sister that he was “going to write a 600-page 8vo. book (like the last) for my publishers (it is a secret for a few days yet.) It will be about Nevada & California & must be finished Jan 1. I shall begin it about a month from now. By request, Orion has sent me his notebook of the Plains trip.”36
Meanwhile, Bliss evidently voiced a suspicion that Clemens was unhappy with the terms of the contract, and was considering another publisher. On 2 August, Clemens reassured him in such candid terms that the letter still serves as a useful corrective of his 1906 recollections:
You know I already had an offer of ten per cent from those same parties in my pocket when I stipulated for 7½ with you. I simply promised to give them a chance to bid; I never said I would publish with them if theirs was the best bid. If their first offer had been 12½ I would merely have asked you to climb along up as near that figure as you could & make money, but I wouldn’t have asked anything more. Whenever you said that you had got up to what was a fair divide between us (there being no risk, now, in publishing for me, while there was, before,) I should have closed with you on those terms. I never have had the slightest idea of publishing with anybody but you. (I was careful to make no promises to those folks about their bid.)
You see you can’t get it out of your head that I am a sort of a rascal, but I ain’t. I can stick to you just as long as you can stick to me, & give you odds. I made that contract with all my senses about me, & it suits me & I am satisfied with it. If I get only half a chance I will write a book that will sell like fury provided you put pictures enough in it.37
[begin page 809]
I find that your little memorandum book is going to be ever so much use to me, & will enable me to make quite a coherent narrative of the Plains journey instead of slurring it over & jumping 2,000 miles at a stride. The book I am writing will sell. In return for the use of the little memorandum book I shall take the greatest pleasure in forwarding to you the third $1,000 which the publisher of the forthcoming work sends me—or the first $1,000, I am not particular—they will both be in the first quarterly statement of account from the publisher.40
Orion’s journal served Clemens as an indispensable tool in writing the overland chapters (1–20). He relied on it for names, distances, times, landmarks, several particular incidents, and even its day-by-day account of the journey. He treated the original record like an outline, from which he could diverge at will without losing the essential thread of actual events. Especially at this early stage of composition, he seems also to have adhered closely to its chronology, and even its language. For example, when Orion noted on the fifth day, “Arrived at the ‘crossing’ of the South Platte, alias ‘Overland City,’ alias ‘Julesburg,’ at 11 A. M., 470 miles from St. Joseph,” Clemens reproduced Orion’s sentence almost verbatim, adding only a concluding phrase of his own: “At noon on the fifth day out, we arrived at the ‘Crossing of the South Platte,’ alias ‘Julesburg,’ alias ‘Overland City,’ four hundred and seventy miles from St. Joseph—the strangest, quaintest, funniest frontier town that our untraveled eyes had ever stared at and been astonished with.”41
Even with such help in hand, however, Clemens’s circumstances did not favor rapid composition. On the last day of August he wrote to his sister:
We are getting along tolerably well. Mother i.e., Mrs. Langdon is here, & Miss Emma Nye. Livy cannot sleep, since her father’s death—but I give her a narcotic every night & make her.
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Within days Clemens reported that Emma Nye had become “right sick—she cannot go on to Detroit yet awhile, where she is to teach.” But he also reported progress on his manuscript: “I have written four chapters of my new book during the past few days, & I tell you it is going to be a mighty starchy book—will sell, too.”43 Two days later, on 4 September, he fired off a salvo of reassurance to Bliss:
During past week have written first four chapters of the book, & I tell you the “Innocents Abroad” will have to get up early to beat it. It will be a book that will jump right strait into a continental celebrity the first month it is issued. Now I want it illustrated lavishly. We shall sell 90,000 copies the first 12 months. I haven’t even a shadow of a doubt of that. I see the capabilities of my subject.44
His subject was now no longer a secret, for on 7 September the Elmira Advertiser reported that “Mark Twain’s new book, which is to be published next spring, is to be an account of travel at home, describing in a humorous and satirical way our cities and towns, and the people of different sections.”45
Clemens was soon obliged to confess that he had “no time to turn round” because Emma Nye was “dying in the house of typhoid fever (parents are in South Carolina) & the premises are full of nurses & doctors & we are all fagged out.”46 Still, he must have continued to write, for by 15 September he had completed two more chapters, which took him up through noon on the fifth day, at the end of chapter 6. By now he was already looking ahead to the ninth day, the subject of what became chapter 10, described in Orion’s journal as “Breakfast at Rocky Ridge Station, 24 miles from ‘Cold Spring,’ and 871 miles from St. Joseph.”47 Clemens had his own very particular memory of that day, which he had recalled the previous winter in his seventh “Around the World” letter:
At the Rocky Ridge station in the Rocky Mountains, in the old days of overland stages and pony expresses, I had the gorgeous honor of breakfasting with Mr. Slade, the Prince of all the desperadoes; who killed twenty-six men in his time; who used to cut off his victims’ ears and send them as keepsakes to their relatives; and who bound one of his victim’s hand and foot and practiced on him with his revolver for
[begin page 811]
But Clemens felt the need for more documentation of Slade’s history than he could find in the scrapbooks, or in Orion’s journal. He therefore wrote to the postmaster of Virginia City (Montana Territory), who was Hezekiah Hosmer, former chief justice of the territorial supreme court:
Buffalo, Sept. 15.
Dear Sir:
Four or five years ago a righteous Vigilance Committee in your city hanged a casual acquaintance of mine named Slade, along with twelve other prominent citizens whom I only knew by reputation. Slade was a “section-agent” at Rocky Ridge station in the Rocky Mountains when I crossed the plains in the Overland stage ten years ago, & I took breakfast with him & survived.
Now I am writing a book (MS. to be delivered to publisher Jan. 1,) & as the Overland journey has made six chapters of it thus far & promises to make six or eight more, I thought I would just rescue my late friend Slade from oblivion & set a sympathetic public to weeping for him.
Such a humanized fragment of the original Devil could not & did not go out of the world without considerable newspaper eclat, in the shape of biographical notices, particulars of his execution, etc., & the object of this letter is to beg of you to ask some one connected with your city papers to send me a Virginia City newspaper of that day if it can be done without mutilating a file.
If found, please enclose in LETTER form,
else it will go to the office of Buffalo “Express”
& be lost among the exchanges.
I beg your pardon for writing you so freely & putting you, or trying to put you to trouble, without having the warrant of an introduction to you, but I did not know any one in Virginia City & so I ventured to ask this favor at your hands. Hoping you will be able to help me
I am, Sir,
Your Obt. Serv’t
Mark Twain.49
Hosmer’s reply to this appeal has not been found, but it was very likely he who referred Clemens to Thomas J. Dimsdale’s little book, The Vigilantes of Montana (1866), a compilation of newspaper stories Dimsdale had written and published in the Montana Post in 1865–66. Hosmer may even have realized that Dimsdale’s book would be hard to find in Buffalo, and therefore sent Clemens a copy of it—if not immediately, then probably within a month or two. The exact timing remains uncertain, because even though Dimsdale’s book became the explicit source for much of what Clemens said about Slade in chapters 10 and 11, he did not complete those chapters until mid-March 1871.
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Roughing It was, in most ways, a typical subscription book. Bliss published a salesman’s prospectus containing selected pages and illustrations from it. Both the prospectus and the book contained highly particular tables of contents and lists of illustrations, which can be compared with each other and with the texts and illustrations they refer to. Inconsistencies between the lists and the texts may, of course, be simple errors, but they may also reflect incomplete correction or revision. In this particular case, the bibliographical evidence of the prospectus is much richer than usual because Bliss began its production substantially before Clemens had completed his manuscript. Issued in November 1871, the first prospectus (Pra) was so filled with signs of incompleteness and inadvertence that Bliss took the equally unusual step of issuing a revised and corrected form of it (Prb) two months later. Much of what can now be pieced together about the history of composition and revision (especially the evolution of the early chapters, represented in Figure 1) depends on the evidence of “errors” in Pra—errors, that is, in the sense that they refer to or are part of an earlier form of the text than the one finally published in Roughing It.
The wording of some of the column headings in the charts also needs clarification: “clippings,” “real page nos,” and “equiv page nos” (for “equivalent page numbers”). It is not self-evident why Clemens said on 21 September 1870 that he had only “about 1500 more pages to write.” Several later statements show that he believed he needed a total of 1800 pages of printer’s copy to make a 600-page book—three pages of printer’s copy for each book page, an empirical average that took into account the variable
[begin page 813]
This statement is, in fact, the earliest indication we have that Clemens sometimes counted the pages of the Roughing It printer’s copy, as he had earlier done with Innocents, in a way that took into account the larger number of words typically contained in a page made up wholly or in part from clippings. That Clemens used clippings to help make up the printer’s copy for both Innocents and Roughing It is now well established. One of the three surviving pages of the Roughing It manuscript (reproduced in facsimile on page 816) amply demonstrates how such clippings were mounted and then altered in the margins. (The page is extant because it was discarded after Clemens further revised it.) In June 1868, when the printer’s copy for Innocents was nearly complete, Clemens told Mrs. Fairbanks that he was “writing page No. 1,843. 2,343.” But the printer’s copy was never much longer than about 1300 pages: a manuscript chapter about Spain (very near the end of the book, and ultimately omitted from the text) was numbered 1289 through 1331. And in April 1869, when Bliss needed to cut the manuscript to fit within 650 book pages, Clemens wrote that he hoped “there won’t be a necessity to cut much, but when you say you are only to the 800 or 900th page you don’t comfort me entirely, because so much of the 400 or 500 pages still left are reprint, and so will string out a heap.”52 So it is clear that when he wrote Mrs. Fairbanks in June 1868, he added first 500, then 1000, pages to the real total of about 1343 pages. His hesitation between the two larger figures (1843 and 2343) shows that he was actually multiplying the same 500 pages of “reprint” (i.e., clippings from the San Francisco Alta California) first by two, then by three, so that the total equaled what he would have had if everything were in his handwriting. Clemens must have realized that he had incorrectly evaluated the length of his Innocents printer’s copy, since he ultimately had too much material. Now, with Roughing It, he seems to have decided that a clipping page contained four times the number of words on a holograph page—not merely two or three, as he had earlier calculated. So if a holograph page averaged 84 words (as assumed here), Clemens counted a clipping page as 336 words—the equivalent, in other words, of four holograph pages (4 × 84 = 336 words), or three more pages than were actually in the copy (real pages). It is this method of counting which explains his otherwise puzzling arithmetic here and in later statements about his
[begin page 816]
[begin page 817]
[begin page 814]
[begin page 815]
In the printed book, Figures 1 and 2 occur on pp. 814–15. The figures’ complex tables are available in PDF format.
How far had Clemens progressed with his book in September 1870, when he had written “up to page 180”? Figure 1 indicates that at the earliest “mappable” stage of composition, in March 1871, the last page in chapter 8 was 170, nine pages shy of what Clemens himself had said the previous September (assuming that “up to page 180” refers to the first page of chapter 9). In making this statement, however, Clemens may have considered that the clipping from the New York Times in chapter 4, which was slightly over one page long, was equivalent to five holograph pages. That would make the equivalent last page of chapter 8 number 174, just five pages shy of the number Clemens assigned it (179).53
If each clipping page that Clemens prepared was considered to contain the equivalent of four holograph pages, then he could reduce the total number of pages he needed by four times the number of clipping pages he used, or planned to use. If he estimated, for instance, that he would prepare 30 pages of clippings, then simple arithmetic shows that having written 180 pages of holograph, he could also count as “in hand” some 120 pages (4 × 30) which would result from these 30 clipping pages, for a total of 300 pages in hand—leaving him 1500 pages still to write.
Collation shows that by the time Clemens completed his book late in the fall of 1871, he had used more than 130 pages of clippings. But in September 1870, at the outset of composition, he expected to use many fewer, largely because he had not yet decided to reuse any of his 1866 letters to the Sacramento Union. Within a few weeks of his 21 September note to Bliss, he probably was able to count the clipping pages he planned to use from the Buffalo Express, and by December he had prepared nearly all of these by mounting and revising them for resetting. By that time, however, his plans for them had changed: he now intended to include them in a new sketchbook, rather than in Roughing It. On 22 December he told Bliss that he had “arranged” the principal sketches for this sketchbook, and by
[begin page 818]
Although Clemens said on 21 September that he had reached the end of chapter 8, Figure 1 indicates that chapters 1–8 as first drafted differed in several ways from their published form. Chapter 6, for instance, was probably only about eleven manuscript pages, roughly half as long as the published version—lacking perhaps a long section in the middle. Chapter 8 ended with the pony-express passage, which now begins the chapter, and it began with the story of Bemis and the buffalo, which now fills all but the last three pages of chapter 7. The anecdote about Eckert and the cocoanut-eating cat, which now occupies the last three pages of chapter 7, was almost certainly not in the manuscript at all, for the references it makes to Siam have been shown to derive from Anna H. Leonowens’s English Governess at the Siamese Court, which Fields, Osgood and Company did not publish until December 1870, and which Clemens did not buy and read until sometime in 1871.56 Finally, chapter 7 was very likely given over to something that Clemens eventually left out of the book entirely—a description of Overland City (or Julesburg), “the strangest, quaintest, funniest frontier town that our untraveled eyes had ever stared at and been astonished with.”57
On or about 28 September (one week after finishing the “7th or 8th chap.”) Clemens may also have written to his former colleagues on the Enterprise for help similar to the kind he had asked of Hezekiah Hosmer. The Enterprise reported:
Mark Twain’s new book is to be all about his experience in California and Nevada and coming to this coast by the Overland stages. It will be a volume of 600 pages octavo. He has started in on it, but at last accounts was two days’ journey the
[begin page 819]
Two days’ journey “the other side” of Salt Lake City put Clemens on the ninth day, crossing the Continental Divide, which he described in chapter 12. He had not, presumably, heard yet from Hosmer on the subject of Slade, and he would leave chapters 10 and 11 incomplete until March.
The evidence of the next few months suggests that Clemens was having difficulty writing much beyond chapter 12. A dozen years later, he recalled that his problem was caused by his having given up smoking “during a year and a half”:
As I never permitted myself to regret this abstinence, I experienced no sort of inconvenience from it. I wrote nothing but occasional magazine articles during pastime, and as I never wrote one except under strong impulse, I observed no lapse of facility. But by and by I sat down with a contract behind me to write a book of five or six hundred pages—the book called “Roughing it”—and then I found myself most seriously obstructed. I was three weeks writing six chapters. Then I gave up the fight, resumed my three hundred cigars, burned the six chapters, and wrote the book in three months, without any bother or difficulty.59
Although it shortens the time span, this recollection seems to be an accurate description of his difficulty, though perhaps not of its true or only cause. At any rate, Clemens did not resume his daily cigars until early 1871. (In mid-December 1870 he was still permitting himself to smoke only “from 3 till 5 on Sunday afternoons.”)60 The “lapse of facility” in composition actually lasted from September 1870 through most of March 1871.
On 29 September, at about ten o’clock in the morning, Emma Nye died in the Clemenses’ Buffalo bedroom. Exhausted by the ordeal, Clemens and his wife left for a week’s visit with his sister and mother (who had recently moved into their new home in Fredonia, New York), returning to Buffalo on 6 or 7 October. (His sister, Pamela, returned this visit shortly thereafter, staying for several weeks, at least in part because Olivia’s first pregnancy was then in its seventh month.) While in Fredonia, Clemens sent Bliss a contribution (not identified) for his trade newspaper—but work on the book had obviously been interrupted, and his attention began increasingly to be diverted to other projects.61 A week after returning to Buffalo, he wrote Bliss that he had “a notion to let the Galaxy publishers have a volume of old sketches for a ‘Mark Twain’s Annual—1871’—provided
[begin page 820]
Clemens assumed that the burden (or lure) of writing for the magazine was affecting his capacity to sustain interest in the book. Five days later he told Francis Church that he would probably retire from the Galaxy in April “because the Galaxy work crowds book work so much.” But he did not resign immediately, he said, because he was “very fond of doing the Memoranda, & take a live interest in it always—& so I hang on & hang on & give no notice.” On 26 October, when he read Bliss’s inevitable objection to the book of Galaxy sketches, he replied that it was “too late now to get out the annual” anyway. But he took issue with Bliss’s notion that “writing for the Galaxy” hurt the sale of his books: “I cannot believe it. It is a good advertisement for me—as you show when you desire me to quit the Galaxy & go on your paper.” Still, if someone could prove that he was harming his reputation by writing for the Galaxy, he would “draw out of that & write for no periodical—for certainly I have chewed & drank & sworn, habitually, & have discarded them all, & am well aware that a bad thing should be killed entirely—tapering off is a foolish & dangerous business.”63
That Clemens was beginning to feel inhibited, if not yet “seriously obstructed,” in his efforts to write may also be inferred from his pursuing research into Slade and other matters. When he saw Bliss’s first issue of the Author’s Sketch Book at the end of October, he found several promising sources among the books advertised:
Say, now, Bliss, if I were a publisher, I would send you a book occasionally, but here I am suffering for the “Col’s” book, & for “Beyond the Missippi” & for the “Indian Races,” & especially for the “Uncivilized Races,” & you never say “boo”
[begin page 821]
Bliss must have sent some of these books, but the request shows that Clemens had probably not drafted chapter 14 or 15, since passages in each suggest his familiarity with one of the books he asked for: Albert Deane Richardson’s Beyond the Mississippi. He had certainly not completed chapter 19, which explicitly refers to another of them, John George Wood’s The Uncivilized Races, or Natural History of Man. Clemens owned and annotated a copy of Wood’s book—and no doubt of Richardson’s as well, although his copy is not known to survive—in addition to a copy of (Colonel) Albert S. Evans’s Our Sister Republic: A Gala Trip through Tropical Mexico in 1869–70; all three books were published in 1869 or 1870 by the American Publishing Company or its subsidiaries.65
Soon there were additional distractions. During Pamela’s visit she had apparently suggested that if Orion were to succeed with the “machine” he was trying to invent, he needed a job that would give him more free time. On the last day of October, therefore, Clemens wrote Bliss, casually proposing quite another sort of favor.
Say, for instance—I have a brother about 45—an old & able writer & editor. He is night editor of the Daily St Louis Democrat, & is gradually putting his eyes out at it. He has served four years as Secretary of State of Nevada, having been appointed to the place by Mr. Lincoln—he had all the financial affairs of the Territory in his hands during that time & came out with the name of an able, honest & every way competent officer. He is well read in law, & I think understands book-keeping. He is a very valuable man for any sort of office work, but not worth a cent outside as a business man. Now I would like to get him out of night-work but haven’t any other sort to offer him myself. Have you got a place for him at $100 or $150 a month, in your office? Or has your brother? Let me hear from you shortly, & do try & see if you can’t give him such a place.
In a final paragraph, Clemens made sure Bliss got the point: “When is your paper coming out? Did you ever receive the article I sent you for it from Fredonia? Tell me.”66 Two days later, Bliss cheerfully took the hint: “Yours recd Yes I got your article. ‘It is accepted’ (a. la. N.Y. Ledger) Thanks for same— . . . How would your Bro. do for an editor of it?” Clemens immediately sent this reply to Orion, urging him to “throw up that cursed night work & take this editorship.”
[begin page 822]
On 7 November, Olivia gave birth prematurely to Langdon. Four days later, Clemens told Orion that his wife was “very sick,” and that he did not believe the baby would “live five days.” At the same time he thanked Orion for sending “such full Nevada notes—though as they have just come & I am stealing a few minutes from the sick room to answer a pile of business letters, I haven’t read a sentence of them yet.” These notes have not been found, and Clemens may have done no more than glance at them; in early April 1871 he admitted to Orion that he had misplaced them.68
Olivia’s older sister, Susan Crane, had been visiting the Clemenses when Langdon arrived, and she remained to help care for Olivia and the baby until 12 November, when her place was taken briefly by Mrs. Fairbanks, visiting from Cleveland. On 19 November, after Fairbanks’s departure, Clemens wrote his mother-in-law that Olivia “lets me go up to the study & work, (which I ought not to do & yet I am so dreadfully behind hand that I get blue as soon as I am idle).” Later that month, he reported that he worked “in my particular den, from 11 AM till 3 P.M., rain or shine.”69 Even so, it is unlikely that during this month he advanced the narrative much past chapter 19, in which he could now make use of Wood’s Uncivilized Races. Most of his time was instead devoted to installments for the Galaxy—and part of it surely went to hatching plans for other projects, the first of which emerged in a 30 November letter that asked Bliss for an advance of $1500:
I have put my greedy hands on the best man in America for my purpose & shall start him to the diamond fields of South Africa within a fortnight, at my expense.
I shall write a book of his experiences for next spring, (600 pp 8vo.,) spring of ’72 & write it just as if I had been through it all myself, but will explain in the preface that this is done merely to give it life & sparkle. & reality.
Demanding absolute secrecy and a royalty of 10 percent, Clemens went so far as to copy this letter (lest anyone steal the idea) before sending the original to Bliss. So completely did his new idea eclipse the western book that only in the next-to-last postscript of this long letter did he remember
[begin page 823]
By Clemens’s own account, it would be several years before he learned that virtually any book he started to write was “pretty sure to get tired, along about the middle, and refuse to go on with its work until its powers and its interest should have been refreshed by a rest and its depleted stock of raw materials reinforced by lapse of time.” In 1906 Clemens recalled encountering such an interruption at “page 400” of the manuscript for Tom Sawyer, where “the story made a sudden and determined halt and refused to proceed another step.” That was probably in 1872, when he had written only about 100 pages, although he would eventually write another 400 before being interrupted by a second “halt.” What he could do about such interruptions became clear only after he began writing those 400 pages in 1874:
When the manuscript had lain in a pigeon-hole two years I took it out one day and read the last chapter that I had written. It was then that I made the great discovery that when the tank runs dry you’ve only to leave it alone and it will fill up again in time, while you are asleep—also while you are at work at other things and are quite unaware that this unconscious and profitable cerebration is going on.71
In the fall of 1870, Clemens knew that he was “obstructed” in the composition of his western book, but it is unlikely that he understood why or what to do about it. He seems to have alternated between pushing stubbornly ahead (trying in various ways to make himself write) and switching off, with more or less deliberation, to “other things.” Just three days after
[begin page 824]
work is piled on me in toppling pyramids, now—which figure represents a book which I am not getting out as fast as I ought—& I am obliged to say that I could not take half a column more on any terms. I would like exceedingly well to write for the Gazette (the only Weekly paper I ever wanted to own,) but as we steamboatmen used to say, “I’ve got my load.”72
Yet “loaded” though he was, just one week later he had launched another project, quite unrelated to the western book, fully expecting to complete it before the month was out. On 7 or 8 December he telegraphed his Galaxy publishers, offering them a “pamphlet” that he wanted to publish in time for the holidays. On the morning of 9 December, Isaac Sheldon telegraphed his reply: “We will publish it & give you half of all profits.” In a letter written the same day, Sheldon promised to “do our very best as to getting it out in time &c &c,” but warned that it was “now of course late in the season to get out a book and there are always delays we can never calculate on.”73 This “book” became the fifty-page pamphlet known as Mark Twain’s (Burlesque) Autobiography and First Romance, which would not be published, as it turned out, until early March 1871.
The day after Sheldon’s telegram, 10 December, Clemens “shot off to New York to issue a pamphlet, & staid over 7 days,” not returning to Buffalo until 17 December. While in New York, he stayed at the Albemarle Hotel and (as he later confided to Twichell) “smoked a week, day & night.”74 Free (at least momentarily) from domestic concerns, and fully occupied with projects other than the western book, Clemens soon took the opportunity to postpone his original deadline. He spent the week only in part on the pamphlet, for which he sought to hire an illustrator, Edward F. Mullen, eventually settling for Henry Louis Stephens instead.75 He began his week in negotiations with Charles Henry Webb, from whom he succeeded in buying control of the Jumping Frog. On 11 December, he wrote an obituary letter about his old friend Reuel Gridley, whose “Famous Sanitary Flour Sack” he would treat at some length in chapter 45 of Roughing It. He gave this letter (signed “s. l. c.”) to the New York Tribune, which published it two days later.76 Perhaps while delivering this manuscript to the Tribune offices, Clemens called on several professional colleagues, including managing editor Whitelaw Reid and Reid’s first lieutenant, John
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Clemens had become better acquainted with Hay through their mutual acquaintance in Buffalo, David Gray. Raised on the banks of the Mississippi, Hay shared Clemens’s midwestern roots and to some extent his literary tastes and ambitions. In December 1874, when Clemens published his first installment of “Old Times on the Mississippi” in the Atlantic, Hay declared it “perfect—no more nor less. I don’t see how you do it. I knew all that, every word of it—passed as much time on the levee as you ever did, knew the same crowd and saw the same scenes—but I could not have remembered one word of it all. You have the two greatest gifts of the writer, memory and imagination.”77 At this time in 1870, Hay was enduring a mixed reaction to “Little-Breeches,” which he had published (signed with his initials only) in the Tribune for 19 November, and which had since been widely reprinted. In a conversation that must have occurred during Clemens’s week-long visit to New York between 10 and 17 December (in 1905 Clemens remembered only that it had been “in 1870 or ’71”), they discussed this reaction. Clemens recalled that “Hay made reference to mention of the current notion that he was an imitator; he did not enlarge upon it, but he was not better pleased by it than you or I would be.” And Clemens also mentioned that his talk with Hay was “incidentally” the occasion of his “getting acquainted with Horace Greeley”:
It was difficult to get an interview with him, for he was a busy man, he was irascible, and he had an aversion to strangers; but I not only had the good fortune to meet him, but also had the great privilege of hearing him talk. The Tribune was in its early home, at that time, and Hay was a leader-writer on its staff. I had an appointment with him, and went there to look him up. I did not know my way, and entered Mr. Greeley’s room by mistake. I recognized his back, and stood mute and rejoicing. After a little, he swung slowly around in his chair, with his head slightly tilted backward and the great moons of his spectacles glaring with intercepted light; after about a year—though it may have been less, perhaps—he arranged his firm mouth with care and said with virile interest:
“Well? What the hell do you want?”78
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On 13 December, Clemens wrote Bliss again about the diamond-mine book, this time inviting him to come to New York to discuss it, which Bliss promptly did.79 And at about the same time, Clemens met with his intended proxy for the diamond-mine book, John Henry Riley, who had come up from Washington for that purpose. Later in the week Clemens received an invitation to join Whitelaw Reid, and “one or two friends, not more” over a “quiet bottle of wine” at the Union League Club, but by then he was too busy to accept.80
Well aware that he was progressing too slowly to meet his deadline for the western book, Clemens proposed to Bliss that he (rather than the Galaxy publishers) first publish a sketchbook in 1871, postponing the western book until later the same year—the very alternative he had had in mind since at least January 1870. Bliss tentatively accepted this change, in part because Clemens promised to discuss it further, in Hartford, as soon as his New York business was over. But instead of going to Hartford, Clemens returned to Buffalo, where on the afternoon of 17 December he telegraphed Bliss: “Got homesick. Will come shortly with sketches & manuscript.” Bliss replied that he was “most disappointed at your not coming here, & so was Twitchell— . . . Your Brother is here & we are getting at work in earnest. . . . Let me know about Mss. & also about the sketches & come on & have a talk if possible.”81 These references (and Bliss’s reply, quoted below) establish that Clemens expected to work on both books simultaneously, which meant submitting the western book in sections, as he completed them. But it would be mid-March before any manuscript for the western book was sent to Bliss, and early June before Clemens himself carried a later part of it to Hartford.
On 20 December, Clemens returned to Bliss the signed contract for the diamond-mine book: “Riley is my man—did I introduce him to you in New York? He sails Jan. 4 for Africa. . . . Riley is perfectly honorable & reliable in every possible way—his simple promise is as good as any man’s oath. I have roomed with him long, & have known him years. He has ‘roughed it’ in many savage countries & is as tough as a pine-knot.”82 Two days later he acknowledged the $1500 advance “for the foreign expedition,”
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You’d better go to canvassing for the vol. of sketches now, hadn’t you? You must illustrate it—& mind you, the man to do the choicest of the pictures is Mullin—the Sisters are reforming him & he is sadly in need of work & money. Write to Launt Thompson the Sculptor, (Albemarle Hotel, New York) about him. I did so want him for that satire but didn’t know he was sober now & in hospital.
Make out a contract for the sketch-book (7½ per cent.) & mail to me.
I think the sketch-book should be as profusely illustrated as the Innocents.
To-day I arranged enough sketches to make 200 134 pages of the book (200 words on a page, I estimated—size of De Witt Talmage’s new book of rubbish.) I shall go right on till I have finished selecting, & then write a new sketch or so. One hundred of the pages selected to-day are scarcely known.83
Bliss replied cautiously, on 28 December: “Yours of 22nd rec’d. Glad to hear you are progressing with the Books— . . . Yes we will have Mullen illustrate the sketch book all right. . . . Are you coming on? Will canvass for Sketch book as soon as Prospectus is ready for it.”84 Clemens would need to be reminded more than once in 1871 that canvassing for a book could not begin until its prospectus was ready, which required a major portion of the manuscript. Oblivious to this hint, he replied on 3 January, trying to turn up the pressure on Bliss: “Name the Sketch book ‘Mark Twain’s Sketches’ & go on canvassing like mad. Because if you don’t hurry it will tread on the heels of the big book next August. In the course of a week I can have most of the matter ready for you I think. Am working like sin on it.”85 The next day he sent Bliss the manuscripts for two (possibly three) “new” sketches, specifying that “the one about the liar is to be first one in the book,” and insisting that Orion make security copies for all of them before they were sent to the artist for illustration. On 5 January he added a postscript: “The curious beasts & great contrasts in this Pre-duluge article offer a gorgeous chance for the artist’s fancy & ingenuity,” he wrote. “Send both sketches to Mullen—he is the man to do them, I guess. Launt Thompson, Albemarle Hotel, will find him when wanted.”86 The “Pre-duluge article” was an extract from the still incomplete “Noah’s Ark book.” The “one about the liar” was undoubtedly the Sandwich Islands sketch about Markiss, soon to be published in the Galaxy as “About a Remarkable Stranger” and eventually reprinted as chapter 77 of Roughing It. (The third “new” sketch, if any, has not been identified, although it may have been one that Clemens had listed as “Sailor Story,” and that may in turn have become chapter 50 in Roughing It.) Clemens presumably wrote
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This “halt” in the composition of Roughing It gave Clemens’s “tank” time to refill. But it also gave him time to reflect on the hazards of his subject. The West, which in May 1869 had seemed to have “scope” and timeliness because of the recent “completion of the Pacific RR,” had by early 1871 been so often written about that Clemens could rightly call it hackneyed.88 In 1869–70 alone his fellow journalists had published half a dozen books on western travel, all based in part on sketches they had written for newspapers or magazines. Prominent among these were Richardson’s revised edition of Beyond the Mississippi, Samuel Bowles’s Our New West), J. Ross Browne’s Adventures in the Apache Country, and Fitz Hugh Ludlow’s The Heart of the Continent. Clemens must have been made increasingly aware that the West as described by passing visitors was no longer a novelty.
Clemens was also conscious of the risks he ran in renouncing journalism to write books—an intention he recorded as early as 26 October, and firmly embraced by 3 March 1871.89 John Hay was also pondering a career in literature. “The Western School” (his 27 December editorial in the Tribune) was his manifesto for a group in which he implicitly included himself.
There will not be many writers who will equal the contagious drollery of Mark Twain. It may be long before we find another that can touch so deftly the hidden sources of smiles and tears—and that can give us so graphic a picture of Western living in a style so vivid and so pure that we may call it in praise and not in criticism “almost the true Dickens”—as Mr. Harte has done. But there are many good and honest literary workmen who have grown up in the great West, not unmindful of its strange and striking lessons. Some of them, Howells among the best, have already given some earnest of the promising future. Others are just rising into notice. Let them be received with candor and judged by what they say—not by what others have said.90
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I cannot forbear telling you how much I have been encouraged and gratified by your generous commendation of my verses. I have sometimes thought that the public appreciation was a compound of ignorance and surprise—but when you, who know all about the Western life and character, look at one of my little pictures and say it is true, it is comfortable beyond measure.
Another thing has rather tickled me this morning. No New York paper except Wilkes’ has ever copied my rhymes—they were frightfully low, you know. The last London Spectator prints “Little-B.” with editorial compliments.92
Hay’s experience in publishing “low” verse (Pike County vernacular used to disguise a subversive point of view)93 doubtless warned Clemens that he, too, might be accused of “foul vulgarity” for what he had written, or planned to write, about the West. He had, in fact, just been accused by
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The poetry and prose of Bret Harte have made their great hit chiefly by reason of the novelty and marked uniqueness of their style. The style, as Mr. Harte created it, is singular for its delicate handling of rough themes and rough language. There is a subtle refinement thrown over the coarsest phases of California life, that recommends itself to the most cultivated taste, and has introduced Mr. Harte’s books wherever there is the power to discriminate between vulgarity and the poetry of vulgar things.
But it has grown to be a great affliction that, all over the country, pert imitators of Bret Harte have sprung up, thrusting their pretensions to rival his exquisite art upon the public, and only succeeding in the production of a mixture of coarse vulgarity and profanity, which this low grade of scribblers fancy to be like the poetry of Bret Harte. . . . Harper’s Weekly has a poet named John Hay, who is a victim of this Harte disease. He is a master of slang, in its lowest, vulgarest, most profane forms. He fancies that he is imitating Bret Harte, while he is disgusting all intelligent readers, not only by his stupid ignorance of what constitutes the glamour of Harte’s work, but also by the common grossness of both thought and language.95
But Hay’s experience must also have been encouraging, because he clearly had won a large popular audience as well as the more enlightened one represented by Howells at the Atlantic Monthly. Two days after Hay published “The Western School,” he wrote to ask Howells:
Have you ever seen a piece of dialect I wrote,—“Little Breeches”? It has had an appalling run. It is published every day in hundreds of papers. Two political papers in the West have issued illustrated editions of it. I mention this to show what a ravenous market there is for anything of the sort. I can’t do it—but you could. That Western novel of yours must not be much longer delayed.96
It is a fair guess that Hay said much the same thing to Clemens about his book on the Far West (“I can’t do it—but you could”).97
Even before he received Hay’s reply, however, Clemens had decided to give up journalism. On 14 January he told Webb: “I dassent. I made up my mind solidly day before yesterday that I would draw out of the Galaxy with the April No. & write no more for any periodical—except, at long
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I believe you are more than half right—it is calculated to do more harm than good, no doubt. So if you like the idea, suppose we defer the Sketch Book till the last. That is, get out the big California & Plains book first of August; then the Diamond book first March or April 1872—& then the Sketch book the following fall. Does that strike you favorably?101
Three days later, he had developed this scheme into an elaborate but quite unrealistic plan to publish the western book as early as May—even though he had scarcely begun to write it. The inference is all but inescapable that Clemens was trying to force himself to write:
Tell you what I’ll do, if you say so. Will write night & day & send you 200 pages of MS. every week (of the big book on California, Nevada & the Plains) & place finish it all up the 15th of April if you can without fail issue the book on the 15th of May—putting the sketch book over till another time. For this reason: my popularity is booming, now, & we ought to take the very biggest advantage of it.
I have to go to Washington next Tuesday & stay a week, but will send you 150 MS pages before going, if you say so. It seems to me that I would much rather do this. Telegraph me now, right away—don’t wait to write. Next Wednesday I’ll meet you in N. Y—& if you can’t come there I’ll run up & see you.
You could get a cord of subscriptions taken & advertising done between now & April 15. I have a splendid idea of the sagacity of this proposition.
Telegraph me right off.102
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That evening or early the next morning, Clemens checked into the Grand Hotel and, presumably on the morning of 1 February, met with Francis Church to negotiate a resolution of his Galaxy contract. Then he met with Bliss to discuss the western book.104 They evidently agreed to issue it in May, just as Clemens had proposed in his most recent letter, even though there was scarcely time to make such a deadline. Clemens also promised to contribute something from the book manuscript to the American Publisher, the first issue of which was to appear within a month.
On the evening of 2 February, Clemens took the train to Washington, where he planned, among other things, to lobby for legislation affecting the Langdon estate.105 On 6 February, Susan Crane, who was staying with Olivia and the baby, wrote him in Washington:
Livy has consented to allow me to write you that she is not well, and has not been since you went away. She has had some fever, no appetite, no power to sleep, & great depression of spirits. Livy did not like that, so I did not say it. . . .
Now why I write is this, or why Livy allows me to write. If your business would take you over into next week, Livy feels that it would be almost unendurable but if your knowing these facts, would help you to close it this week, or defer it, she is willing to have you know how she is.106
Olivia had typhoid fever, although no one yet realized it. Clemens was depressed by the news of his wife’s condition, but stayed in Washington to attend a dinner given in his honor by Samuel S. Cox (a Langdon family friend) on the evening of 7 February. The dinner was interrupted by a telegram from Buffalo, which summoned Clemens home. The danger of his wife’s illness was clear, and he sought frantically to cancel his “Memoranda” for the March Galaxy, lest its publication make him seem to jest in the presence of death.107 For the same reason, he telegraphed Bliss not to print the sketch he had sent in October for the Publisher. Throughout the next week Olivia’s condition threatened to prove fatal: “We cannot tell what the result is going to be. Sometimes I have hope for my wife,—so I have at this moment—but most of the time it seems to me impossible
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One week later, however, she was guardedly better, and Clemens was again trying to work on the western book. “Return to me, per express, the ‘Liars’ & the other 2 sketches—right away” he wrote Orion. “Livy is very, very slowly & slightly improving, but it is not possible to say whether she is out of danger or not—but we all consider that she is not.” The same day he gave an equally sober report to Whitelaw Reid: “My wife is still dangerously ill with typhoid fever, & we watch with her night & day hardly daring to prophecy what the result will be.”109
One week later still, Clemens had decided not only to leave journalism, but to leave Buffalo, ostensibly on his doctor’s advice.110 He put both the house (which had been a wedding gift from Olivia’s father) and his share in the Express up for sale. “I quit the Galaxy with the current number,” he told Riley on 3 March, “& shall write no more for any periodical. Am offered great prices, but it’s no go. Shall simply write books.”111 On 4 March he replied to Orion, who had returned the “Liars” sketch and one or two others, and who (at Bliss’s suggestion) had urged him to begin sending book manuscript—at least in part so the next issue of the Publisher could fulfill the promise of a contribution from Mark Twain.112 Clemens explained that he had wanted the “Liars” sketch back in order to “work it into the California book—which I shall do. But day before yesterday I concluded to go out of the Galaxy on the strength of it—& so I have turned it into the last Memoranda I shall ever write & published it as a ‘specimen chapter’ of my forthcoming book.” He made it clear that he had broken with the Galaxy, and would not write for it now under any circumstances. Somewhat casually, however, he also seemed to say that he was unable, or unwilling, to write anything for the Publisher, at least for the time being:
Now do try & leave me clear out of the Publisher for the present, for I am endangering my reputation by writing too much—I want to get out of the public view
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In short, Clemens acknowledged that he had written nothing in February (twenty-eight days), and did not expect to write anything in March until he had gone to Elmira and taken a week’s rest (another twenty-one days). Still, it is clear from the same letter that he remained sympathetic to Bliss’s needs for the Publisher:
Just as soon as ever I can, I will send some of the book MS., but right in the b first chapter I have got to alter the whole style of one of my characters & re-write him clear through to where I am now. It is no fool of a job I can tell you, but the book will be greatly bettered by it. Hold on a few days—four or five,—& I will see if I can get a few chapters fixed & send to Bliss.
I have offered this dwelling house & the Express for sale, & when we go to Elmira we leave here for good. I shall not select a new home till the book is finished, but writing a book, & reap if it proves to be a poor book we have very little doubt that Hartford will be the place. We are almost certain of that.113
Bliss wrote on 7 March, evidently before this letter had arrived, having “just returned from N.Y.” He identified two reasons for wanting the book manuscript as soon as possible:
I was in hopes Orion found something from you on my return but poor Ori says he has nothing from you relating to matters. I asked him to write you a few days ago in regard to the Ms. for the book. We ought soon to get our artists on it so as to have them to do all in good style—What do you think about it?
If we are to get it out in May it must soon be here. Now then if you have got as far as to give us something I think it would be well to get at it very soon. And now about an article for our paper. We trust you will not disappoint us this month. We have made a good start & got well underway & we want to keep on steadily. Send us on as soon as possible something good for it & send your bill in it & we will send check at once. Am happy to hear your wife is out of danger & getting on which I do through Mr. Twitchell.
Hoping to hear from you soon on these subjects.114
As Clemens predicted, within five days of his 4 March letter he had finished his alteration of “the whole style” of one of his “characters,” at least up through what was then chapter 8. The character in need of alteration was almost certainly the narrator himself. New (and old) evidence discussed
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At any rate, Clemens was by this time clearly reconciled to publishing one or more chapters in the Publisher:
Tell Bliss “all right”—I will try to give him a chapter from the new book every month or nearly every month, for the Publisher.
I have got several chapters (168 pages MS.) revised & ready for printers & artists, but for the sake of security shall get somebody to copy it & then send the original to him.116
The next day, however, Clemens reported having sent only “160 MS pages . . . to be copied,” expecting to “have it back next Tuesday,” when he would “ship it to Bliss & mark a chapter to be transferred to the Columns of the Publisher.”117 Clemens may simply have held back or destroyed eight pages. But if the reconstruction in Figure 1 is approximately correct, “160 MS pages” would not have taken him through the end of what he was then calling chapter 8 (later 7, and the start of 8), so there is at least one other possibility—that he mistakenly wrote “160” for “168.” Such an error seems somewhat more likely because the conjectured end of chapter 8, the pony-express incident, clearly was copied at this time along with what preceded it.118
Although Clemens had certainly drafted sections of his manuscript beyond chapter 9, he must have left chapter 10 unfinished, for in the same 10 March letter he begged Orion to
sit down right away & torture your memory & write down in minute detail every fact & exploit in the desperado Slade’s life that we heard on the Overland—& also describe his appearance & conversation as we saw him at Rocky Ridge station at breakfast. I want to make up a telling chapter from it for the book—& will put it in the Publisher too, as soon as the agents begin to canvass.
Orion promptly met this request on 11 March.119 Clemens incorporated most of his brother’s details almost immediately into chapter 10, which,
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Before Orion’s letter about Slade was written, however, Clemens received two letters from Hartford—one from Orion dated 8 March, and one from Bliss (now missing), probably written on the same day—making reply (but also clearly overreacting) to his casual refusal of 4 March to write for the Publisher. (Clemens had retracted this refusal almost immediately, and without prompting, in the two letters written on 9 and 10 March, before he received this double blast from Orion and Bliss on 10 March.) A sample of Orion’s badgering will explain, almost by itself, the sulfurous reaction Clemens had to it. Orion vowed, among other things, that he and Bliss would
hunt up any information you want, and do anything else you want done, if you will only write. He is in earnest. He is decidedly worked up about it. He says, put yourself in our place. A new enterprise, in which “Twain” was to be a feature, and so widely advertised. He receives congratulations in New York at the Lotus Club that you and Hay are to write for the paper. Everybody likes it. It starts out booming. Are you going to kick the pail over? Think of yourself as writing for no periodical except the Publisher. . . . Squarely, you we must have something from you or we run the risk of going to the dickens. Bliss says he will pay you, but we must have something every number. If you only give us a half column, or even a quarter of a column——give a joke or an anecdote, or anything you please—but give us something, so that the people may not brand us as falsifiers, and say we cried “Twain,” “Twain,” when we had no “Twain.” If you don’t feel like writing anything, copy something from your book. Are you going to let the Galaxy have a chapter and give us nothing? If you don’t feel like taking the trouble of copying from the book say we may select something. We shall have time enough if you send some chapters in four or five days, as we you proposed.120
Clemens wrote on the envelope of this missive, “Still urging MSS.” But he fully vented his unhappiness with it in a long letter, begun on 11 March and finished after “two days ‘to cool’ ”:
Now why do you & Bliss go on urging me to make promises? I will not keep them. I have suffered damnation itself in the trammels of periodical writing and I will not appear once a month nor once in three months, either. in the Publisher nor any other periodical . . . .
You talk as if I am responsible for your newspaper venture. If I am I want it to stop right here—for I will be damned darned if I, am not going to have another year of harassment about periodical writing. There isn’t money enough between hell & Hartford to hire me to write once a month for any periodical. . . .
Why, confound it, when & how has this original little promise of mine (to “drop in an occasional screed along with the Company’s other authors,”) grown into these formidable dimensions—whereby I am the father & sustainer of the paper & you have actually committed yourselves, & me too with advertisements looking in that direction? . . .
I don’t want to even see my name anywhere in print for 3 months to come. As for being the high chief contributor & main card of the Publisher, I won’t hear of it for a single moment. I’d rather break my pen & stop writing just where I am. Our
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I must & will keep shady & quiet till Bret Harte simmers down a little & then I mean to go up head again & stay there until I have published the two books already contracted for & just one more beside, which latter shall make a ripping sensation or I have overestimated the possibilities of my subject . . . .
The man who says the least about me in any paper for 3 months to come will do me the greatest favor. I tell you I mean to go slow. I will “top” Bret Harte again or bust. But I can’t do it by dangling eternally in the public view.
In spite of his irritation, Clemens added a postscript to the letter: “Shall ship some book MS. next Wednesday”121—that is, on 15 March—a deadline which he did not quite meet, postponing his shipment until 18 March, the day he and Olivia left Buffalo for Elmira.
On 17 March Clemens replied to Bliss, who had been trying to resolve their differences by rational explanation.122 His reply suggested that rational explanation was irrelevant. It also confirmed that his progress on the western book had been minimal since December.
Out of this chaos of my household I snatch a moment to reply. We are packing up, to-night, & tomorrow I shall take my wife to Elmira on a mattrass, with—for she can neither sit up nor stand—& will not for a week or two. . . . In three whole months I have hardly written a page of MS. You do not know what it is to be in a state of absolute frenzy—desperation. I had rather die twice over than repeat the last six months of my life.
Now do you see?—I want rest. I want to get clear away from all hamperings, all harassments. I am going to shut myself up in a farm-house alone, on top an Elmira hill, & write—on my book. I will see no company, & worry about nothing. I never will make another promise again of any kind, that can be avoided, so help me God.
Take my name clear out of the list of contributors, & never mention me again—& then I shall feel that the fetters are off & I am free. I am to furnish an article for your next No. & I will furnish it—that is just the way I make ruin myself—making promises. Do you know that for seven weeks I have not had my natural rest but have been a night-&-day sick-nurse to my wife—& am still—& shall continue to be for two or three weeks longer——yet must turn in now & write a damned humorous article for the Publisher, because I have promised it—promised it when I thought that the vials of hellfire bottled up for my benefit must be about emptied. By the living God I don’t believe they ever will be emptied.
It is scarcely surprising that under these circumstances Clemens’s opinion of his work was decidedly gloomy:
The MS I sent to be copied is back but I find nothing in it that can be transferred to the Publisher—for the chapter I intended to use I shall tear up, for it is simply an attempt to be full funny, & a failure.
When I get to Elmira I will look over the next chapters & send something—or, failing that, will write something—my own obituary I hope it will be.123
It is likely that the chapter Clemens threatened to “tear up” was eventually left out of the book. If so, no text for it has ever been found, and its contents remain unknown and to a large degree unknowable. And yet certain
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Something can also be conjectured about the likely content of the chapter that preceded Bemis and the buffalo, and the reasons for Clemens’s dissatisfaction with it, if we assume that the reference to Overland City at the end of chapter 6 is a vestigial forecast of what originally followed it: “the strangest, quaintest, funniest frontier town that our untraveled eyes had ever stared at and been astonished with.” If Clemens had written a chapter about the quaint manners and odd characters of Overland City, its humor apparently struck him now as strained (“simply an attempt to be funny, & a failure”). It may even have been largely in this chapter that the condescending “style” of his narrator (“strangest, quaintest, funniest”) most required revision. If it seems implausible that he wrote such a chapter in the first place, it may help to recall the report in the 7 September 1870 Elmira Advertiser (published within days of his writing the first four chapters), which characterized his new book as “an account of travel at home, describing in a humorous and satirical way our cities and towns, and the people of different sections.”125
Despite the impulse to tear up this chapter, Clemens probably did not do so at this time—although his unhappiness on rereading it perhaps made him conclude, prematurely as it happened, that the first eight chapters contained nothing suitable for the Publisher. He and his family were in Elmira by 19 March, one day after he evidently sent Bliss all of the manuscript for what was then chapters 1–11 (some 258 pages)—even though only two-thirds of it (“168 pages”) had been copied for security.
After sending it, he may have looked through “the next chapters,” but
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Here is my contribution (I take it from the book,) & by all odds it is the finest piece of writing I ever did. Consequently I want the people to know that it is from the book:
Head it thus, & go on:
The Old-Time Pony-Express
of the Great Plains.
small type [Having but little time to write volunteer-contributions, now I offer this in chapter from
By Mark Twain.
small type. [The following is a chapter from Mark Twain’s forthcoming book & closes with a life-like picture of an incident of Overland stage travel on the Plains in the days before the Pacific railroad was built.—Ed. Publisher.
[From along about the 160th to 170th page of the MS.] It begins thus:
“However, in a little while all interest was taken up in stretching our necks & watching for the pony-rider” &c.—Go on to end of chapter.
P. S. Even Before the book is printed I shall write that bull story over again (that precedes the pony) or else alter it till it is good—for it can be made good—& then you can put that in the Publisher too, if you want to.
Yrs. Clemens
You got the Book MS, of course?
Refer the marginal note to Orion, about postage. But I I feel sure I am wrong, & that it was Four Dollars an ounce instead of Two— —make the correction, if necessary Read proof very carefully, Orion—you need send none to me.126
It is clear that Clemens did not have his own manuscript of the pony-express passage before him, for otherwise he would simply have given its first page number, rather than saying it began “along about the 160th to 170th page of the MS.”127 (He seems to have remembered the approximate page, but could not check his memory against the security copy, which would not have preserved the original page numbers.) In fact, his ability to quote the first nineteen words of the passage, and his way of referring to it (“Here is my contribution”), would seem to make it all but manifest that he enclosed his security copy of the passage with the letter—both to make it easier to find it in his original manuscript, and to transmit the “marginal note” mentioned in the final postscript. It is also clear that the passage,
[begin page 840]
Having sent off the first eleven chapters of his manuscript,129 Clemens seems to have taken the “week’s rest” he earlier said he needed, while continuing to nurse Olivia through her convalescence. On 23 March, for instance, Charles Langdon, the Reverend Thomas K. Beecher, and Clemens attended an evening meeting of a local literary society, where Clemens spoke briefly: “Mr. Twain’s address was concluded by saying that he had a sick wife at home, and that he had duties which he could not delegate, and with the President’s permission he would retire, as his faith in doctors was rather limited.” The next day, 24 March, his old friend Joseph T. Goodman arrived in Elmira.130 Goodman’s visit would grow into several months, and provide Clemens with badly needed encouragement about
[begin page 841]
In a 1910 interview, after Clemens’s death, Goodman recalled for a San Francisco reporter that it had frequently been his “privilege” to read Mark Twain’s “works in manuscript, before they were sent to the publishers.”
I recollect his giving me the manuscript of “Roughing It” to read one afternoon when I was visiting him in the early seventies. He had made a great hit with “The Innocents Abroad,” and he was afraid he might not sustain his newly acquired reputation with “Roughing It.” When I began to read the manuscript Sam sat down at a desk and wrote nervously. I was not reading to be amused, you understand, but was studying critically the merits of his writings.
I read along intently for an hour, hardly noticing that Sam was beginning to fret and shift about uneasily. At last he could not stand it any longer, and in despair he jumped up exclaiming, “Damn you, you have been reading that stuff for an hour and you have not cracked a smile yet. I don’t believe I am keeping up my lick.”132
Paine, who also interviewed Goodman and heard this story directly from him, published a rather more detailed account, and possibly one that profited from Clemens’s own recollection of the facts. According to Paine, it
was really Joe Goodman, as much as anything, that stirred a fresh enthusiasm in the new book. Goodman arrived just when the author’s spirits were at low ebb.
“Joe,” he said, “I guess I’m done for. I don’t appear to be able to get along at all with my work, and what I do write does not seem valuable. I’m afraid I’ll never be able to reach the standard of The Innocents Abroad again. Here is what I have written, Joe. Read it, and see if that is your opinion.”
Goodman took the manuscript and seated himself in a chair, while Clemens went over to a table and pretended to work. Goodman read page after page, critically, and was presently absorbed in it. Clemens watched him furtively, till he could stand it no longer. Then he threw down his pen, exclaiming:
“I knew it! I knew it! I am writing nothing but rot. You have sat there all this time reading without a smile, and pitying the ass I am making of myself. But I am not wholly to blame. I am not strong enough to fight against fate. I have been trying to write a funny book, with dead people and sickness everywhere. Mr. Langdon died first, then a young lady in our house, and now Mrs. Clemens and the baby have been at the point of death all winter! Oh, Joe, I wish to God I could die myself!”
“Mark,” said Joe, “I was reading critically, not for amusement, and so far as I have read, and can judge, this is one of the best things you have ever written. I have found it perfectly absorbing. You are doing a great book!”
[begin page 842]
The first contemporary sign that Clemens’s interest had been rekindled came slightly more than a week after Goodman’s arrival. On 4 April, he wrote Orion:
In moving from Buffalo here I have lost certain notes & documents—among them the what you wrote for me about the difficulties of opening up the Territorial government in Nevada & getting the machinery to running. And now, just at the moment that I want it, it is gone. I don’t even know what it was you wrote, for I did not intend to read it until I was ready to use it. Do Have you time to scribble something again to aid my memory. Little characteristic items like Whittlesey’s refusing to allow for the knife, &c are the most illuminating things—the difficulty of getting credit for the Gov’t—& all that sort of thing. Incidents are better, any time, than dry history. Don’t tax yourself—I can make a little go a great way.134
Clemens had misplaced the notes that Orion had sent the previous November, and the specific details mentioned here indicate that on 4 April he was preparing to write what became chapter 25. Indeed, four days later, on 8 April, he recorded being up “to the 6 570th page,” conjecturally the next-to-last page of chapter 24, about the Mexican plug.135 These facts would seem to confirm that during October, November, and December, at least, Clemens had in fact made some progress beyond chapter 12, if only because it seems unlikely that he wrote all of chapters 12–24 (more than 300 pages) in the two weeks between 25 March and 8 April.
On the other hand, much of what Clemens had written seems to have been still in draft form: he clearly continued to revise chapters 12 and following during March and April. One of the three surviving manuscript pages (reproduced in facsimile on page 843) shows, in fact, that he must have revised chapter 12 sometime after 13 March, when he received Orion’s letter about Slade. Chapter 12 covers the final part of the journey to Salt Lake City and is, in general, notably dependent on Orion’s journal for names, distances, and particular incidents, as well as for occasional phrasing.136 But the journal barely mentions another landmark that Clemens treated rather fully in chapter 12—the east-west stream on the Continental Divide—stating merely, “Near this Station are the Pacific Springs, which issue in a branch, taking up its march for the Pacific Ocean.” Clemens’s cue for the incident in chapter 12 was therefore almost certainly not
[begin page 843]
[begin page 844]
An early version of the first page of chapter 18, about crossing “an ‘alkali’ desert,” also survives in manuscript. The page (reproduced in facsimile on page 845) is numbered “423,” and the chapter is numbered “20,” altered from “19,” indicating that the number of the “desert” chapter was at least one higher than its final number in the first edition. A higher chapter number is confirmed by the evidence of Pra, which included several pages from chapters 15, 16, 21, 23, and 24, anachronistically identified as chapters 16, 17, 22, 24, and 25—that is, one chapter number higher than in the book. Where, prior to chapter 15, was a full chapter deleted? The answer is suggested by the author’s footnote at the end of chapter 14, which refers the reader to the appendixes for “a brief sketch of Mormon history, and the noted Mountain Meadows massacre.” That reference, together with some minor discrepancies in chapter 13, makes it all but certain that the material in the appendixes was originally part of these chapters on Mormonism. The “Brief Sketch of Mormon History” (appendix A) may have belonged originally in chapter 13—perhaps following Clemens’s reference to having “picked up a great deal of useful information and entertaining nonsense,” not otherwise mentioned. If so, that might explain why references
[begin page 845]
[begin page 846]
Brigham Young was the only real power in the land. He was an absolute monarch—a monarch who defied our President—a monarch who laughed at our armies when they camped about his capital—a monarch who received without emotion the news that the august Congress of the United States had enacted a solemn law against polygamy, and then went forth calmly and married twenty-five or thirty more wives.139
Likewise, the material that became appendix B, “The Mountain Meadows Massacre,” was very likely a separate chapter, perhaps following chapter 14, and therefore preceding the one remaining reference to the subject in chapter 17. But however these chapters were in fact configured, the likelihood is great that they originally included the material on Mormonism preserved in the appendixes. When the words in the appendixes are counted as if they were part of the manuscript for chapters 13–15, the calculated page number for the start of chapter 18 is 424—quite close to the actual number on the surviving draft page, 423.140
Although Clemens sent Bliss only eleven chapters on 18 March, he knew perfectly well that the contract obliged Bliss “to commence operations at once upon receipt of manuscript.” He therefore added a postscript to his 4 April note to Orion which expressed his impatience for Bliss to begin illustrating and typesetting what he had sent: “Is Bliss doing anything with the MS I sent? Is he thinking of beginning on it shortly?”141 His anxiety to see illustrations and typesetting begin is the more remarkable because, having sent those chapters rather in haste than otherwise, he soon found that they needed more work. On 8 April he replied to another letter (now lost) from Orion, who apparently asked whether he and Bliss should use the manuscript of the Bemis episode for the Publisher and for the book, or wait for the revision promised in Clemens’s first postscript of 20 March. Clemens repeated his original instructions, with one condition:
If I don’t add a postscript to this, tell Bliss to go ahead & set up the MSS & put the engravers to work. My copy is down at the house & I am up here at the farm, a mile & a half up a mountain, where I write every day.
I am to the 6 570th page & booming along. And what I am writing now is so much better than the opening chapters, or the Innocents Abroad either, that I do wish I could spare time to revamp the opening chapters, & even write some of them over again.
[begin page 847]
But on reading his security copy that evening, Clemens was unable to resist the temptation to revise it—and not just in the Bemis chapter. He therefore did add a postscript, which referred explicitly to changes in chapter 6, in the Bemis incident, and in other chapters not specified:
Leave out the yarn about Jack & “Moses.” It occurs about 117th page. Stop Close the chapter with these words
“and when they tried to teach a subordinate anything that subordinate generally “got it through his head”—at least in time for the funeral.”
Accompanying this, is the bull story, altered the way I want it. Don’t put it in till about the fourth No. of the paper.
OVER.
Tell Bliss to go ahead setting up the book just as it is, making the corrections marked in purple ink, in some 20 or 30 pages which I shall mail to-night—possibly in this envelop.
Ys
Sam
P. S.—Monday—Am to 610th page, now.142
By the time Clemens finished and mailed this letter on 10 April (Monday), he had written as far as page 610, which probably fell near the start of chapter 27, about the trip to Humboldt, the virtual beginning of his “silver fever.” And although the original letter no longer has its enclosures, he probably did send with it (or separately, soon thereafter) both “the bull story, altered the way I want it,” and an additional “20 or 30 pages” of “corrections marked in purple ink,” which he asked that Bliss follow in setting up the eleven chapters already in hand. Both the revised “bull story” and these “corrections” were presumably in the form of altered and augmented pages from Clemens’s security copy, which thereby grew even more incomplete. (Because Clemens used his typical purple ink, the changes were visibly distinct from the ink of the copy, evidently a different color.) Although none of the enclosures survives, it is still possible to make some informed guesses about what they contained.
The “Jack & ‘Moses’ ” yarn, which Clemens here identified as beginning on “about” page 117 of the manuscript, was ultimately included in chapter 6 despite this instruction to omit it (the revised closing words for the chapter were also rejected). If, as Figure 1 indicates, chapter 6 began on page 114, then the “Jack & ‘Moses’ ” story would have begun on page 126, not 117. The discrepancy indicates that among the revisions Clemens may have made at this time was the addition of up to nine pages toward the beginning of chapter 6, thus forcing the “Jack & ‘Moses’ ” episode back
[begin page 848]
Given the limitations of the evidence, the precise size and location of these changes must remain in doubt. But whatever “corrections” were actually made in April, their net effect was to increase the length of the manuscript between chapter 6 and then chapter 8, without changing the original pagination. (Clemens could not have renumbered his pages because the printer’s copy was in Hartford.) These added pages might well have been distributed in some other way, but their total could not have been very different. Without the bulk they added, there would be no way to explain why pages 62–63 of the Bemis story were forced back to pages 77–78 in the initial Pra typesetting, for if all the material, including then chapter 7 (later removed in proof), were present in the original manuscript, thus affecting its pagination, the conjectural first page of the pony-express passage would be forced well beyond the range of pages 160–70, to which Clemens assigned it.
Two days after sending this letter, Clemens was in New York.145 Probably
[begin page 849]
Since Knox has printed a similar story (so (the same “situation” has been in print often—men have written it before Knox & I were born,)—let the Bull story alone until it appears in the book—or at least in the “specimen” chapters for canvassers. That is to say, Do not put it in the paper, at all. I cannot alter it—too much trouble. . . .
P. S. No—I won’t print Jack & Moses. I may lecture next winter, & in that case shall want it.146
On the same day, Clemens left Elmira for Buffalo “to finish the sale of my ‘Express’ interest,” as he told Mrs. Fairbanks. The next day he completed this errand, picked up his mail at the Express office, and apparently met briefly with his friend David Gray.147 The Buffalo Courier reported on 21 April:
While Mark Twain was here, the other day, he received by mail a copy of “What I Know About Farming.” A note on the fly-leaf, in a chirography that is already historical, read as follows:
To Mark Twain, Buffalo; who knows even less about my farming than does
Horace Greeley.
Isn’t the common report that Mr. Greeley don’t know anything about joking a reprehensible slander?148
Clemens did not immediately acknowledge this gift from his recent famous acquaintance. When he did, probably in early May, it must have been after Greeley’s joke at his expense had received some coverage in the press (reprinting the Buffalo Courier), for he evidently protested Greeley’s
[begin page 850]
I fear your brother has written in a manner to give you wrong impressions of my views. I have said to him that the first part of a book alone, is not sufficient to make a proper prospectus of. I of course cannot get up full plate engravings, until I know the subject, & then it is well to have a variety of matter in it—I have not spoken of the position of affairs thinking it of no acc, but perhaps, it might be well to say, that standing where I do, with so many agents all over, coming in contact with the masses, I can feel the pulse of the community, as well as any other person; I do not think there is as much of a desire to see another book from you as there was 3 months ago. Then anything offered would sell, people would subscribe to anything of yours without overhauling or looking at it much. Now they will inspect a Prospectus closer, & buy more on the strength of it, than they would have done a few months ago.
Knowing this to be so, I feel particularly anxious to get out a splendid Prospectus one brim full of good matter, of your own style— I want to reawaken the appetite for the book—& know of no better means than to show them slices of a rich loaf, & let them try it— Consequently I said to your brother, “if he has anything particularly fine lets have it for prospectus.”
Bliss also mentioned that he had already “made selections from Mss. here for Pros.,” suggesting that if Clemens had “any choice cuts further along in the book for it” that he should “send them on” and Bliss would “heave them in.” Bliss continued, “Your brother says he wrote you Knox had written up something similar to the Bull story—I never saw it & do not know anything about it. It Yours struck me as a good thing, every way. Your first chap. is splendid—smacks of the old style—”149
These afterthoughts scarcely blunted Bliss’s point, which was that Clemens’s delay in finishing his manuscript had cost him ground with his audience and, by implication, that he now needed Bliss’s help to reverse that loss.150 Clemens was clearly depressed by Bliss’s testimony, and perhaps by other evidence, telling Mrs. Fairbanks on 26 April: “I am pegging away at my book, but it will have no success. The papers have found at last the courage to pull me down off my pedestal & cast slurs at me—& that is simply a popular author’s death rattle. Though he wrote an inspired book after that, it would not save him.”151 It is not known which newspapers he thought were casting “slurs” at him, or just what occasioned their criticism. But on Sunday, 30 April, a week after reading Bliss’s remarks, he reproached Orion for writing him “discouraging letters”: “Yours stopped
[begin page 851]
I sent Bliss MSS yesterday, up to about 100 pages of MS.
Don’t be in a great hurry getting out the specimen chapters for canvassers, for I want the chapter I am writing now in it—& it is away up to page 750 of the MS. I would like to select the “specimen” chapters myself (along with Joe Goodman, who writes by my side every day up at the farm). Joe & I have a 600-page book in contemplation which will wake up the nation. It is a thing which David Gray & I have talked over with David Gray a good deal, & he wanted me to do it right & just & well—which I couldn’t without a man to do the accurate drudgery and some little other writing. But Joe is the party. This present book will be a tolerable success—possibly an excellent success if the chief newspapers start it off well—but the other book will be an awful success. The only trouble is, how I am to hang on to Joe till I publish this present book & another before I begin on the joint one.
When is the selection to be made for the specimen chapters?152
If on 30 April Clemens was “away up to page 750 of the MS.,” Figure 2 indicates that he was probably at the end of chapter 34 (a revision of “The Facts in the Great Land Slide Case”) or the start of chapter 35 (the trip to Esmeralda). Neither chapter was selected for the prospectus, which in fact included nothing from chapters 25–37; of the two, the tale of the landslide case seems more likely to have inspired Clemens’s enthusiasm.
The 100 pages of manuscript Clemens mentioned to Orion as having been sent “yesterday” (29 April) are identical with what, three days later, he told Bliss he had sent “yesterday” (2 May): “I mailed you the 12th, 13th, 14th & 15th chapters yesterday, & before that I had sent you the previous 11 chapters.”153 Chapters 12–15 describe arriving in Salt Lake City and encountering Mormons. As Figure 2 shows, the page numbers of chapters 12–15 ran from 259 to 358 (exactly 100 pages), but only if it is assumed that they included material later removed and, later still, relegated to the appendixes. Clemens also told Bliss that his book was by then “half done,” so he had accumulated many more pages than he sent—probably some 900 equivalent pages, placing him near the end of chapter 40 (the first of two chapters on the blind lead) by 3 May.154
[begin page 852]
Mark:
You are mistaken as to my criticisms on your farming. I never publicly made any, while you have undertaken to tell the exact cost per pint of my potatoes and cabbages, truely enough the inspiration of genius. If you will really betake yourself to farming, or even to telling what you know about it, rather than what you don’t know about mine, I will not only refrain from disparaging criticism, but will give you my blessing.
Yours,
Horace Greeley.155
Greeley’s notoriously difficult handwriting was the subject of innumerable jokes and anecdotes in the press, but this letter was the first Clemens himself had ever received from him. Their brief exchange, part of which was even then being reported in the newspapers, may well have suggested to Clemens the basic comic story of chapter 70, which concerns someone driven mad while corresponding with Greeley “about a trifle of some kind,” only to discover that their correspondence had become “the talk of the world.”156 Clemens’s first letter from Greeley became, in any case, the physical model for the only slightly exaggerated imitation of it, reproduced as a pseudo-facsimile in chapter 70.157 Greeley’s letter arrived during the most intensive period of book composition that Clemens had yet experienced, but the Sandwich Islands setting of chapter 70 suggests that it was probably not written until July, or even August, when Clemens again wrote Greeley (on another matter), and when the need for additional manuscript had become more apparent.
On Monday, 15 May, less than two weeks after he declared himself “half done,” Clemens counted himself well past the halfway point:
I have MS. enough on hand now, to make (allowing for engravings) about 400 pages of the book—consequently am two-thirds done. I intended to run up to Hartford about the middle of the week & take it along; but I am because it has chapters
[begin page 853]
When I was writing the Innocents my daily “stent” was 30 pages of MS & I hardly ever got beyond it; but I have gone over that nearly every day for the last ten. That shows that I am writing with a red-hot interest. Nothing grieves me now—nothing troubles me, bothers me or gets my attention—I don’t think of anything but the book, & don’t have an hour’s unhappiness about anything & don’t care two cents whether school keeps or not. It will be a bully book. If I keep up my present lick three weeks more I shall be able & willing to scratch out half of the chapters of the Overland narrative—& shall do it.
You do not mention having received my second batch of MS, sent a week or two ago—about 100 pages.
If you want to issue a prospectus & go right to canvassing, say the word & I will forward some more MS—or send it by hand—special messenger. Whatever chapters you think are unquestionably good, we will retain of course, & so they can go into a prospectus as well one time as another. The book will be done soon, now. I have 1200 pages of MS already written, & am now writing 200 a week—more than that, in fact; during past week wrote 23 one day, then 30, 33, 35, 52, & 65. —part of the latter, say, nearly half, being a re-print sketch. How’s that?158
By this time Clemens had clearly shifted to counting by equivalent pages. So when he said that he had “1200 pages of MS,” he was probably near the end of what became chapter 51, with 1202 equivalent pages (but only 1100 real pages). Twelve hundred equivalent pages were “two-thirds” of the eighteen hundred pages he thought he needed: enough, by his reckoning, “to make (allowing for engravings) about 400 pages of the book,” which was to be 600 pages long. His arithmetic makes sense in other ways as well: if he had 900 equivalent pages on 3 May, and had written more than 30 pages a day “nearly every day for the last ten,” he would have added approximately 300 pages. His increased rate of progress may have had something to do with his subject: in chapter 42 he began to describe his experiences as a newspaper reporter in Virginia City. But his new-found speed was also due to his increased use of clippings in this section of the book (chapters 34, 37, 38, 46, and probably 51 all relied extensively on clippings), which now made it virtually necessary to count by equivalent pages.
Since Clemens wrote this letter on a Monday (15 May), the extraordinary string of daily stints “during the past week” can be plausibly assigned to Monday through Saturday, 8–13 May. It is therefore likely that he began on 8 May with 23 pages, a stint that corresponds to chapter 44 (puffing stocks), estimated at 25 pages (see Figure 2). The second day’s stint, on 9 May, was 30 pages, which corresponds to chapter 45 (Reuel Gridley and
[begin page 854]
Having just written chapter 48 (on the failings of the jury system) on 12 May, Clemens concluded his 15 May letter somewhat giddily, with a dedication for the book which was not, in the end, adopted:
It will be a starchy book, & should be full of snappy pictures—especially pictures worked in with the letter-press. The dedication will be worth the price of the volume—thus:
To the Late Cain,
This Book is Dedicated:
Not on account of respect for his memory, for it merits little respect; not on account of sympathy with him, for his bloody deed placed him without the pale of sympathy, strictly speaking: but out of a mere humane commiseration for him in that it was his misfortune to live in a dark age that knew not the beneficent Insanity Plea.
Nor could he resist a gloating postscript about his reputation, which had recuperated, without Bliss’s help, in less than three weeks’ time: “The reaction is beginning & my stock is looking up. I am getting the bulliest offers for books & almanacs, am flooded with lecture invitations, & one periodical offers me $6,000 cash for 12 articles, of any length & on any subject, treated humorously or otherwise.”161 Bliss replied almost immediately, on 17 May:
[begin page 855]
Glad to know you are so pressed with overtures for work.
We intend to do our part towards making your book, what it should be, viz in illustrations. We shall try to have just the kind in that will suit—& think we shall succeed. I think it would be well to have Prospectus out soon as practicible as agents are anxious for it—still lets have the best stuff in it. I have no doubt you have ample matter now to select from, therefore suppose you do as you suggest, send another batch on, of selected chapters if you think best & I will get right to work—Suppose you send on such a lot, marked with what in your opinion is particularly good, & let me then make up prospectus matter from it & get engraving for it under way.
Send the Mss. by express it will come then safely. I will put bully cuts into it, such as will please you
Think this will be the plan if it suits you. I assure you nothing shall be wanting on my part, to bring it out in high style—I reckon I can do it.162
Nearly four weeks had passed since Bliss had said he was beginning on the prospectus. Clemens’s reply to this latest request for his “best stuff” is not known, but he probably did not send any more manuscript in May. On 1 or 2 June, however, he carried his third batch of manuscript to Hartford. This third batch probably extended from chapter 15 (his 16) through 51 (his 50), omitting chapters 36 and 49, which were probably added later. He may also have submitted some “selected” chapters” from later in the narrative which he thought especially suitable for the prospectus.163
Shortly before Clemens made this delivery, David Gray published an announcement of the book which was obviously informed by Clemens himself: “Mark Twain’s new book, same size and style as the ‘Innocents Abroad,’ and as copiously illustrated, will be published in the fall, and will appear simultaneously in England and America. Dealing as it does with certain hitherto unrecorded phases of western life, it will be of historic value as well as aboundingly humorous.”164 This is the earliest known public reference to Clemens’s plan to publish his western book “simultaneously” in England with George Routledge and Company—a step that would establish a valid English copyright, provided English publication preceded American by a day or so. Clemens had asked Bliss to arrange the matter with Routledge, probably soon after learning in March 1870 that only simultaneous publication could protect the book in England.165
[begin page 856]
a chinaman stoned to death by boys.
San Francisco, June 2.—The police are endeavoring to arrest a gang of boys who stoned to death an inoffensive Chinaman on Fourth-st. yesterday afternoon. Dozens of people witnessed the assault, but did not interfere until the murder was complete. No attempt was then made to arrest the murderers.167
But if Clemens began chapter 54 after returning home on 5 or 6 June, by 9 June he apparently felt so relieved at having delivered some fifty chapters to the publisher that he stopped work on the book altogether. The next day he wrote his lecture agents, Redpath and Fall, that “without really intending to go into the lecture field,” he had written “a lecture yesterday just for amusement & to see how the subject would work up,” but having “read it over,” he had now decided to “deliver it.”168 Clemens spent the rest of the month working on this lecture, and, when he grew dissatisfied with it, on two others. He also managed to write, or at least revise for publication, four magazine articles, three of which he sent, on 21 June, to Bliss:
Here are three articles which you may have if you’ll pay $100 or $125 $125 for the lot, according to the present state of your exchequer—& if you don’t want them I’ll sell them to “Galaxy,” but not for a cent less than three times the money—have just sold them a short article (shorter than either of these,) for $100. . . .
Have you heard anything from Routledge? Considering the large English sale he made of one of my other books (Jumping Frog,) I thought may be we might make something if I could give him a secure copyright.— There seems to be no convenient way to beat those Canadian re-publishers anyway——though I could can go over the line & get out a copyright if you wish it & think it would hold water.169
[begin page 857]
Back in Hartford, Bliss and Orion had begun to have the illustrations drawn, engraved, and electrotyped—at least for those chapters selected for the prospectus. Bliss had said in April (with only eleven chapters to choose from) that he had already made a selection—and indeed, out of the first eleven chapters, all but three (6, 9, and 11) were represented in the prospectus. If he followed normal procedure, Bliss would have ordered and received engravings for most of the illustrations in these chapters before ordering any type set, so that the first proofs could show the illustrations in place. Some evidence indicates that he was, to a degree, bypassing normal procedure for this book,171 but it was still desirable to give the manuscript to the illustrators as soon as possible.
Bliss hired at least three artists: Edward F. Mullen, whom Clemens had wanted to hire for the Burlesque Autobiography, and then for the sketch-book, in December and January; Roswell Morse Shurtleff (1838–1915), later a successful landscape painter; and True W. Williams.172 All three artists had earlier drawn illustrations for Richardson’s Beyond the Mississippi, and Shurtleff and Williams had both provided drawings for The Innocents Abroad. All of the new drawings would be engraved by the firm of Fay and Cox in New York, which had also done the work for Beyond the Mississippi and Innocents, among others.
Williams was the principal artist for the book, signing fifty-four drawings (usually with his distinctive monogram) and contributing at least as many more that were not signed.173 He received the first, as well as the
[begin page 858]
In addition to commissioning the drawings for Roughing It, Bliss followed the common practice of reusing engravings from earlier books, especially those published by his own company and its subsidiaries. He took engravings from Thomas W. Knox’s Overland through Asia, Nelson Winch Green’s Mormonism, Junius Henri Browne’s Sights and Sensations in Europe, as well as from Richardson’s Beyond the Mississippi and Evans’s Our Sister Republic. He also used seven illustrations from J. Ross Browne’s Adventures in the Apache Country, presumably by purchasing a set of electrotypes from Browne’s publisher, Harper and Brothers. In all, Bliss reused thirty-three illustrations from known sources.176 In addition,
[begin page 859]
In early June, with the first fifty-one chapters now in hand, Orion presumably read the manuscript through for the first time, and in mid-June wrote his brother praising it. Clemens replied on 21 June: “Am very glad, indeed, you think so well of the book. I mean to make it a good one in spite of everything—then the illustrations will do the rest. When the prospectus is out I believe Bliss will sell 50,000 copies before the book need be actually issued.”177 Orion’s comments are lost, but it was almost certainly he who wrote the following squib in the July American Publisher: “A New Book by Mark Twain.—The American Publishing Company, of Hartford, has in hand manuscript for a new book by Mark Twain. It is a lively account of travel and a stirring recital of adventures in the Far West. He was miner and reporter, and had some experiences, which, though sober reality, will tax credulity.”178 This last reference suggests that Orion had read at least as far as chapters 40 and 41, about the blind lead. David Gray, on the other hand, probably did not have a chance to read the manuscript, although on 20 July he published a description that must reflect Clemens’s private remarks about it—albeit inaccurately: “Mark Twain’s new book will be published by the American Publishing Company, of Hartford, Connecticut. It will describe a journey to California in the ‘flush times’ of 1849, or scenes in the early history of the Golden State, with probably much piquant personal matter. It is intended to serve as a companion volume to ‘Innocents Abroad.’ “179
Despite this talk about publication, Clemens was well aware that he had still not completed his manuscript. On 27 June, therefore, he had Olivia write to Mrs. Fairbanks, postponing their planned July visit to Cleveland: “Mr. Clemens feels that it will be a month or six weeks before his book will be finished.” Clemens himself added an apologetic postscript: “I have lost so much time that I am obliged to give it up. This book has been dragging along just 12 months, now, & I am so sick & tired of it. If I were to chance another break or another move before I finish it I fear I never should get it done.”180 Orion was conscious of the same problem,
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I am glad you are going ahead on the book. Some of the artists’ drafts for the pictures have come. I told Frank to take the tree out of Carson and put the auctioneer on the horse. He said he would take the tree out, but people here wouldn’t understand the idea of an auctioneer on a horse. Another has him taking his rider over a pile of telegraph poles—another bucking—and another going through a gate, raking his rider off with the top beam. He is a ragged looking horse.183
The drawings Orion mentioned here were for chapter 24 (the Mexican plug), which was eventually included almost in its entirety in the prospectus. Frank Bliss, who was presumably helping his father prepare the book, followed Orion’s advice, despite his concern that eastern readers would not understand the auctioneer’s being seated on a horse. No tree appears in any of the pictures of Carson; one illustration shows the horse bucking; and another shows him taking his rider over a post-and-rail fence.184 Only the drawing of the horse “going through a gate, raking his rider off with the top beam” was discarded. It is apparent that the Blisses and Orion were passing judgment on preliminary drawings, before they were sent off to be engraved.
Three days later (on 7 July), Bliss replied to Clemens’s letter of 21 June:
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Let me know your wishes early as possible— Shall have prospectus ready early as possible to get the cuts ready, & make a sweep of the board—this fall— This & Beecher’s Life of Christ—will have the field & I’ll bet we win—185
This letter confirms that some large part of chapters 1–23 was already in production, since with the “engravings mill driving,” Bliss would soon be able to begin the typesetting. He was eager to have the subjects for full-page illustrations chosen and the plates completed, since the time required for that, rather than for typesetting, would determine when the prospectus could be done (“Shall have prospectus ready early as possible to get the cuts ready”). Clemens replied in his turn on 10 July:
I heard you were sick, & am glad you are getting better again.
What terms did you arrive at with Routledge? . . .
Tomorrow I will fix up & forward as much MS as I have on hand. Some of it is tip-top.
I am now waiting a day or two till I get my old Sandwich Island notes together, for I want to put in 4 or 5 chapters about the Islands for the benefit of New England—& the world. When that is finished I shall come on & we will cull & cut down the MS & sock the book into the press. I think it will be a book worth reading, duly aided by the pictures. I am not scared about the result. It will sell.
I think of calling it
FLUSH TIMES
in the
silver mines,
& other Matters.
a personal narrative.
By Mark Twain.
(Saml . L. Clemens.)
How does it strike you? Offer a suggestion, if one occurs to you.
Good! We’ll run the tilt with Beecher.186
It remains uncertain just how many more chapters, if any, Clemens did “fix up & forward” after writing this letter. But this fourth batch probably contained only what became chapters 54–57, plus chapters 76 (Maui’s Iao Valley and Haleakala) and 78 (Clemens’s first lecture in San Francisco).
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This difference was clearly inadvertent, the result of using different typesetters for the two sets of chapters, or of using the same typesetters, but only after a long interval, so that they forgot (or were unable for other reasons) to use the same size type in the second set as they had in the first.
Clemens’s letter of 10 July also makes it apparent that his intention even then was to include only a relatively small number of chapters on the Sandwich Islands—“4 or 5” at the end of a narrative principally devoted to “flush times” in Nevada. Back in December he had indicated that he still thought of the Sandwich Islands as the subject for a book he intended to write: “I am going to do up the Islands & Harris. They have ‘kept’ 4 years, & I guess they will keep 2 or 3 longer.”188 Presumably over the next three weeks in July, he culled his own notebooks and scrapbooks for possible material. He almost certainly made use of the printer’s copy he had already prepared in 1866–67 from his Sacramento Union letters for a book on the Sandwich Islands, which he had submitted—unsuccessfully—for publication. And he ultimately included not “4 or 5” but fifteen chapters on the Sandwich Islands—all but four of them based on his original letters to the Union, clippings of which he pasted up and revised to serve as printer’s copy.189 Only about one-fifth of the material published in the twenty-five Union letters was used in the book: twelve letters were not used at all, while portions ranging from one-sixth to four-fifths were extracted from the remaining thirteen. Clemens probably wrote very little new material for the Sandwich Islands chapters, relying instead on the work he had done in 1866–67. The unusual number of simple errors in these chapters in the first edition also suggests that they were rather hurriedly prepared. By the time Clemens had chosen the material for them, it
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On 2 or 3 August, Clemens left Elmira for New York, where he stayed briefly before taking the train to Hartford on about 5 August.191 He probably brought with him all the remaining printer’s copy—some 460 equivalent pages—except for those few chapters he would add in August, or even later. He remained in Hartford for almost the entire month, working on proofs for some portion of the early chapters (possibly only those chosen for the prospectus), and revising the printer’s copy for chapters not yet sent to the illustrators or typesetters. On 10 August, five days after setting to work, he summarized his progress for Olivia:
I wrote a splendid chapter today, for the middle of the book. I admire the book more & more, the more I cut & slash & lick & trim & revamp it. But you’ll be getting impatient, now, & so I am going to begin tonight & work day & night both till I get through. It is a tedious, arduous job shaping so such a mass of MS for the press. It took me two months to do it for the Innocents. But this is another sight easier job, because it is so much better literary work—so much more acceptably written. It takes 1800 pages of MS to make this book?—& that is just what I have got—or rather, I have got 1,830. I thought that just a little over 1500 pages would be enough & that I could leave off all the Overland trip—& what a pity I can’t.192
The “splendid chapter” has been conjecturally identified as chapter 53 (Jim Blaine’s ram story).193 The calculated pages in Figure 2 correspond
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It was probably during August that Clemens read proofs for chapters 1–25—or at least the chapters in this section that were needed for the prospectus. His intention to “cull & cut down the MS,” especially in the “Overland trip,” was not entirely relinquished, for he evidently decided at last to remove the chapter he had wanted to tear up back in March (then chapter 7). Figure 1 illustrates the revisions in chapters 7–9 which were set in motion by this deletion, made after the early chapters were in type. Clemens probably wrote and inserted the anecdote about Eckert and the cocoanut-eating cat after the Bemis episode, which was now chapter 7 (rather than chapter 8), at least in part so that the pony-express passage could begin (instead of end) what was now chapter 8. But in order to make chapter 8 a normal length (five, rather than three, book pages), he divided chapter 9 so that the opening passage, about Scott’s Bluffs Pass, now ended chapter 8.194 Chapter 9 was thereby reduced to about three-fourths its original size, while the chapter numbering remained intact. That these changes were made only after the first twelve or so chapters were typeset is indicated by at least two things: (a) the absence of the Eckert episode from the analytical Contents, even though the other changes in chapter division were incorporated there, and (b) the typesetters’ failure to change the Pra folio numbers (77–78) to their correct book pages (62–63) in the Bemis incident, even though the Eckert episode (68–69), which now followed Bemis, was correctly paged.195 Also in August, presumably, Clemens
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Clemens no doubt made other changes in the text of the early chapters. The running headline on the last page of chapter 1 (“hermaphrodite steamer”) may refer to a remark that was cut out at the last moment (this chapter exactly fills its last page in the first edition). Similarly, the last subheading in the Contents for chapter 3 (“Warning to Experimenters”) may refer to a passage that is no longer present, suggesting that the chapter was revised in proof without a corresponding revision in the Contents.
It may also have been in August that Clemens added chapter 36 (Nevada quartz mills) to his manuscript—in this case, before the surrounding chapters had been typeset.196 Clemens must have added roughly twenty pages to his manuscript somewhere between chapters 15 and 46, for if he did not, the calculated pages for chapter 46 would be too high to include the page number (“968”) on the draft manuscript page from that chapter.197 That the added pages came in chapter 36, however, is only a reasonable guess. No illustrations were specifically drawn for it: three of its four engravings were demonstrably reused from other works, and the fourth, a tailpiece, appears to be a stock engraving.
Late in August, or sometime in the next few months, Clemens must also have added three more chapters to his manuscript, somewhere between chapter 46 and chapter 76, since chapters 73 and 75 in the prospectus became chapters 76 and 78 in the book. The most likely candidates are chapter 49 (shooting affrays in Virginia City), which is made up largely of Enterprise clippings, and which lacks any illustration except for a stock tailpiece; chapter 52 (mining statistics and techniques), which is also based on clippings, and which appears to be illustrated exclusively from borrowed engravings (the source for only one of its three engravings has actually been found); and chapter 75 (the exploration of Kilauea crater), whose four engravings include at least two stock drawings, and possibly three. Chapter 75, which is not based on a Sandwich Islands letter to the Union, may have been the sketch originally called “Fearful Adventure” in Clemens’s draft table of contents for the sketchbook, written no later than January 1871. If so, then the piece was available in January, but presumably
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By 17 August, Clemens had probably reached the proof for chapter 20 (Horace Greeley and Hank Monk), for on that day he wrote to Greeley:
I am here putting my new book on California &c., to press, & find that in it I have said in positive words that the famous episode Hank Monk anecdote has no truth in it refers to an episode which never occurred.
I got this from a newspaper editor, who said he got it from you. I never knew of his telling a lie—but to make sure will you please endorse his statement if you can—or deny it if you must? —so that I can leave my remark as it is; or change it if truth requires. 199
Clemens had made the statement he referred to in a footnote at the end of chapter 20—a footnote he had probably supplied at the behest of Joseph Goodman, when Goodman had read his manuscript back in March and April.200 It is not known how, or even whether, Greeley replied to Clemens’s question.
On 19 August Clemens heard from his friend Adolph Sutro, who was planning to leave for Europe later in the month, but would be in New York for some days prior to departure. Clemens wrote him from Hartford:
Got your letter to-day. When do you sail? Can’t you run up here for one day? I’m awful busy on my new book on Nevada & California. And by the way you might tell me something about the tunnel that would make an interesting page, perhaps. It was about another matter that I wanted to see you principally & very particularly, but one might as well kill various birds with one stone.201
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At any rate, it was from Hartford on 30 August that Clemens found himself “peremptorily called home by sickness” in his family. The next day he wrote Orion from Elmira: “We have scarcely any hope of the baby’s recovery,” although his fears soon proved groundless. On 2 September, the Hartford Courant reported that Clemens had just spent “a month” in Hartford, and that he had left “a few days ago” after “attending to matters connected with the publication of his new book, ‘The Innocents at Home,’ which is to be brought out by the American Publishing company of this city.”203
It remains uncertain exactly how much of the book Clemens saw in proof by the end of August, but it could not have been much more than chapters 1–25. Three months later, on 6 December, Bliss reported that type had been set only up through page 300 (the second page of chapter 43), but since portions of chapters 46, 51, 76, and 78 had by then already appeared in Pra, they might have been ready for proofreading as early as August. Bliss’s statement indicates, however, that while Clemens may have added chapter 52 in August, he did not supply the concluding footnote to it until sometime in December, for it reflects a communication from Sutro received after Clemens departed Hartford: “Since the above was in type, I learn from an official source that the above figure is too high. . . . The tunnel will be some eight miles long, and will develop astonishing riches.”204 This note, which Clemens must have supplied on
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Langdon soon recovered from the immediate threat to his health, and much of September was given over to other matters, including Clemens’s two visits to Washington to patent his elastic garment strap, which he had invented in August while working on his manuscript. Clemens was in Washington on 7–9 September, returned to Hartford a day or two later, and then went on to Elmira on the afternoon of 13 September.206 On 15 September he asked Redpath to send his lecture schedule to Hartford, because he and his family planned to “take up our permanent residence” there on “the last day of this month,” and because he had “to read proof half the winter.”207 The letter implies that he did not expect to complete the proofreading before he went on tour in mid-October.
On 17 September, Clemens and Olivia went to Buffalo “to pack up for Hartford.”208 From Buffalo, on 19 or 20 September, he again went to Washington in pursuit of his patent, returning to Buffalo by 22 September. Interviewed by the Washington National Republican just outside the patent office, Clemens seized the occasion to remind a recent correspondent of their memorable first meeting:
Mark Twain says that Horace Greeley first put the idea into his head, and set him to thinking on the abstruse subject of suspenders. When he first saw the veteran editor the extraordinary set of his trowsers, half in and half out of his boots, attracted his attention, and he at once set to work to see if he could not devise some plan of making them hang more gracefully. He thinks that he has succeeded, and that if Mr. Greeley will only use “Twain’s patent suspenders” his pantaloons will in future become the envy and admiration of the New York World, and that Mr. Greeley will have no occasion, during the long life that is before him, to ask the World editors to discuss his arguments and let his pantaloons alone.209
Back in Buffalo, Clemens reported that he and Olivia were still “packing our furniture & shipping it to Hartford & we are in a mess—house upside
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By 1 October Clemens was in Hartford and, though preoccupied with other matters, in a better position to examine proofs when and if they were ready. On 3 October, Orion wrote to Mollie that Clemens was extremely busy, and would “be over in a day or two”:
Besides his renting and moving, all the sale of his house, the Langdon business, his lectures soon to commence, and his book just going into the printer’s hands. Isn’t that enough to bother one poor mortal?
I saw his artist (Williams) to-night climbing a lamp post, and offering to go to the top, for the amusement of some loafers in front of Tim Dooley’s Saloon. Bliss told me this morning that Williams was on a spree.211
Orion’s remark about the “book just going into the printer’s hands” must refer to some portion of the text following chapter 24 which had been illustrated and was now going to the typesetters.
On 9 October, Clemens asked Redpath for details about his lecture schedule: “Send along the first end of my list & let me see where I am to talk. Please send a copy to my publisher, E. Bliss Jr. 149 Asylum st Hartford—for I must read proof for the next month or so.”212 Clemens’s estimate—that he would finish proofreading by mid-November at the latest—was optimistic, for there were certainly problems, even before he left Hartford on 13 October to begin his tour. Before leaving, he probably settled the question of the title, since that was necessary for the prospectus, and he may well have seen some further proof.213 On 19 October, after only six days (and three lectures), Clemens wrote Bliss from Wilkes-Barre, Pennsylvania:
I brought the desert chapter away with me, to write it up—but it is no use; I am driven to death, with travel, lecturing & entertaining committees. It will be two weeks before I can get a chance to write up this chapter. I remember the heavy work it was to write it before, & I wish that man had the MS stuffed in his bowels that wrote lost it. If time presses, just leave the whole chapter out. It is all we can do.214
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Two weeks into his lecture tour, on 31 October, Clemens wrote Olivia from Milford, Massachusetts, that he had received no mail at the previous day’s lecture site, Brattleboro, Vermont: “I got no letters at Brattleboro. None had come. None in the post office, either. No proofs from Bliss. Brattleboro is unreliable, I guess.” This statement may mean that he had received no proof at all since leaving on tour. On 8 November, he lectured in Hartford, and could have picked up (or delivered) proofs, although no indication has been found that he did either. He passed through Hartford
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I think Bliss has gotten up the prospectus book with taste & skill. The selections are good, & judiciously arranged. He had a world of good matter to select from, though. This is a better book than the Innocents, & much better written. If the subject were less hackneyed it would be a great success. But when I come to write the Mississippi book, then look out! I will spend 2 months on the river & take notes, & I bet you I will make a standard work.219
About ten days later, probably on 8 December, Clemens received a package from Bliss, who sent printed signatures instead of proofs:
We send you all the parts of the book we have printed so far. We have set up to page 300—but plates not finished up yet. They are now finishing as we have begun to print— We are kept back—by here & there a cut not yet done— I could send you nothing except what I do unless I send my set of proofs which I cannot possibly spare— We have started presses & shall now have to finish up to keep them running— The electrotypers have not finished up as they like to shave down a bit at a time to make of equal thickness—220
Bliss had printed no more than eighteen signatures (since signature nineteen comprised pages 289–304), and probably fewer. He had typeset, but not yet printed, page 300 (the second page of chapter 43). His reason for not sending proofs seems somewhat specious: why was his own set the only one available? Perhaps by this late date he wanted to prevent Clemens from making further revisions, since that would interfere with keeping the presses “running.”
Bliss’s letter, and other evidence, have led to the inference that Clemens did not read proof for the last third of his book. The other evidence is the appearance in the first edition of some sixteen cases of terminal punctuation followed by a dash (“last word.—First word”) between page 426 (in chapter 58) and page 532 (in chapter 74). The absence of this form of punctuation from any earlier part of the text has led to the conclusion that Clemens did not read or correct proof for any text beyond chapter 57—for if he had, he would surely have removed the superfluous
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In chapter 44 (on page 309 of the first edition) Clemens almost certainly added the following sentence in proof: “[My revenge will be found in the accompanying portrait.]” He referred to the “portrait of mr. stewart” that appeared on page 310 (page 289 of the present edition), which he probably first saw in page proof. Likewise, in chapter 54, he presumably added (or modified) the following sentence on first-edition page 392: “They always send a bill, like this below, pinned to the clothes.” Here he referred to the untitled illustration of four Chinese characters (page 370 of this edition), which he probably also first saw in proof.222 Since both references occurred on pages later than 300, and since Bliss said that he had set only up to page 300 by 6 December, it follows that Clemens saw and corrected proofs after that date, including at least one page that fell in the final third of the book (page 392 of the first edition).223
By early January Bliss had realized that the printer’s copy was still not long enough to make what the first prospectus promised the reader, “Between 600 and 700 Octavo Pages.”224 The last page of the final chapter was only 570, and since Clemens was still on tour, there was no likelihood of his writing anything new. No documents have been found to tell us whether it was Bliss or Clemens who thought of adding appendixes to fill out the missing thirty pages. Either one could have suggested using the material that in August Clemens had removed from chapters 13 and 15 on
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The earliest known public announcement of the book with its correct title, probably based on the information in the recently published prospectus (Pra), appeared in the Buffalo Courier for 30 November:
—Mark Twain’s forthcoming book is to be entitled “Roughing It,” and will describe life in Nevada during the silver mining times, with a trip to the Sandwich Islands by way of an episode. It will be a companion volume to “The Innocents Abroad,” and will contain between 600 and 700 pages, with several hundred engravings. It will be sold only by subscription.226
On 8 December, Clemens telegraphed Redpath that he had decided to “talk nothing but selections from my forth-coming book Roughing it, tried it last night suits me tip top.”227 Among the first to hear this evolving selection was David Gray, who described it on 9 December in the Buffalo Courier:
The subject of his lecture, scarcely a day old, was “Roughing It: Being Passages From My Forthcoming Book,” and it promises to become in his hands perhaps the most interesting of his public performances. Gracefully deprecating the possible suspicion that he is out as a book canvasser, Mark proceeds in this lecture to cull from his unpublished volume a melange of passages—grave and gay, descriptive and humorous—which are in his very best style, and as varied and lively in their character as can be conceived. His pictures of the journey across the continent in stage-coach times; of the life in Nevada during the “flush” period of that territory’s history, and of the strange personages he there encountered, are simply inimitable. The narrative branches off occasionally into one of those extraordinary and elaborate “yarns” for which he alone has a patent, and it encloses, also, frequent bits of word-painting which would make his fame as a serious speaker if he were not inveterately a humorist.228
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Am writing a new, tip-top lecture about California & Nevada—been at it all night—am still at it & pretty nearly dead with fatigue. Shall be studying it in the cars till midnight, & then sleep half the day in Toledo & study the rest. If I am in good condition there, I shall deliver it—but if I’m not just as bright as a dollar, shall talk A. Ward two or three nights longer & go on studying. Have already tried the new lecture in two villages, night before last & night before that—made a tip-top success in one, but was floored by fatigue & exhaustion of body & mind & made a dismal failure in the other—so now I am reconstructing & re-writing the thing & I’ll fetch ’em next time.229
Bliss was no doubt eager to take advantage of the publicity that Clemens’s new topic provided, and with prospectuses finally available, he was ready to enlist agents to sell the book.230 On 11 December he began to advertise:
“TO BOOK AGENTS.”
Mark Twain’s new book is ready for canvassers. It is a companion volume to INNOCENTS ABROAD. Don’t waste time on books no one wants, but take one people will stop you in the streets to subscribe for. “There is a time to laugh,” and all who read this book will see clearly that time has come. For territory or circulars address AMERICAN PUBLISHING CO., Hartford, Conn.231
By 19 December, a more specific appeal for agents began to appear:
Mark Twain’s NEW BOOK is now ready for canvassers. It contains over 600 pages of reading matter, with 250 engravings, designed expressly for this work, by the best artists in the country. Agents now at work upon it are meeting with unparalleled
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These figures show that canvassing began in Cincinnati as early as 7 December, the day after Bliss formally copyrighted the book. The orders were placed, of course, without any actual books in hand: the first bound books were not delivered until February.
Meanwhile, Clemens continued his lecture tour in various towns and cities of Michigan, Illinois, Indiana, Ohio, West Virginia, Pennsylvania, and Maryland. On 24 January 1872, just a day after the revised prospectus (Prb) issued from the bindery, he gave his Roughing It lecture at Steinway Hall in New York. The next day, his performance was described by a knowing but anonymous hand in the New York Tribune:
If there are those who fondly think that the popularity of the American humoristic school is on the decline, they would have been bravely undeceived by a visit to Steinway Hall last night. The most enormous audience ever collected at any lecture in New-York came together to listen to “Mark Twain’s” talk on “Roughing It.” Before the doors were opened $1,300 worth of tickets had been sold, and for some time before Mr. Clemens appeared the house was crammed in every part by an audience of over 2,000. A large number were turned away from the door, and after the close of the evening’s entertainment the officers of the Library Association warmly urged Mr. Clemens to repeat his lecture for the benefit of those who were disappointed.
It was not only financially that the lecture was successful. There was never seen in New-York an audience so obstinately determined to be amused. There was hardly a minute of silence during the hour. Peals of laughter followed every phrase, the solemn asseverations of the lecturer that his object was purely instructive and the investigation of the truth increasing the merriment. At several points of the lecture, especially the description of Mr. Twain’s Mexican Plug, the Chamois of Nevada, and the Washoe Duel, the enjoyment of the audience was intemperate. A singular force and effectiveness was added to the discourse by the inimitable drawl and portentous gravity of the speaker. He is the finest living delineator of the true Pike accent, and his hesitating stammer on the eve of critical passages is always a prophecy—and hence, perhaps, a cause—of a burst of laughter and applause. He is a true humorist, endowed with that indefinable power to make men laugh which is worth, in current funds, more than the highest genius or the greatest learning.233
Clemens had no difficulty identifying the author of such praise:
The statements in this notice were made to me on the platform at the close of the lecture, by the President of the Mercantile Library Asso’n, while trying to have me repeat the lecture; and as Col. John Hay was the only other person listening, he necessarily wrote this notice & besides he is the only man in New York who can speak so authoritatively about “the true Pike accent.”234
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The first copies of Roughing It came from the bindery on 30 January 1872, but were probably not released to agents for several weeks. On 8 February, the Publishers’ and Stationers’ Weekly Trade Circular reported the book “almost ready for publication.” On the same day the Hartford Courant said it had “already reached a circulation of twenty thousand copies,” meaning that so many subscriptions had been taken (none had yet been filled). On 13 February, Clemens gritted his teeth for Mrs. Fairbanks: “I killed a man this morning. He asked me when my book was coming out.” A copy was deposited in the Library of Congress on 19 February, and publication was formally announced on 29 February.235
These final weeks of delay were probably a mistake, or at least unnecessary—the result of Bliss’s failure to fully understand the British copyright law. The transatlantic arrangements for Roughing It had probably been worked out with Routledge as far back as July 1871, and Clemens’s (and Bliss’s) working relationship with Routledge was of even longer standing. In 1870, Bliss had cooperated with Routledge in publishing “the only authorized and unabridged edition” in the United States of Wood’s Uncivilized Races, which Routledge had first issued in London in 1868–70. And Routledge had begun to court Clemens as early as 1868, hoping eventually to be named his “only authorized London publishers.” The Routledge edition of Roughing It was to be the first result of that courtship, and it was soon followed by a series of Routledge “authorized” editions, all published in 1872, which included both A Curious Dream; and Other Sketches and Mark Twain’s Sketches, as well as a revised edition of The Innocents Abroad. Roughing It would prove reasonably profitable for Routledge, but its importance to Clemens, who accepted a flat fee of only £37 ($185) for it, was chiefly as an answer to the English “piracy” of his books by John Camden Hotten.236
Collation shows that the Routledge edition of Roughing It, which appeared in two volumes, was typeset from proofs (or printed signatures) of the American edition (state Aa). The proofs were sent to London in at least two batches: the first in December 1871, and the last in January 1872. No effort was made to include the illustrations (although these were certainly present in the American proofs), and the Routledge text omitted the dedication to Calvin Higbie, as well as the three appendixes—further evidence that Clemens agreed to add the appendixes in January, too late even for the final batch of proofs. Since the dedication had appeared as early as November, in the first prospectus (Pra), Routledge may have omitted
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Chapters 1–45 appeared in volume 1, which was titled Roughing It, and chapters 46–79 appeared in volume 2, titled The Innocents at Home, perhaps at Bliss’s or Clemens’s suggestion. Volume 2 also included Routledge’s text of the Burlesque Autobiography (tacked on at the end), presumably to help equalize the size of the two volumes—a sign that Routledge did not omit the appendixes, but instead set from proofs that did not contain them, and that he determined the size of volume 1 before knowing the total length of the work. Six thousand copies of the first volume were bound on 6 February. It appeared in the London Athenaeum’s “List of New Books” on 10 February, and a copy was deposited in the British Museum on 15 February. The second volume was announced in the Athenaeum’s “List of New Books” on 17 February, but its first 6,000 copies were not bound until 28 February. Bliss seems to have held back on announcing publication of the American edition until both volumes had been published in London, although he probably would have been safe as early as 10 February, when the first volume issued.237
As soon as publication in Hartford was formally declared, Orion abruptly accused Bliss of fraud in manufacturing the American edition, and was promptly fired (or resigned) for his trouble. Clemens surely understood why, under the circumstances, Bliss could no longer trust Orion, even as he knew that Orion had long nursed a resentment of Bliss’s condescension toward him. He therefore did not intervene to save his brother’s job, writing him on 7 March, in part:
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Being now free of all annoyance or regret in this matter, I hasten to say so.238
Clemens was indeed thankful for Orion’s warning. Five days later, on 12 March, he met with Bliss to try to resolve the questions that had been raised by Orion’s “indefensible” attack. And shortly before (or shortly after) that meeting with Bliss, he consulted Hartford lawyer Charles E. Perkins. Clemens recalled in 1875:
I came to the conclusion that an assertion of Bliss’s which had induced me to submit to a lower royalty than I had at first demanded, was an untruth. I was going to law about it; but after my lawyer (an old personal friend & the best lawyer in Hartford) had heard me through, he remarked that Bliss’s assertion being only verbal & not a part of a written understanding, my case was weak—so he advised me to leave the law alone——& charged me $250 for it.239
A partial, and indirect, record of Clemens’s 12 March conversation with Bliss is preserved in a letter he drafted to Bliss on 20 March—a document he carefully preserved, sending a fair copy to Bliss. This draft shows that Orion’s charges led Clemens to suspect Bliss of overstating his manufacturing costs, which in turn led to the suspicion that “half profits” were not, as Bliss had maintained in July 1870, equal to a 7.5 percent royalty. Written just three weeks after Roughing It was published in the United States, and just one day after Clemens’s second child, Susy, was born, this remarkable document shows Clemens adopting his lawyer’s advice and maneuvering to get “half profits” written into his contract:
The more I think over our last Tuesday’s talk about my copyright or royalty, the better I am satisfied. But I was troubled a good deal, when I went there, for I had worried myself pretty well into the impression that I was getting a smaller ratio of this book’s profits than I had the spirit of our contract had authorized me to promised myself; indeed, I was so nearly convinced of it that if I had not known you so well, or if you had not been so patient & good tempered with my wool-gatherings & perplexities, & taken the pains to show me by facts & figures & arguments that my present royalty gives me fully half & possibly even more than half the net profits of the book, I would probably have come to the settled conviction that such was not the case, & then I should have been about as dissatisfied. a man as could be found in the country. I think few men could have convinced me that I am getting full half the profits, in the state of mind I then was, but you have done it, & I am glad of it, for after our long & pleasant intercourse, & the confidence that has existed between us, I am glad you convinced me, for I would have been sorry indeed to have come away from your house feeling that I had put such entire trust & confidence in you & the company to finally lose by it. And I am glad that you convinced me by good solid arguments & figures instead of mere plausible generalities, for
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For his part, Bliss could hardly regard the result of any revision as “the same,” and he evidently declined to amend or replace the original contract, probably soon after receiving this letter. Despite his lawyer’s earlier advice, Clemens decided to sue. He recalled in 1880 that eventually “Bliss went into the accounts & details & satisfied Perkins & his expert that 7½ per cent did represent half profits up to a sale of 50,000, & that after that the publisher had a mere trifling advantage of the author. So we dropped the matter.”241 The precise timing of these events remains unclear, but it seems likely that Perkins and his (unidentified) expert interviewed Bliss sometime in late May, and that Clemens was persuaded to give up the suit by the end of June or, at the latest, by mid-July.242
Orion’s charges against Bliss are not known to survive in their original, presumably written, form, but their general import is clear. As mentioned earlier, Bliss had used probably more than fifty borrowed engravings in Roughing It—that is, engravings originally made for other books, but reused (at substantial savings) in this one. Since this common practice could hardly have been a secret, Orion probably accused Bliss not of borrowing illustrations, but of overstating their cost. Yet Orion must have pointed to other abuses as well. On 15 May, Clemens urged him to “Ask Chas. Perkins if he wants you to give him points in my lawsuit. But give none otherwise.”243 On 17 May, Orion replied: “I didn’t know you had commenced a law suit. My plan did not contemplate a law suit by you. I suppose it is a suit for damages. I did not think there was any chance for enough to be made that way to justify such a proceeding.” Orion’s plan was to force Bliss to sue Clemens, to prevent his publishing with someone else.
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These remarks suggest that Orion had accused Bliss of misrepresenting the cost not only of the illustrations (“borrowed engravings”), but of the paper and binding as well. Orion’s point was that his brother could hardly recover significant damages for the way Roughing It had been manufactured, but that “the fraud you can prove concerning the printing of Roughing It” could be used to free him from his multiple contracts with Bliss by frightening the publisher with the prospect of seeing subscription-book manufacturing standards held up to ridicule by “newspapers favorable to the trade,” which is to say, publishers who sold their books in bookstores, rather than by subscription.244
Whether or not Bliss really cheated Clemens remains an unanswered question.245 It is clear, however, that Orion’s charges inadvertently provided
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Although Clemens was less concerned about the quality of the actual drawings, he was ambitious to improve them as well. In December 1872, he wrote Thomas Nast: “I do hope my publishers can make it pay you to illustrate my English book. Then I should have good pictures. They’ve got to improve on ‘Roughing It.’ ”247 But Nast never did illustrate a book by Mark Twain—at least in part because of the high cost of his services. In
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He did not waste any on the illustrations. He had a very good artist—Williams—who had never taken a lesson in drawing. Everything he did was original. The publisher hired the cheapest wood-engraver he could find, and in my early books you can see a trace of that. You can see that if Williams had had a chance he would have made some very good pictures.248
Williams continued to help illustrate Mark Twain’s books, up through A Tramp Abroad (1880).
It was presumably with Orion’s accusations fresh in his mind that Clemens told David Gray he was afraid Roughing It “would be considered pretty poor stuff,” and that therefore he “had better not let the press get a chance at it.”249 But did Clemens actually withhold review copies, as this remark implies? To answer this question, more than sixty American, English, and Hawaiian newspapers and magazines were searched for periods ranging from six to twelve months (as available) in 1872–73.250 The search showed that while extracts from the text of Roughing It were frequently published,251 the total number of reviews, even very brief ones, was only fourteen. Reviews that Clemens or Bliss might have solicited soon after publication are certainly few: ten of those found can be safely excluded from this category, either because they were published in England and reviewed the Routledge edition, or because they appeared well after Clemens
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In March 1880, Clemens said that David Gray, Charles Dudley Warner, and William Dean Howells were the only men he could “trust to say the good thing if it could be honestly said” about his books, or, if it could not, to “be & remain charitably silent.”252 His trust in their discretion may well have begun with the publication of Roughing It. Clemens knew that Gray had reviewed The Innocents Abroad favorably, and intelligently, on 19 March 1870, and it seems inconceivable that he did not send him a copy of Roughing It in March 1872. But a search of the files of the Buffalo Courier shows that Gray did not review the book. On 9 March, in fact, he had this to say about Clarence King’s Mountaineering in the Sierra Nevada:
If Mr. Bret Harte has most successfully wrought up the artistic material which the wild nature and humanity of California afford, Mr. King has as surely, with equal success, and with scarcely less literary art, portrayed for us the face of Californian nature. . . . His book takes a position immeasurably above the journals of travel with which western explorers have fatigued the public mind, and it will awaken a fresh and poetic interest in the hackneyed subject of the west.253
The closest Gray came to publishing his opinion of Roughing It was to print half a dozen extracts from it (including parts of chapters 26, 30, 44, 51, 59, and 67), which he introduced as follows:
Mark Twain, according to the autobiographical sketch in his recently published book, “Roughing It,” left the Atlantic coast in 1865—he spent a short time as a government underling—and he himself says he would have made a good pickpocket if he had remained long in the service of Uncle Samuel. He pined for change, and here is his own account of how it came and what adventures it led him into.254
The inference must be that Gray was obliged by his real opinion of Roughing It to “be & remain charitably silent.”255
On 18 March (a week after his meeting with Bliss) Clemens wrote to Howells, thanking him for an autographed copy of Their Wedding Journey: “I would like to send you a copy of my book, but I can’t get a copy myself, yet, because 30,000 people who have bought & paid for it have to have preference over the author. But how is that for 2 months’ sale? But
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at last easy & comfortable about the new book. I have sufficient testimony, derived through many people’s statements to my friends, to about satisfy me that the general verdict gives “Roughing It” the preference over “Innocents Abroad.” This is rather gratifying than otherwise. The reason given is, that they like a book about America because they understand it better. It is pleasant to believe this, because it isn’t a great deal of trouble to write books about one’s own country. Miss Anna Dickinson says the book is unprecedentedly popular—a strong term, but I believe that was it . . . . (Request added to send 23½ moroccos to friends of mine named.)257
This statement may well be part of Clemens’s strategy in dealing with Bliss, so just how “easy & comfortable” Clemens actually was at this time is in doubt. The passage does suggest, however, that he was relying chiefly on the word of friends, not on book reviews. It is also not known just how Clemens learned of Anna Dickinson’s opinion, but since she was a friend of the Langdons’, her words may have come by private letter to his wife or mother-in-law. Yet Dickinson’s real feelings, less than a year later, were quite different from those she had expressed to the Langdons (and Clemenses). On 14 March 1873 she wrote her mother:
Just think that John Hay’s beautiful “Castilian Days” never paid him but $350,—that Charlie Warner made, all told, from his jolly “Summer in a Garden” less than $1000,—that Whittier for years scarcely earned enough to keep him in bread & butter, & that this man’s stuff, “Innocents Abroad” & “Roughing It,” have paid him not short of $200,000.—
’Tis enough to disgust one with one’s kind.258
Because of Clemens’s cautious strategy with review copies, opinions like Dickinson’s were only rarely expressed in print. On 6 March 1872, however, the Manchester (England) Guardian reviewed the Routledge edition, taking a more critical tack than has been found in any American review:
The main portion of “Roughing It” is an account of the author’s experiences among the silver miners in Nevada, and very rough both the experiences and the miners seem to have been, though of course a certain allowance must be made for exaggeration. The life and people are much the same as those that form the subject of Bret Harte’s tales; but whereas he has shown a poetical and imaginative spirit, has represented inner life and character, and shown how the tender flower of sentiment or emotion may be found to spring among the rude and unlovely surroundings of a diggers’ camp, our author i.e., Mark Twain has contented himself with dwelling on the outside of things and simply describing manners and customs. . . . Mark Twain, too, often falls into the slang of transatlantic journalism, and displays also
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And on 6 April, a reviewer in the London Examiner expressed similar, albeit slightly more tolerant, views. Mark Twain’s
humour is not of a very delicate or profound order, but he enjoys it so keenly himself that it is impossible to resist the contagion. This humour is, moreover, evidently the natural outgrowth of the unsettled, adventurous, wild life he has led. . . . It is the humour of strong, daring, adventurous spirits, animated by wild, irregular passions, which may unfit them for settled life, but are among the very qualities required for semi-civilised regions, such as those that form the scene of Mr Clemens’s book.260
Whether or not Clemens saw either of these reviews is not known, but is almost irrelevant: although British, they represent precisely the kind of reaction Clemens had predicted to David Gray (“pretty poor stuff”).
It is likely, but not certain, that Clemens also sent a copy of Roughing It to the Hartford Courant, edited by his friend Charles Dudley Warner—soon to become co-author of The Gilded Age. The Courant’s review appeared on 18 March, the same day Clemens wrote to Howells, and is remarkable less for its deliberate praise than for an undercurrent of alarm, which emerges as a kind of defensiveness about the book. Warner began by reassuring the reader of Mark Twain’s moral purpose, and the genuine clarity of his style:
Behind the mask of the story-teller is the satirist, whose head is always clear, who is not imposed on by shams, who hates all pretension, and who uses his humor, which is often extravagant, to make pretension and false dignity ridiculous.
It is not mere accident that everybody likes to read this author’s stories and sketches; it is not mere accident that they are interesting reading. His style is singularly lucid, unambiguous and strong. Its simplicity is good art. The reader may not be conscious that there is any art about it, but there is art in its very perspicuity. There is no circumlocution, or any attempt at fine writing, but there is a use of vigorous English, and often a quaint use of it that gives the effect of humor in the soberest narration.
Warner then took up one of the more troublesome issues, the proper uses of “slang”:
The author also means to be true to his art in another respect, and that is to report the odd characters he meets and the people of the new countries he describes, exactly as they were, slang and all. There is much slang in the book, but it is the argot that was current in the mining regions, and the description of the life there would be entirely imperfect if it had been left out.
And he included a defense of the book which, except for its final note, chimed very close to Clemens’s own professed feelings about it:
Roughing It is a volume of nearly 600 pages, of queer stories, funny dialogues, strange, comical and dangerous adventures, and it is a book of humor first of all; but we are inclined to think that, on the whole, it contains the best picture of frontier
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Similarly defensive, though briefer, was a notice on 25 March in the Cincinnati Gazette, which observed that Mark Twain’s adventures were “related with a liveliness, and, we must add, with more than occasional imaginativeness peculiar to himself. One may not always approve the taste of what is said, yet he can rarely record his dissent without a smile. The many illustrations are not the least amusing feature of the book, which is published by subscription exclusively.”262
These conservative views did not go wholly unanswered. On 11 April, the New York Independent remarked that among Roughing It’s
most entertaining chapters are those which describe the author’s visit to the Hawaiian Islands. . . . We only wish that Mr. Clemens had made fewer alterations than he has made in those rollicking, often ludicrous descriptions, the “Sacramento Union” letters here reprinted. . . . The sketches of Western life are equally amusing. We may remark, too, that his fun is not dependent upon bad spelling or bad grammar. He writes good English, and we can commend the book to all who enjoy the wild Western drollery of which Mark Twain is the ablest living master. As a remarkably full repository of Western slang this work has a literary interest which will give it a permanent value to the student of Americanisms.263
By the time this notice appeared, Clemens had evidently begun to regret his cautious policy toward reviews. On 19 April he asked Frank Bliss to send a copy of the book to William C. Smythe, “a splendid old friend of mine,” who had written him requesting a chance to review it: “He is city editor of the principal Pittsburg paper—a city where I drew the largest audience ever assembled in Pittsburg to hear a lecture. Send him a book. I want a big sale in Pittsburg.” Smythe’s review (if any) has not been found, but Clemens’s letter shows that his own attitude toward reviews had changed.264
The next day, 20 April, Clemens wrote to James Redpath in Boston, weeping a few crocodile tears about the press’s neglect of his book:
Could you jam this item into the Advertiser? I hate to see our fine success wholly uncelebrated:
Mark Twain’s new book, “Roughing It” has sold 43,000 copies in two months & a half. Only 17,000 copies of “The Innocents Abroad” were sold in the first two months & a half months.
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No such item has been found in the Boston Advertiser, but on 1 May, a generous review did appear in the Boston Evening Transcript:
Though abounding in facts, and brimful of new and interesting information, the work belongs, not to the literature of knowledge, but to the literature of nonsense, and will be read not so much for its wisdom as for its wit. It will be safer, as well as more agreeable, to quote its jokes than its statistics. There is, however, a serious side to Mark Twain’s genius, and in “Roughing It” it has something like justice done to it. Some of the descriptions of mountains, lakes, rivers, and other marvels and wonders of nature are graphic, eloquent and almost poetical. . . . The silver mining fever in Nevada, and numerous other scenes, incidents and adventures are described with delightful freshness and vigor. The worthies of the “flush times” of Nevada are so admirably depicted that one is almost induced to call Mark Twain a comic Plutarch.
Dick Baker’s story of his cat, and Jim Blaine’s story of his grandfather’s old ram, will satisfy and delight the lovers of Mark Twain’s peculiar humor. But Scotty Brigg’s Visit to the Minister is perhaps the best thing in the book, if not the best thing of its kind that Mark has yet done. The whole chapter on Scotty is rich in humor—the sweetest and tenderest humor in all Twain’s writings.266
Redpath’s reply to Clemens has not been found. He presumably told him what, if anything, he had accomplished with the Boston press, and may also have said something about the book itself. On 15 May Clemens replied in his turn: “Thank you with all my heart. I want to send a copy to the Boston literary correspondent of the N.Y. Tribune—Louise Chandler Moulton, isn’t it? I will have it sent to you. Will you give it to her with my compliments?”267 Redpath presumably did as requested, for on 10 June, Moulton noticed the book in her regular letter from Boston to the New York Tribune:
For pure fun, I know of nothing which has been published this year to compare with “Roughing It,” by Mark Twain (Samuel S. Clemens), a New-England, though not a Boston, issue. It is a large and handsome book, full of the funniest possible illustrations. . . . It is funny everywhere; perhaps it is funniest of all when he sojourns in Salt Lake City, and learns to understand the Mormons through the revelations of their Gentile neighbors. . . . With a parting aphorism, which was one fruit of the writer’s experience in “Roughing It,” I will leave the book. An Irishman fell from a third story window with a hod of bricks, and had his life saved by falling upon Uncle Lem, an old gentleman who was leaning against the scaffolding. “Uncle Lem’s dog was there,” says the narrator. “Why did n’t the Irishman fall on the dog? Becuz the dog would a seen him a coming, and stood from under. That’s the reason the dog warn’t appointed. A dog can’t be depended on to carry out a special providence.”268
Shortly before Moulton’s letter appeared, probably sometime between 25 and 30 May, Howells published his review (yet another voice from Boston) in the Atlantic Monthly:
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A thousand anecdotes, relevant and irrelevant, embroider the work; excursions and digressions of all kinds are the very woof of it, as it were; everything far-fetched or near at hand is interwoven, and yet the complex is a sort of “harmony of colors” which is not less than triumphant. The stage-drivers and desperadoes of the Plains; the Mormons and their city; the capital of Nevada, and its government and people; the mines and miners; the social, speculative, and financial life of Virginia City; the climate and characteristics of San Francisco; the amusing and startling traits of Sandwich Island civilization,—appear in kaleidoscopic succession. Probably an encyclopædia could not be constructed from the book; the work of a human being, it is not unbrokenly nor infallibly funny; nor is it to be always praised for all the literary virtues; but it is singularly entertaining, and its humor is always amiable, manly, and generous.269
This last sentence shows that even Howells could not avoid mentioning the book’s occasional lack of “all the literary virtues.” It is worth recalling that John Hay had identified Howells himself as a promising member of the “Western school.” And Clemens therefore acknowledged this praise, as Howells recalled in 1910, in a way that “stamped his gratitude into my memory with a story wonderfully allegorizing the situation, which the mock modesty of print forbids my repeating here.”270
Clemens’s response to Howells is also worth comparing with what he said just three weeks later to Louise Chandler Moulton, writing her on 18 June:
I am content, now that the book has been praised in the Tribune—& so I thank you with all that honest glow of gratitude that comes into a mother’s eyes when a stranger praises her child. Indeed, it is my sore spot that my publisher, in a frenzy of economy, has sent not a copy of my book to any newspaper to be reviewed, but is only always going to do it—so I seem to be publishing a book that attracts not the slightest mention. It is small consolation to me when he says, “Where is the use of it?—the book is 4 months & one week old, we are printing the 75th thousand, & are still behind the orders.” If I say, “If you had had the book noticed in all the papers
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These remarks were disingenuous in more than one way, especially since Clemens had probably not yet dropped his lawsuit against Bliss. It is clear that the responsibility for not sending copies “to any newspaper to be reviewed,” at least until April, belonged squarely to Clemens, not to Bliss.
Given the controversial nature of the West as a literary subject, Clemens could reasonably expect to be treated kindly by western journals, but no evidence has been found that he sent copies to them. The book seems to have reached western journals at about the same time copies were being delivered to agents in the West, which implies that Clemens did not do what he had previously done for Innocents, order it sent to the Overland Monthly so that Bret Harte could review it before anyone else. In late May an unidentified critic reviewed Roughing It in that journal with understandable enthusiasm:
As Irving stands, without dispute, at the head of American classic humorists, so the precedence in the unclassical school must be conceded to Mark Twain. About him there is nothing classic, bookish, or conventional, any more than there is about a buffalo or a grizzly. His genius is characterized by the breadth, and ruggedness, and audacity of the West; and, wherever he was born, or wherever he may abide, the Great West claims him as her intellectual offspring. Artemus Ward, Doesticks, and Orpheus C. Kerr, who have been the favorite purveyors of mirth for the Eastern people, were timid navigators, who hugged the shore of plausibility, and would have trembled at the thought of launching out into the mid-ocean of wild, preposterous invention and sublime exaggeration, as Mark Twain does, in such episodes as Bemis’ buffalo adventure, and “Riding the Avalanche.” . . .
It would be a great misapprehension, however, to conceive of Roughing It as merely a book of grotesque humor and rollicking fun. It abounds in fresh descriptions of natural scenery, some of which, especially in the overland stage-ride, are remarkably graphic and vigorous. . . .
Of the three hundred wood-cuts that illustrate the volume we can say nothing complimentary, from an artistic point of view. But some of them are spirited, and many of them suggestive. Crude as they are in design, and coarse in execution, they have afforded us much amusement; and the majority of readers would, we are sure, regret to dispense with them.272
On 28 April, Clemens’s old San Francisco employer, the Morning Call, published a long, rambling notice that was basically positive:
No writer ever made so much out of so little, and that much of such excellent quality. Notwithstanding his palpable exaggeration in certain parts when describing incidents,
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Western reviewers were certainly not all so kind. On 18 May, a critic for another old employer, the Sacramento Union, reviewed the book with some asperity, sharply drawing attention to its “padding”:
Mark Twain is one of those geniuses that occasionally appear to make books that will sell, and, per consequence, make money, while others who write to benefit the world obtain but a poor reward for their labors. There is a good deal of stuff in this book, and a great deal too that is amusing. Had it been half its size, and the contents sifted, the book would have answered every purpose except, perhaps, to sell. . . . Sam Clemens tells good stories, but he is under high pressure as a book-making celebrity, and necessarily shoves off some yarns that under other circumstances might not find a place in his pages, and with less reputation as a humorist would not be excused by the reading public. There is always enough of fun in Clemens to make his books salable, and some stories are good enough to palliate the appearance of half a dozen others not as good.274
Sales were, in fact, excellent. On 21 March Clemens had chided Bliss for getting “caught in a close place with a short edition.” And by the end of May the American Publisher announced, “The book is having an unparalleled sale. About 50,000 copies in a little over three months. . . . We have been unable to fill orders at sight, for this book; 10,000 copies are ordered ahead now.” In mid-June Clemens again boasted to Howells of “62,000 copies of Roughing It sold & delivered in 4 months.”275 The bindery records of the American Publishing Company corroborate these impressive figures. It is clear that Bliss was indeed unable to meet the demand for copies: his general agents for Chicago reported on 24 March that they were “away behind in filling their orders,” and that their “five hundred agents, throughout the North and Southwest,” were “taking from five to ten orders each, daily.” By 31 March the bindery had produced 23,695 copies, and it was apparently unable to meet all back orders until sometime in June: by the end of that month it had shipped a total of 67,395 copies.276
But sales declined sharply and unexpectedly in July, when only 2,645 copies were bound, less than a quarter of the number bound the previous month. The total for July through December was only 7,773, a mere one-
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To someone with Clemens’s high expectations, the sales of Roughing It were ultimately disappointing. A total of only 7,831 copies of the American edition were sold in 1873, followed by 5,132 in 1874. In comparison, fewer copies of Innocents—only 67,680—were sold during its first year, but its sales did not decline so precipitously: during the second year of publication, a total of 21,822 copies were sold. On 4 March 1873 Clemens remarked to Bliss that Roughing It was now selling “less than twice as many in a quarter as Innocents, a book which is getting gray with age.”278 But he was willing to take at least part of the blame:
I believe I have learned, now, that if one don’t secure publicity & notoriety for a book the instant it is issued, no amount of hard work & faithful advertising can accomplish it later on. When we look at what Roughing It sold in the first 3 & 6
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Perhaps in response to this decline, Clemens engineered one more review in the New York Tribune. On 12 January 1873 he wrote to John Hay:
Bliss is going to send “Roughing It” to the Tribune today, so he says. If you ever do any book reviews for the paper, I wish you & Reid would arrive at an amicable arrangement whereby you can have an hour or two to write a review of that book in, for you understand it & a week’s holiday afterward to rest up in—for you know the people in it & the spirit of it better than an eastern man would. I shall hope so, at any rate. That is I mean I hope you’ll write it—that is what I am trying to mean.
Don’t answer this letter—for I know how a man hates a man that’s made him write a letter.280
But Whitelaw Reid did not assign Hay to review it, much to Clemens’s annoyance. The reviewer was instead George Ripley, “the profound old stick who has done all the Tribune reviews for the last 90 years. The idea of setting such an oyster as that to prating about Humor!”281 Ripley’s comments were hardly unfavorable, concluding that Roughing It “may be regarded as one of the most racy specimens of Mark Twain’s savory pleasantries, and their effect is aggravated by the pictorial illustrations which swarm on every page, many of which are no less comical than the letterpress.”282 But they certainly did not exhibit the sort of sympathetic understanding Clemens expected (and had earlier received) from John Hay. Just one year before, Hay had reviewed the Roughing It lecture in the Tribune, describing Mark Twain as “a true humorist, endowed with that indefinable power to make men laugh which is worth, in current funds, more than the highest genius or the greatest learning.”283
Sales of the English edition of Roughing It followed the same pattern as the American, but on a smaller scale. In 1872 Routledge printed 18,000 copies of each volume, and followed in 1873 with another 8,000 of each. From 1872 through 1899, Routledge sold a total of 63,750 copies of volume 1, and 68,000 copies of volume 2. In 1882, Routledge also issued a new, one-volume illustrated edition, printing 4,000 copies that year. The plates and unsold sheets of this edition were sold in 1885 to Chatto and Windus, who printed an additional 5,000 copies before 1900.284 Routledge was well satisfied with the sales of the original two-volume edition: in
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Although Clemens did not alter the text of any edition after the first American, he did sanction republication by Routledge, and later by Chatto and Windus, in England, as well as by Bernhard Tauchnitz in Germany, and (indirectly, through Routledge) by George Robertson in Australia. Clemens also sanctioned, but did not revise, later editions in the United States, both by the American Publishing Company and by Harper and Brothers. Despite Routledge’s English copyright, however, John Camden Hotten reprinted several extracts from the text, without Routledge’s or Clemens’s permission. And beginning in 1880, Belford and Company in Toronto (later Rose-Belford Publishing, and later still, Rose Publishing Company) reprinted the whole text of Roughing It, lacking only chapters 22, 36, 45, 49, 52, 71, 72, and 77, again without Routledge’s or Clemens’s approval.
Hotten had written to Clemens in February 1872, shortly before Roughing It was published: “Will you oblige by mailing to me on receipt of this some of the proofs—a few chapters. You may depend upon my dealing honourably with you & I will place to your credit whatever is fair & equitable.”286 But Clemens had long since agreed to sell the English rights to Routledge, precisely in order to foil Hotten, who had reprinted both of his earlier books, the Jumping Frog and The Innocents Abroad, in England, and had also issued various collections and anthologies of American humor, much of it Mark Twain’s. In 1870 Hotten had published The Piccadilly Annual of Entertaining Literature, which included five Mark Twain sketches from the Galaxy; and in 1871 he had issued two smaller volumes, Eye Openers and Screamers, containing several more sketches from the Galaxy and a few from the Express, the Chicago Republican, and the San Francisco Alta California.287
Hotten was made more cautious by the Routledge copyright on Roughing It, but in August 1872 he issued yet another collection of humor, Practical Jokes with Artemus Ward, Including the Story of the Man Who Fought Cats, which included fourteen Mark Twain sketches taken from the Express, the Galaxy, and other newspapers, as well as three extracts from the English edition of Roughing It. Whether or not Hotten thought Routledge’s copyright was valid, he was apparently confident that these
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In March 1873 Hotten published The Choice Humorous Works of Mark Twain (HWa), reprinting virtually everything by Mark Twain which he had included in the earlier books. In London during the fall of 1872, Clemens had told Hotten of his willingness to revise and correct this volume before it appeared. Hotten welcomed the offer, but Clemens left for home before he could follow through on it. HWa included eight sketches corresponding to passages in Roughing It. Two of them were the anecdotes that Hotten had previously extracted from Roughing It (“Editorial Skits” was excluded). Also reprinted was the Practical Jokes text of “Mark Twain’s Remarkable Stranger,” derived from the April 1871 Galaxy, which Clemens had independently used as the basis for chapter 77. Hotten’s 1870 Jumping Frog provided two extracts from the 1866 Sacramento Union which Clemens had independently incorporated into Roughing It from Union clippings: “Honoured as a Curiosity in Honolulu” and “The Steed Oahu.” Hotten also reprinted “Mark in Mormonland” from Roughing It, “A Nabob’s Visit to New York” from the American Publisher of January 1872, and “Baker’s Cat” from his own Screamers, which had in turn come from the Buffalo Express of 18 December 1869.289
When Hotten died only a few months after HWa issued, his assistant, Andrew Chatto, took over the business in partnership with W. E. Windus. Chatto was eager to follow up on Clemens’s 1872 offer to revise HWa, and so wrote to him again when he was in London: “I am sincerely anxious to establish more cordial relations as between Author & Publisher, than have hitherto existed, between you and our firm, and I beg to submit to you a set of the sheets of a volume of your writings, in order that you may (as I understand you expressed a desire to do) correct certain portions of the contents.”290
An agreement was reached, and Clemens set to work revising a set of HWa folded and gathered sheets, which became the basis for a new edition, HWb, issued in April 1874. Collation of HWa with HWb shows that the original HWa plates were altered to incorporate Clemens’s corrections and, in some cases, his deletion of entire sketches. Some of the texts—such as those from the Union and the Express—had undergone a parallel
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The second English edition of Roughing It and The Innocents at Home (illustrated by F. A. Fraser; Routledge, 1882) was set from the first English edition, but contained the appendixes of the first American edition, and the revision of “thirteenth” to “sixteenth” (136n.6) introduced in the fifth state of the first American edition (Ae, 1874). Chatto and Windus reissued the second Routledge edition in 1885, 1889, and 1897. Clemens made no revisions in any of these reimpressions.
Bernhard Tauchnitz of Leipzig, Germany, published a Continental edition of Roughing It in 1880–81, which was based on the 1872 Routledge edition. In September 1880 he sent Clemens 300 gold marks (about $75) as a voluntary payment for his use of the text. Clemens responded on 7 October, expressing his “distinguished appreciation of a publisher who puts moral rights above legal ones, to his own disadvantage.” He also evidently explained that the Routledge version of the book comprised two volumes, of which Tauchnitz had published only one. Tauchnitz promptly replied: “As to ‘Roughing it’ you are quite right. I have published in my edition only the Tale which bears this title in the ‘Routledge edition.’ In consequence of your kind explanation I will now publish in a further separate volume ‘The Innocents at Home,’ and beg to offer you, as for ‘Roughing it,’ Three Hundred Mark Gold for this volume.”293 Clemens provided no revisions for either volume in this edition.
From 1899 until 1903 the American Publishing Company issued several impressions of a two-volume edition of Roughing It (A2), typeset from the last state of the first American edition (Ag, 1892). Later impressions of A2 (e.g., the “Japan” and “DeLuxe”) incorporate corrections suggested by the company’s proofreader, Forrest Morgan, who compared a copy of the “Royal edition” (an early impression of A2) with the first edition. Although in at least one instance a query from Morgan was referred to Clemens, he offered no revisions of his own. The American Publishing Company
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No royalty statements (at least none itemized by title) are known to survive for the years 1880–98, although there were lump-sum payments for the years 1890–91 on the seven Mark Twain titles for which the American Publishing Company owned the rights.295 On 31 December 1896 the company signed a new contract for these books, whereby it agreed to pay a royalty to Olivia Clemens of 12.5 percent of the cover price, or one-half of the net profits—whichever was greater—on the seven titles and on the forth-coming Following the Equator. Between January 1899 and June 1903, extant royalty statements (covering all but six months of that period) show 2,280 copies of Roughing It sold, representing payments of at least $997.296 For the years 1903–7, the records of Harper and Brothers show that Mark Twain’s three most popular books were The Innocents Abroad (46,125 copies), The Adventures of Tom Sawyer (40,962 copies), and Roughing It (40,334 copies).297
The printer’s copy used by the American typesetters and illustrators is not known to survive, but the conjectural reconstruction of that copy in Figures 1 and 2 (pages 814–15), together with the history of composition and production just described, affords a reasonably clear idea of it. To recapitulate, three pages of manuscript draft for Roughing It do survive, and are reproduced in facsimile above: they contain passages revised so completely that Clemens simply replaced them in the printer’s copy.298 The page numbered 423 is typical of the many chapters that were entirely in
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There were some likely exceptions to these two basic kinds of copy. In some cases, Clemens’s revisions were so extensive that he must have copied out the passage, as he decided to do with the first uncanceled sentence in the clipping on draft page 968, preserving his change from
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It is clear that Clemens did not write or revise all of the chapters in sequence. Nor were they all typeset in sequence—in fact, they were probably not set by the same compositors throughout. It will be recalled that in October 1871, Clemens was forced to rewrite parts of chapter 18, combining newly written material with what had been preserved in proof, or possibly in manuscript. Chapters 58–75, 77, and 79 were clearly set in type well after the earlier chapters, probably by different typesetters, but at least by those who had not been instructed (among other things) to ignore Clemens’s habitual end-line dashes. In addition to the revisions Clemens submitted by mail in April 1871, he revised virtually all of the copy during August 1871 (“I cut & slash & lick & trim & revamp it”), when he also read and drastically revised parts of the first fifteen (possibly twenty-five) chapters in proof, removing two chapters (conjecturally, one about Overland City and one about the Mountain Meadows massacre), as well as sharply reducing the length of a third (chapter 13); he also added new material (Eckert and the cat) and redivided chapters 7–9. Even so, the continuing problem of the book’s overall length forestalled his wish to “scratch out half of the chapters of the Overland narrative.”300 It is likely, but not demonstrable, that Clemens read and revised proof for most of the book, occasionally adding footnotes (chapters 14 and 52), deleting anecdotes or episodes like “Waking Up the Weary Passenger” (chapter 48), adding two specific references to the illustrations (chapters 44 and 54),301 and writing or adding several additional chapters (conjecturally 36, 49, 52, 53, and 75), as well as the appendixes, long after he thought the book was complete.
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Each chapter of the text has its own peculiar history of authorial revision and printing-house transmission, but the chapters with clippings of Clemens’s own work were the most complex. In those cases, only the original newspaper (or magazine) typesetter worked exclusively from Clemens’s holograph. The book typesetters set partly from his holograph, and partly from printed copy already one remove from holograph, despite Clemens’s efforts to revise and correct it. This circumstance complicated the task of the book typesetters and proofreaders, insofar as their goal was to maintain uniformity in punctuation, spelling (especially of compound words), and capitalization, as well as in various nontextual matters, such as whether to retain certain manuscript abbreviations, how to set extract quotations, what typographical treatment to give titles and foreign words, and whether or not to spell out numbers.
In the absence of the manuscript printer’s copy for Roughing It, the first American edition, which was set directly from that copy, would ordinarily be chosen as copy-text throughout. Indeed, for the present edition, the first edition (A) is copy-text for all parts of the text that reprint no earlier text (or at least none that is now available).303 But wherever Clemens reprinted a text of his own, the earlier printing was chosen as copy-text, since it is the text nearest to the author’s original holograph and is therefore the most likely to preserve his punctuation, spelling, capitalization, and paragraphing. And wherever Clemens quoted from a text by another writer, that text too was chosen as copy-text, to ensure that any errors in transmission would be removed, on the assumption that Clemens intended to quote accurately.304 These several copy-texts were then emended
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This procedure is somewhat more cumbersome than relying exclusively on the first edition as copy-text, but it has several advantages. It increases the likelihood that the author’s spelling and punctuation will be preserved throughout, while it forces the editor to recapitulate the process of revision and correction which Clemens himself performed on the clippings. And since the apparatus must record the editor’s decisions about which differences between the copy-texts and the first edition are authorial and which are not, the list of emendations provides as full a record as we are ever likely to have of the author’s revisions on his printer’s copy and proofs.
But while the choice of first printings as copy-texts has these positive results, it does not automatically yield a text that is free of errors. We know from Clemens’s statements over a long period of time that he always welcomed the correction of mistakes in his texts. In 1881, for example, he told the publisher of The Prince and the Pauper: “For corrections turning my ‘sprang’ into ‘sprung’ I am thankful; also for corrections of my grammar, for grammar is a science that was always too many for yours truly.” And in 1897 he made it clear that while the printer’s proofreader was not to concern himself with punctuation, he was expected to correct misspelling, “which is in his degraded line.”305 Since errors are, by definition, not intended, the following have been emended, whether they occur in authorial or in quoted copy-texts: (a) typographical errors such as “carrried” and “welome”; (b) missing or incorrect quotation marks (single where double are needed, and vice versa); (c) misspelled words (that is, spellings not sanctioned by any known authority since 1800, such as “logarythm”); (d) misspelled proper names of real people, places, things, and institutions such as “Holliday,” “Fort Kearney,” and “Roscicrucian”; (e) subject-verb disagreement (except in quoted speech), as in “statement were”; (f) “end-line dashes,” which were never intended as punctuation; and (g) manifestly defective punctuation (at 183.18, 233.12, 304.31, 406.32, 430.15, 431.5, 487.18, and 523.9).
The largest potential for error in the copy-texts, however, lies in their inconsistent punctuation, spelling (particularly of compound words), and capitalization. In the first edition, the punctuation of parenthetical phrases, for example, follows no particular pattern: sometimes a comma
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We know quite a lot about Clemens’s attitude toward compositorially or editorially imposed consistency in punctuation. His strong view, often and vigorously expressed, was that punctuation was his province and his alone, and that the compositor or proofreader ought simply to “have no opinion whatever regarding the punctuation, that he was simply to make himself into a machine and follow the copy.”306 In August 1876, while seeing Tom Sawyer into print, Clemens explicitly turned down an offer from Bliss to make the punctuation “uniform . . . here & hereafter.” The narrow question was whether the single word “No” (in dialog) should always be followed by a period, or always by an exclamation point. Clemens
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Variant patterns of punctuation which were not deemed erroneous before the twentieth century, and which may be intentional, have therefore not been emended. Clemens’s occasional use of a comma before an opening or closing parenthesis, or just before the sentence verb, or in combination with a dash, are all well documented in holograph manuscripts. Their occurrence in the printed copy-texts does not necessarily reflect the author’s inscription, but it might. Variants of this kind either do not require uniformity (as Clemens firmly told Bliss in 1876), or cannot be made uniform without significant risk of obscuring the writer’s intention.
Clemens’s attitude about the limits of compositorial responsibility, however, did not extend to misspelled, or inconsistently spelled, words. For instance, in April 1869, while proofreading The Innocents Abroad, he wrote Bliss:
I wish you would have my revises revised again & look over them yourself & see that my marks have been corrected. A proof-reader who persists in making two words (& sometimes even compound words) of “anywhere” and “everything;” & who spells villainy “villiany” & liquefies “liquifies” &c, &c, is not three removes from an idiot— infernally unreliable—& so I don’t like to trust your man. He never yet has acceded to a request of mine made in the margin, in the matter of spelling & punctuation, as I know of. He shows spite—don’t trust him, but revise my revises yourself. I have long ago given up trying to get him to spell those first-mentioned words properly. He is an idiot—& like all idiots, is self-conceited. 308
This letter makes clear that two years before he proofread Roughing It, Clemens thought there was one and only one way to “properly” spell “anywhere” and “everything,” even though it must be conceded that he occasionally wrote them with what looks for all the world like a space between the two halves of the compound. He was chastising the proofreader
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The printing-house goal of uniformity in spelling can be traced at least as far back as 1808, to an essay by Joseph Nightingale in Caleb Stower’s Printer’s Grammar; or, Introduction to the Art of Printing, which included a paragraph subsequently reprinted in dozens of printer’s manuals.309 It appeared, for instance, in a manual Clemens himself is likely to have used as a printer’s apprentice—Thomas F. Adams’s Typographia; or, The Printer’s Instructor (first published in 1845):
We should always preserve a strict uniformity in the use of capitals, in orthography, and punctuation. Nothing can be more vexatious to an author, than to see the words honour, favour, &c. spelt with, and without the u. This is a discrepancy which correctors ought studiously to avoid. The above observations equally apply to the capitaling of noun-substantives, &c. in one place, and the omission of them in another. However the opinions of authors may differ in these respects, still the system of spelling, &c. must not be varied in the same work: but whatever authority is selected should be strictly adhered to.310
By the time Clemens wrote Roughing It, the demand for uniformity, both from readers and from the typesetters themselves, had significantly increased. Writing in 1901, Theodore Low De Vinne noted pointedly that
during the last fifty years there has been no marked improvement in the average writer’s preparation of copy for the printer, but there have been steadily increasing exactions from book-buyers. The printing that passed a tolerant inspection in 1850 does not pass now. The reader insists on more attention to uniformity in mechanical details.311
To emend the copy-texts of a published work by Mark Twain so that in its spelling, and in nontextual questions of typography, the text is as authorial
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Where do you find the authority for it? In that funny description in the “Tramp” of the scene between Neddy and his bride at the dinner table, it occurs three or four times, I think, and looks rather awkward to me, as the passage is a somewhat sarcastic and critical one, and a fellow should be mighty correct himself when scoring others.313
Apart from the correction of error, emendation of the copy-text accidentals was carried out with three priorities in mind. The first was to restore authorial spellings wherever possible, not just in resolving ambiguous end-line hyphenation, and to record each change as an emendation.314 Taking that step alone brings the text very close to uniformity in spelling throughout. The second priority was to achieve uniformity in spelling the relatively few words for which the author’s preference is either unknown or nonexistent. And the third was to complete the task begun by the book
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In the absence of the printer’s copy and the proofs for Roughing It, authorial preference in spelling must be determined from independent, or collateral, evidence.316 Such evidence was gathered by a computer-assisted search of holograph manuscript letters for 1867–70 and a reading search of manuscript letters for 1853–66 and 1871–72, plus the following literary manuscripts (as well as miscellaneous later manuscripts as needed): “Sarrozay Letter from ‘the Unreliable’ ” (1864); “The Mysterious Chinaman” (1864–65); “Angel’s Camp Constable” (1865); “The Brummel-Arabella Play Fragment” (1865, 1870–71); “The Only Reliable Account of the Celebrated Jumping Frog of Calaveras County” (1865); “Burlesque ‘Il Trovatore’ ” (1866); “How, for Instance?” (1866); Sandwich Islands lecture notes (1866–67); “Interview with Gen. Grant” (1867); “A New Cabinet ‘Regulator’ ” (1867); “A Plea for Old Jokes” (1867); an unpublished letter to the San Francisco Alta California (1867); “Mr. Brown, the Sergeant-at-Arms of the Senate” (1867–68); draft of “The American Vandal Abroad” lecture (1868); “Assaying in Nevada” (1868); “Boy’s Manuscript” (1868); “Colloquy between a Slum Child and a Moral Mentor” (1868); “The Frozen Truth” (1868); “The Legend of Rev. Dr Stone” (1868); “Remarkable Sagacity of a Cat” (1868); “I Rise to a Question of Privilege” (1868); manuscript fragments C, D, E, F, G, H, J, K, L, M (1868), discarded from The Innocents Abroad (NPV A7, A11, A20, A22, A24, A25, A26, A27); “L’Homme Qui Rit” (1869); “Remarkable Idiot” (1869); “Scenery,” draft of the “Curiosities of California” lecture (1869); untitled burlesque letter from Lord Byron to Mark Twain (1869); “Chinese Labor &c” (1870); “Housekeeping No. 1” and “Housekeeping No. 2” (1870); “Interviewing the Interviewer” (1870); “A Protest” (1870); “The Reception at the President’s” (1870); “The Tennessee Land” (1870); “A Wail” (1870); draft of the Artemus Ward lecture (1871); notes for the “Roughing It” lecture (1871–72); “An Appeal from One That Is Persecuted” (1872); “The ‘Blind Letter’ Department, London P.O.” (1873); “Foster’s Case” (1873); play fragment, a dramatization of the “Arkansaw Incident” (1873?); “Samuel Langhorne Clemens” (1873); “A True Story, Repeated Word for Word As I Heard It” (1874); “The Experience of the McWilliamses with Membranous Croup”
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Level 1. At least ten occurrences of a word or word pair were found in holograph manuscript, all spelled alike.
Level 2. At least four occurrences were found in holograph manuscript, and at least three-fourths of them were spelled alike—that is, one form predominated over the other (or others) in a ratio of 3 to 1.
Level 3. Three or fewer occurrences were found in holograph manuscript—or more were found, but no single form predominated in a ratio of 3 to 1.
Level 1 evidence was deemed strong enough to justify emending invariant spellings of two words in the copy-texts: the noun “envelope” to “envelop” (twice), and “Saviour” to “Savior” (once). Four spellings that predominated in the copy-texts were confirmed by level 1 evidence: “anybody,” “anyhow,” “whisky,” and “winter.”
Level 2 evidence was deemed strong enough to establish clear authorial preference, and was used to overturn copy-text predominance, even when the predominant form was found to occur occasionally in manuscript. Thus for eight words the predominant spelling in the copy-texts was ignored, and the author’s preference uniformly adopted: “a while,” “backwards,” “cañon,” “County,” “offense,” “pretense,” “river,” and “Sanitary.” In one case, “barkeeper,” the spelling found three out of four times in manuscript was adopted even though it never occurred in the copy-texts, which had either “bar keeper” or “bar-keeper.” For ten words in which no form predominated in the copy-texts, level 2 evidence established a preferred spelling: for example, “enterprise,” “half past,” “mould,” and “practice.” In twenty-seven cases a spelling that predominated in the copy-texts was confirmed by level 2 evidence: for example, “afterward,” “by and by,” “cannot,” “centre,” “ecstasy,” “King,” and “worshipped.”
Level 3 evidence was regarded as significant, but less conclusive about the author’s preference than levels 1 or 2. When variant spellings fell into this category, the spelling predominant in the copy-texts was adopted, provided that it was also found at least once in manuscript. This pattern
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For forty-three variant spellings in the copy-texts, no exact manuscript evidence at all was found. When one spelling predominated in the copy-texts (as happened in twenty-seven cases), it was necessarily adopted. When no single spelling predominated (sixteen cases), holograph spelling of similar words was considered, as well as the preferred form in Webster’s 1870 Unabridged Dictionary.
Resolution case by case (“spring,” “summer,” and “winter,” all individually considered) rather than by category (the seasons) was attempted for most spelling variants, partly because that method was most likely to recover genuine authorial practice, but also because the result turned out to be categorically consistent as well. In a few cases, however, the categorical method was effective both in recovering Clemens’s practice and in maintaining overall uniformity where the manuscript and copy-text evidence was otherwise scarce.317 Emendation to retrieve authorial spelling and achieve uniformity was applied in the following spelling categories by using the same criteria as case-by-case emendation, except that both copy-text and holograph occurrences were counted in groups. (a) The spelling “county” was emended to “County” when it was part of a name, as in “Carson County.” (b) “River” and “Station” were emended to “river” and “station” when part of a name, as in “Green river station.” (c) The hyphen between “a” and a participle was emended to a space, as in “a hunting” rather than “a-hunting.” (d) Word space between the numerator and denominator of fractions was emended to a hyphen: “two-thirds” rather than “two thirds.” (e) Two-em dashes to show interrupted speech were
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Variant spellings that denote a difference in meaning were not emended. The distinctions between “Heaven” and “heaven,” “Overland” and “overland,” “Plains” and “plains,” and “Nature” and “nature” are difficult to articulate, but nevertheless real. Likewise variable are Clemens’s neologisms or slang set off, or not, by quotation marks (“flush times,” “square meal,” and “feet”) in virtually identical contexts.
Despite Clemens’s jealous control of his punctuation, there certainly were aspects of typesetting that he willingly if tacitly ceded to the printing house. In other words, Clemens’s practice in manuscript is not invariably a sound guide to his intention for a literary work—the ampersand, for example, which he used throughout his manuscripts, always expecting it to be expanded to “and.” In the use of numbers versus figures, or in the treatment of long quotations, Clemens accepted the participation of the printshop in devising and applying a uniform standard. A comparison of the first-edition text with the author’s manuscript usage, as well as with the several copy-texts, provided a good deal of information about what kind of styling, textual and nontextual, the book typesetters applied. For example, they usually (but not invariably) spelled out numbers, even though the newspaper compositors (and Clemens himself, at least with informal manuscripts like letters) used numerals for convenience and speed. In spelling out numbers the book compositors may well have had the warrant of Clemens’s holograph manuscript chapters: draft page 968 spells out both “six thousand” and “twelve thousand dollars.” But whether or not Clemens’s manuscript was consistent in this matter, the book compositors tried to be (albeit with imperfect success), deliberately printing numerals only for hours of the day followed by “a.m.” or “p.m.” Collation reveals that they achieved nearly consistent results in all categories except for dollars. They tended to leave the dollar figures they encountered in printed texts, such as the Buffalo Express (where newspaper style made figures conventional), perhaps because a clipping gave the impression of greater finish, having already been styled by the previous compositors. Emendation (always recorded) was therefore undertaken to complete the
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Similarly, the book compositors set all extended quotations in smaller type, sometimes enclosing them in quotation marks, sometimes not. In a few places they set double quotation marks within an extract already enclosed in quotation marks, which suggests that they added the surrounding double quotes without attending to the internal ones. Examination of Clemens’s practice in marking quoted material in his literary manuscripts of the 1870s and 1880s reveals that all three possible treatments occur with seemingly equal frequency: quotation marks with, and without, a request for small type, and small type alone. It is also clear that the compositors did not always follow their copy, but instead adopted a house style—with varying degrees of consistency. When the author wrote a specific directive in the manuscript, such as “Put this in small type,” they usually followed it, but sometimes they removed quotation marks, and sometimes supplied them. While early-nineteenth-century printer’s manuals make no mention of how to treat extracts, the later ones explicitly advise compositors not to use quotation marks when using small type; from this we can infer that redundancy was becoming less acceptable.319 This edition perfects the apparent intention of the book compositors by following their prevailing pattern: quotation marks enclosing extracts in small type were removed by emendation.
Several additional minor points of typographical style required emendation for uniformity. The book compositors were nearly, but not entirely, consistent in styling names of ships in roman type and names of newspapers in italic. Three emendations in these two categories were made to achieve uniformity. The compositors also failed to achieve a consistent treatment of foreign words, and in this instance the evidence does not point to a categorical solution. Three foreign words were invariably set in italic type: “riata,” “tapidaros” (a misspelling, emended to “tapaderas”), and “awa.” Numerous other foreign words occurred only in roman type: “cañon” and “poi,” for example. Five words and one abbreviation appeared in both italic and roman type: “adobes,” “hula-hula,” “i. e.,” “kahilis,” “tabu,” and “taro.” No distinct pattern of normalizing was discernible in the evidence of collation. The italicized words appeared in material set from the author’s holograph as well as from clippings from the Sacramento Union; in some cases the italic form was changed to roman, in others
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Italic punctuation following italic words (an accepted convention in American typesetting since at least the early nineteenth century) was adopted in the first edition in all but three instances, which have been emended here. Footnotes in the first edition were typeset with a paragraph indention except for two instances, in which the notes were centered: both have been emended here. Mark Twain’s initials at the end of a footnote were emended to delete brackets in one instance.
The front matter in the first edition (the List of Illustrations and the Contents), the illustration captions, and the headlines (running heads) on each page were all undoubtedly supplied by Elisha or Frank Bliss, perhaps with Orion’s assistance. All usages in these sections, being nonauthorial, were excluded from the first-edition tally of spelling variants and the like, but they were emended for uniformity according to the same policy as the rest of the text. Whenever the titles in the List of Illustrations, the wording of subjects in the Contents list, and the illustration captions themselves correspond to wording in the text, emendation was applied to make them accord exactly, and the quoted phrases were enclosed in quotation marks. Whenever the title of an illustration, as given in the List of the first edition, differed from the wording of the caption, the caption was deemed more accurate, and the title in the List emended to match it.320 The running heads, which cannot be adapted to the paging of the present edition, have been silently omitted. In addition, the following alterations were carried out without being individually reported in Emendations of the
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H.E.S.
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TEXTUAL APPARATUS
The Textual Apparatus consists of the following sections:
Description of Texts consists of three parts. The first part lists and characterizes the several copy-texts and sources of emendation used in the preparation of this edition of Roughing It. The second part lists derivative texts—that is, partial or complete reprintings which appeared during the author’s lifetime but which show no relevant authorial intervention. The third part lists all collations performed and specific copies used.
Textual Notes discuss problematic readings in the edited text and explain and defend editorial decisions.
Emendations of the Copy-Text and Rejected Substantives records every reading adopted from a source other than the copy-texts, as well as all instances in which a compound word is hyphenated ambiguously at the end of a line in the copy-texts. In addition, it records all variant substantive readings among the copy-texts and texts used as sources of emendation.
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Description of Texts
Each of the fifteen texts described in “Authoritative Texts” below contains readings pertinent to the establishment of an accurate text for this edition of Roughing It. Many of these are texts written by Mark Twain before he composed Roughing It—sketches, articles, and newspaper letters—which he revised and incorporated into the book (BE, G, SU, TE63). Others are texts written by other authors, from which he quoted in the book (BoM, HoHI, MP, NYT, PCA, TE70, VoM), or which reprinted material subsequently included in the book and which thus intervened in the chain of textual transmission (PT). The second section, “Derivative Texts,” describes reprintings of the complete text of Roughing It, or of excerpts from it, issued during Mark Twain’s lifetime. All of them, with one exception (HWb), were found to derive without authorial intervention from A, or from the “pre-Roughing It” sources BE, G, or SU. (Variants in derivative editions are not recorded in Emendations of the Copy-Text and Rejected Substantives.) The last section, “Collations,” comprises a list of collations performed and the specific copies used. Symbols and cues are explained in Emendations.
Authoritative Texts
A First American edition. Roughing It. Hartford: American Publishing Company, 1872–1903 (BAL 3337 and reimpressions). Twenty-five impressions are known, the first four of which are dated 1872 and the last 1903. Collation revealed that several pages in A exist in more
[begin page 915]
| 309.18 | eastern (Aa) • Eastern (Ab–g) |
| 542.7 | hearties (Aa–b) • heartiest (Ac–g) |
| 102.28 | breast-pin (Aa–c) • breast pin (Ad–g) |
| 103.13 | death! (Aa–c) • death. (Ad–g) |
| 222.12–13 | he was occupying his (Aa–c) • was occupying (Ad–g) |
| 136n.6 | thirteenth (Aa–d) • sixteenth (Ae–g) |
| 273.2 | toss2 (Aa–d) • toss, (Ae–g) |
| 273.31 | fortune—(Aa–d) • fortune⁁ (Ae–g) |
| 91.10 | [They (Aa–e) • ⁁They (Af–g) |
| 136n.6 | Aha! (Aa–e) • Aha⁁ (Af–g) |
| 236.5 | coarse (Aa–e) • course (Af–g) |
| 517.11 | tidal wave (Aa–f) • tidal-wave (Ag) |
AP American Publisher: “The Old-Time Pony Express of the Great Plains,” May 1871, 4. Eight extracts from Roughing It were printed in the American Publisher, the house journal of the American Publishing Company, between May 1871 and June 1872. Of the eight extracts, seven derived from the A typesetting; they are identified below in “Derivative Texts.” One extract, however, was typeset directly from Mark Twain’s Roughing It manuscript, or possibly from an amanuensis copy of it, and therefore contains readings that may have equal authority with A. This passage, listed below, is thus a radiating text, and all variants in it between A and AP are reported in Emendations. For a full discussion see the textual note at 50.1–52.7.
| 50.1–52.7 | ‘In . . . maybe.’ |
| No illustrations were included. |
BE Buffalo Express. Out of the series of ten “Around the World” letters that Mark Twain published in the Buffalo Express between October 1869 and March 1870, he drew upon five—plus an additional Express sketch published in April 1870—for use in Roughing It. BE is copy-text for the passages listed below.
| “Around the World. Letter No. One,” 16 October 1869, 1. |
| 245.1–249.15 | Mono . . . true. |
| Around the World. Letter No. 3,” 13 November 1869, 1. |
| 387.18–392.24 | The1 . . . over.” |
[begin page 916]
| “Around the World. Letter Number 4,” 11 December 1869, 2. |
| 238.1–240.6 | It . . . desires. | BE, ¶17–18 |
| 392.25–395.11 | But . . . head. | BE, ¶1–16 |
| “Around the World. Letter Number 5,” 18 December 1869, 2. |
| 413.6–419.28 | In . . . me. |
| “Around the World. Letter Number 6,” 8 January 1870, 2. |
| 299.7–301.31 | Two . . . him. | BE, ¶1–18 |
| 303.35–304.2 | I . . . again. | BE, ¶19 |
| “The Facts in the Great Land Slide Case,” 2 April 1870, 2. |
| 221.1–227.5 | The . . . understanding. |
BoM The Book of Mormon: An Account Written by the Hand of Mormon, upon Plates Taken from the Plates of Nephi. Translated by Joseph Smith, Jun. Sixth European Edition. Liverpool: Published by Brigham Young, Jun., 1866. The relevant passages in the following editions or impressions of the Book of Mormon were collated to determine Mark Twain’s most likely source for the extracts in chapter 16: first through fifth American (1830, 1837, 1840, 1842, 1858); first through sixth European (1841, 1849, 1852, 1854, 1854, 1866); and Independence (187–). Collation established that he could have used either the fifth or sixth European (English) “edition”—actually two printings of the same typesetting, with different front matter but otherwise apparently identical texts. The sixth edition has been designated copy-text for the passages listed below, since it was probably the one most readily available in 1870–71. Citations are to book, chapter, verse, and (where necessary) line: “Jacob 2:6:14–25” refers to the Book of Jacob, chapter 2, verse 6, lines 14–25.
| 107.26–111.2 | The . . . powers: | BoM, title page (lines 1–23) and testimonial page |
| 111.3–25 | And . . . Jacob: | BoM, 1 Nephi 5:38, 5:39:1–2, 5:42 |
| 111.26–112.7 | For . . . everybody: | BoM, Jacob 2:6:14–25, 2:9:11–18 |
| 112.8–36 | And . . . children. | BoM, 3 Nephi 9:1:1–3, 9:2:1–8, 8:5:3–22 |
| 113.24–114.44 | 7. . . . written. | BoM, Ether 6:7–8, 6:9:1–25 |
G Galaxy: “About a Remarkable Stranger. Being a Sandwich Island Reminiscence,” 11 (April 1871): 616–18. Mark Twain apparently revised a copy of this Galaxy printing when preparing printer’s copy for chapter 77. G is copy-text for the passage listed below.
| 526.1–531.22 | I . . . sir.” |
HoHI History of the Hawaiian Islands, by James Jackson Jarves. Third Edition. Honolulu: Charles Edwin Hitchcock, 1847. The relevant passages in the following editions or impressions of Jarves’s book
[begin page 917]
| 469.30–472.43 | On . . . abuse. | HoHI, 105 ¶1–106 ¶4 |
MP The Mormon Prophet and His Harem; or, An Authentic History of Brigham Young, His Numerous Wives and Children, by Mrs. Catharine V. Waite. Fifth Edition, revised and enlarged. Chicago: J. S. Goodman and Co., 1868. Waite’s book, which Mark Twain explicitly mentions as his source for the quotations in appendix B (550.22–23), was first issued in 1866, reprinted several times, and published in a “revised and enlarged” edition in 1868. The passages quoted by Mark Twain are identical (apparently printed from the same plates) in the two editions; the 1868 edition has been designated copy-text for the passages listed below because it was probably the one most readily available in 1870–71.
| 550.24–551.6 | A . . . God. | MP, 76 ¶1 |
| 551.29–552.21 | They . . . occasion: | MP, 73 ¶4–74 ¶2 |
| 552.22–553.7 | He . . . reliable: | MP, 84 ¶5–85 ¶2 |
| 553.9–38 | For . . . depredations. | MP, 76 ¶3–77 ¶7 |
NYT New York Times: “Across the Continent: From the Missouri to the Pacific Ocean by Rail,” by William Swinton, 28 June 1869, 1–2. Although Mark Twain explicitly names the New York Times as the source of the extract in chapter 4 (26.29), collation suggested that his actual source may have been a reprinting of the article in an unidentified newspaper, incorporating several “corrections” (actually corruptions) of the text. Nevertheless, in the belief that Mark Twain intended to present an accurate text of the Times article, regardless of the actual copy that he had access to, NYT has been chosen as copy-text for the passages listed below.
| 26.32–34 | ACROSS . . . jaunt. | NYT, title, ¶3 |
| 26.34–37 | A . . . car. | NYT, ¶8 |
| 26.37–28.5 | It . . . out. | NYT, ¶12 |
PCA Honolulu Pacific Commercial Advertiser: “Programme of the Funeral of Her Late Royal Highness the Princess Victoria Kamamalu Kaahumanu,” 30 June 1866, 2. Mark Twain probably used a clipping of this program when preparing his Sacramento Union letter published on 1 August 1866. The Union letter was later incorporated into Roughing It. PCA is copy-text for the passage listed below; substantive variants between PCA and ¶8 of the Union letter are reported in Emendations. For a full discussion see the textual note at 466.19–468.3.
| 466.19–468.3 | Undertaker . . . Force. |
[begin page 918]
contents of pra and prb, in pra order
| Page.line (C) | Cue / Description | Pra | Prb | Chapter: page (A) |
| 218 illus | camping in the snow. | A | A | frontispiece #1 |
| xx illus | the miner’s dream. | not in | A | frontispiece #2 |
| xxv title–b.6 | List . . . 49 | A | A | v |
| xxvb.7– xxviiib.28 | 35. . . . 543 | contains four blank pages with folios vii–x, headed ‘Illus-trations.’ | A | vi–x |
| xxix title– xxxi.20 | Contents . . . 122 | A | A | xi–xii |
| xxxi.21– xxxii.27 | CHAPTER . . . 179 | page numbers for chapters not yet supplied | A | xiii |
|
|
||||
| xxxii.28– xxxvi.22 | CHAPTER . . . 396 | contains three blank pages with folios xiv–xvi, headed ‘Contents.’ | A | xiv–xvi |
| 1.1–3.8 | My . . . so. | A | A | 1:19–21 |
| 4.1–9.11 | The . . . under | A | A | 2:22–27 |
| 10.1–22 | About . . . curtain, | A | A | 3:29 |
| 11.25–14.12 | legs . . . miniature | A | A | 3:31–33 last page ends ‘minia-|’ |
| 15.23–17.15 | jackass . . . height. | A | A | 3:35–36 |
| 18.24–19.12 | ourselves . . . every | A | A | 4:38 |
| 79 illus | the south pass. | not in | A | 12: facing 100 |
| 521 illus | a view in the iao valley. | A | A | 76: facing 547 |
| 347.9–353.18 | I1 . . . ashore. | pages lack folios and chapter identification | pages have correct folios except for folios 373–74, which are reversed, although the pages are in the correct order | 51:369–75 |
| 303.32–307.15 | some . . . us.” | 325, 327, 328 numbered ‘1, 3, 4’ without chapter identification; 326 unnumbered | A | 46:325–28 |
| 107.1–22 | All . . . it | page headed (incorrectly) ‘CHAPTER XVII.’ | A | 16:127 |
| 108.31–111.6 | these . . . and2 | pages numbered ‘17-3, 17-4’ to indicate pages 3 and 4 of (incorrect) chapter 17 | A | 16:129–130 |
| 42.25–44.6 | worth . . . holding | pages numbered with (incorrect) folios ‘77, 78’ | A | 7:62–63 last page ends ‘hold-|’ |
| 296 illus | the great “flour sack” procession. | A | A | 45: facing 317 |
| 50.1–54.1 | In . . . with | A | A | 8:70–73 |
|
|
||||
| 144.19–146.20 | The . . . enemy. | 165 numbered ‘4’; 166–67 numbered ‘22-5, 22-6’ to indicate pages 5 and 6 of (incorrect) chapter 22 | A | 21:165–67 |
| 532.1–536.29 | After . . . well. | 558 headed (incorrectly) ‘CHAPTER LXXV.’; 559–63 numbered ‘2-75, 3-75, 4-75, 5-75, 6-75’ to indicate pages 2 through 6 of (incorrect) chapter 75 | Pra | 78:558–63 |
| 60.1–62.3 | Really . . . which | A | A | 10:80–81 |
| 63.38–64.13 | 64n.1 | and . . . practices. | *“The . . . Dimsdale. | A | A | 10:84 |
| 155 illus | fire at lake tahoe. | A | A | 23: facing 176 |
| 518.1–520.26 | We . . . such | 544 headed (incorrectly) ‘CHAPTER LXXIII.’ and numbered ‘1-73’; 545–46 numbered ‘2-73, 3-73’ to indicate pages 2 and 3 of (incorrect) chapter 73 | like Pra, except that 544 lacks the number ‘1-73’ | 76:544–46 |
| 152.25–157.13 | conquering . . . history. | pages numbered ‘24-2, 24-3, 24-4, 24-5’ to indicate pages 2, 3, 4, and 5 of (incorrect) chapter 24; illustration on 24-2 does not appear on 174 in A, but on 169 (117 in C), and type on 24-2 wraps around on left side rather than right; caption matches A 174 | A | 23:174–77 first page begins ‘quering’ |
| 48.16–49.24 | cocoanut . . . boys.” | A | A | 7:68–69 first page begins ‘nut’ |
| 76.24–82.14 | world . . . the2 | A | A | 12:98–102 |
| 32.18–33.3 | is2 . . . pie.” | A | A | 5:51 |
|
|
||||
| 113.39–115.1 | camps . . . dreary | page numbered ‘17-8’ to indicate page 8 of (incorrect) chapter 17 | not in; includes revised page described in next entry instead | 16:134.25– 135.28 |
| 114.18–115n.1 | wine . . . *Milton. | not in; includes page described in previous entry instead | A | 16:135 |
| 244 illus | mono lake. ‘lake mono.’ in Pr; emended | A | A | 38: facing 265 |
| 99.25–106.7 | daughters . . . Mormons. | pages numbered ‘16-2, 16-3, 16-4, 16-5, 16-6, 16-7, 16-8’ to indicate pages 2 through 8 of (incorrect) chapter 16 | A | 15:120–26 |
| 158.1–164.16 | I1 . . . I | 178 headed (incorrectly) ‘CHAPTER XXV.’; 180–81 numbered ‘25-3, 25-4’ to indicate pages 3 and 4 of (incorrect) chapter 25; 179 and 182–83 have no folios or chapter identification | A | 24:178–83 |
| 520.26–522.23 | an . . . to | page numbered ‘4-73’ to indicate page 4 of (incorrect) chapter 73 | Pra | 76:547 |
| 523.20–525.7 | only . . . always. | pages numbered ‘6-73, 7-73’ to indicate pages 6 and 7 of (incorrect) chapter 73 | Pra | 76:549–50 |
| 479 illus | going into the mountains. | A | A | 69: facing 502 |
order of contents in prb
| Page.line (C) | Cue/Description |
| 218 illus | camping in the snow. |
| xx illus | the miner’s dream. |
| xxv title–xxxvi.22 | List . . . 396 |
| 155 illus | fire at lake tahoe. |
| 1.1–3.8 | My . . . so. |
| 4.1–9.11 | The . . . under |
| 10.1–22 | About . . . curtain, |
| 11.25–14.12 | legs . . . miniature |
|
|
|
| 15.23–17.15 | jackass . . . height. |
| 18.24–19.12 | ourselves . . . every |
| 79 illus | the south pass. |
| 50.1–54.1 | In . . . with |
| 144.19–146.20 | The . . . enemy. |
| 532.1–536.29 | After . . . well. |
| 60.1–62.3 | Really . . . which |
| 63.38–64.13 | 64n.1 | and . . . practices. | *“The . . . Dimsdale. |
| 479 illus | going into the mountains. |
| 518.1–520.26 | We . . . such |
| 152.25–157.3 | conquering . . . history. first page begins ‘quering’] |
| 48.16–49.24 | cocoanut . . . boys.” first page begins ‘nut’] |
| 76.24–82.14 | world . . . the2 |
| 32.18–33.3 | is2 . . . pie.” |
| 114.18–115n.1 | wine . . . *Milton. |
| 521 illus | a view in the iao valley. |
| 99.25–106.7 | daughters . . . Mormons. |
| 158.1–164.16 | I1 . . . I |
| 520.26–522.23 | an . . . to |
| 523.20–525.7 | only . . . always. |
| 296 illus | the great “flour sack” procession. |
| 304.31–307.15 | “Say . . . us.” |
| 107.1–22 | All . . . it |
| 108.31–111.6 | these . . . and2 |
| 42.25–44.6 | worth . . . holding last page ends ‘hold-|’ |
| 347.9–353.18 | I1 . . . ashore. |
| 303.32–304.30 | some . . . driver: |
| 244 illus | mono lake. ‘lake mono.’ in Pr; emended |
PT People’s Tribune: “A Seeming Plot for Assassination Miscarried,” by Conrad Wiegand, 1 (February 1870): 10–12, a reprinting of TE70 (see below). Although collation established that PT was Mark Twain’s actual source for the text of Wiegand’s letter in appendix C, TE70 is copy-text for the passage in this edition. All substantive variants between PT and TE70 are reported in Emendations. For a full discussion see the textual note at 555.3–569.38.
| 555.3–569.38 | From . . . M. T.] |
SU Sacramento Union. Out of the series of twenty-five Sandwich Islands letters that Mark Twain published in the Union between April and November 1866, he drew upon thirteen—with significant revisions and deletions—for use in Roughing It. As indicated below, many of these letters survive as clippings in scrapbooks that Orion Clemens compiled; since none of the scrapbook clippings shows any sign of revision, Mark Twain must have used other copies of the clippings to prepare the printer’s copy of Roughing It. In addition to emendations of the texts he did use, all of the material in these thirteen letters which he decided not
[begin page 923]
| “Scenes in Honolulu—No. 4,” 19 April 1866, 2, clippings in Scrapbook 6:109–10 and Scrapbook 7:41–43, CU-MARK. |
| 431.9–434.2 | then . . . sail— |
| “Scenes in Honolulu—No. 5,” 20 April 1866, 2, clippings in Scrapbook 6:110–11 and Scrapbook 7:43, CU-MARK. |
| 454.15–456.6 | Society . . . shoved.” |
| “Scenes in Honolulu—No. 6,” 21 April 1866, 3, clippings in Scrapbook 6:111–12 and Scrapbook 7:43–47, CU-MARK. |
| 436.2–438.21 | I . . . about. | SU, ¶1–4 |
| 439.1–441.20 | A . . . itself. | SU, ¶15–22 |
| 444.16–448.18 | This . . . expense. | SU, ¶5–14 |
| “Scenes in Honolulu—No. 7,” 24 April 1866, 4, clipping in Scrapbook 6:112–13, CU-MARK. |
| 442 title–444.15 | CHAPTER . . . business. | SU, ¶1–23 |
| 448.19–450 title | It . . . CHAPTER 66 | SU, ¶24 |
| “Scenes in Honolulu—No. 8,” 21 May 1866, 3. |
| 450.1–453.37 | Passing . . . art. |
| “Scenes in Honolulu—No. 12,” 20 June 1866, 1, clipping in Scrapbook 6:116–17, CU-MARK. |
| 457 title–458.18 | CHAPTER . . . etc.2 |
| “Scenes in Honolulu—No. 15,” 1 August 1866, 1, clipping in Scrapbook 6:122–23, CU-MARK. |
| 466.15–18 | After . . . procured: | SU, ¶1–8 |
| 468.4–469.29 | I . . . came: | SU, ¶9–19 |
| 472.44–475 title | You . . . CHAPTER 69 | SU, ¶31–34 |
| “Letter from Honolulu,” 18 August 1866, 1. |
| 475.1–480.2 | Bound . . . fruit. |
| “From the Sandwich Islands,” 24 August 1866, 3. |
| 480.3–24 | At . . . required. | SU, ¶1–13 |
| 489.1–491.24 | At . . . retaliation. | SU, ¶14–33 |
| “From the Sandwich Islands,” 30 August 1866, 3. |
| 491.25–492.20 | Near . . . innocent. |
| “From the Sandwich Islands,” 6 September 1866, 3. |
| 493 title–495.14 | CHAPTER . . . point. |
| “From the Sandwich Islands,” 22 September 1866, 1. |
| 495.15–506.4 | I1 . . . charge. |
| “Letter from Honolulu,” 16 November 1866, 1. |
| 508.1–10 | By . . . like. | SU, ¶1–6 |
| 508.11–23 | A . . . revelation. | SU, ¶15 |
| 508.24–512.8 | Arrived . . . hotel. | SU, ¶7–16 |
TE63 Virginia City Territorial Enterprise: “Ye Bulletin Cyphereth,” 27 August 1863, Scrapbook 2:70, CU-MARK. Mark Twain probably had two clippings of this article, which he had written for the Enterprise
[begin page 924]
| 355n.1–356n.3 | *Mr. . . . M. T.] |
TE70 Virginia City Territorial Enterprise: “Mr. Winters’ Assault on Conrad Wiegand,” by Conrad Wiegand, 20 January 1870, 1. Although the heading “From the Territorial Enterprise, Jan. 20, 1870” (555.3) implies that the text of the letter by Conrad Wiegand reproduced in appendix C is taken from the Enterprise, collation established that the actual source was a reprinting of the letter in the Gold Hill (Nevada) People’s Tribune (see PT above). Nevertheless, TE70 has been designated copy-text for the passage listed below. The rationale for this selection, as well as a full explanation of the emendation policy for this appendix, may be found in the textual note at 555.3–569.38.
| 555.3–569.38 | From . . . M. T.] |
VoM The Vigilantes of Montana, or Popular Justice in the Rocky Mountains. Being a Correct and Impartial Narrative of the Chase, Trial, Capture and Execution of Henry Plummer’s Road Agent Band, Together with Accounts of the Lives and Crimes of Many of the Robbers and Desperadoes, the Whole Being Interspersed with Sketches of Life in the Mining Camps of the “Far West;” Forming the Only Reliable Work on the Subject Ever Offered the Public, by Prof. Thomas J. Dimsdale. Virginia City, Montana Territory: Montana Post Press, 1866. Mark Twain explicitly mentions Dimsdale’s book as his source for the quotations in the two chapters on the desperado Slade (64n.1, 69.5–8); it was issued in only one edition, which is copy-text for the passages listed below.
| 63.35–64.2 | On . . . paragraph: | VoM, 175 ¶2 |
| 64.3–9 | While . . . execution. | VoM, 175 ¶1 |
| 64.9–11 | Stories . . . line. | VoM, 175 ¶4 |
| 64.11–13 | As . . . practices. | VoM, 175 ¶3 |
| 69.5–13 | “The . . . picturesque: | VoM, title page |
| 69.13–17 | “Those . . . incarnate.” | VoM, 167 ¶2, lines 19–24 |
| 69.17–21 | And . . . mine: | VoM, 175 ¶3, lines 3–4 |
| 69.22–74.18 | After . . . feelings. | VoM, 167 ¶3–173 ¶3 |
Derivative Texts
AP American Publisher. The following seven extracts published in the American Publisher derived from A without authorial revision or intervention. The first four were evidently typeset from page proofs of A or from Pr. The last three were probably typeset from a bound copy of A.| “My First Lecture,” December 1871, 4. Includes three illustrations from A, with captions (see pages 535–36). |
| 533.5–536.29 | I . . . well. |
[begin page 925]
| “A Nabob’s Visit to New York,” January 1872, 4. Includes three illustrations from A, without captions (see pages 305–6). |
| 304.3–307.15 | In . . . us.” |
| “Dollinger the Aged Pilot Man,” February 1872, 8. Includes five illustrations from A, without captions (see pages 348–52). |
| 347.9–353.18 | I1 . . . ashore. |
| Untitled extract, February 1872, 8. No illustrations included. |
| 101.9–103.9 | Mr. . . . mountains. |
| “Roughing It,” March 1872, 8. Includes three illustrations from A, without captions (see pages 393–95). |
| 391.27–395n.1 | It1 . . . M.T. |
| “Horace Greeley’s Ride,” April 1872, 8. Includes two illustrations from A, without captions (see pages 131 and 134). |
| 131.7–136.5 | On . . . Greeley.* |
| “Mark Twain on the Mormons,” June 1872, 8. Includes four illustrations from A, with captions (see pages 100, 101, 104, and 105). |
| 99.14–106.2 | And . . . it.” |
Aus Australian edition. 2 vols. The Innocents at Home, Part I—Roughing It and The Innocents at Home, Part II—The Pacific Coast. Melbourne: George Robertson, 1872. Although this unillustrated edition resembles E physically, it was typeset from Ad and includes the appendixes of A, which E lacks. Unlike E, it does not contain “A Burlesque Autobiography.” A “Notice” on an inserted slip reads: “This edition of ‘The Innocents at Home’ is reissued by authority from Messrs. George Routledge & Sons, of London, who are owners of the British Copyright.” In 1873 Robertson reissued these two volumes, bound together in one volume, as The Innocents at Home, which includes separate title pages for the two parts.
E First English edition, first issue. “Roughing It” (BAL 3335) and The Innocents at Home (BAL 3336). London: George Routledge and Sons, 1872. This unillustrated edition was typeset from proof sheets of Aa, but lacks the appendixes included in all states of A. The second volume, however, concludes with “A Burlesque Autobiography,” which was not included in A. Soon after the appearance of both volumes as the “Copyright Edition,” the first volume (but not the second) was reissued as the “Author’s English Edition” (BAL 3599). This volume was then bound together with the “Copyright Edition” of The Innocents at Home to create the single-volume edition of Roughing It and the Innocents at Home (George Routledge and Sons, 1872). The Innocents at Home, printed from the Routledge plates, was also issued in Toronto by the Musson Book Company sometime after 1901. No Musson issue of Roughing It has been located.
PJks Practical Jokes with Artemus Ward, Including the Story of the Man Who Fought Cats. By Mark Twain and Other Humourists.
[begin page 926]
| *“Editorial Skits”: A → E → PJks |
| 339.13–26 | Once . . . stranger!” |
| “Mark Twain’s Remarkable Stranger”: G → PJks |
| 526.11–531.22 | I . . . sir.” |
| *“Sending Them Through”: A → E → PJks |
| 38.4–40.3 | No . . . boy. |
| *“The Union—Right or Wrong?”: A → E → PJks |
| 278.11–281.3 | We . . . had. |
HWa The Choice Humorous Works of Mark Twain. Now First Collected. With Extra Passages to the “Innocents Abroad,” Now First Reprinted, and a Life of the Author. London: John Camden Hotten, [1873]. BAL 3351. Mark Twain revised and corrected a set of sheets of HWa (HWaMT, now at NN); his changes were incorporated into HWb. The four sketches marked with an asterisk below derived ultimately from A: three through E, and one apparently through AP. The other four derived as noted. The collation entries listed below record the textual history of words occurring in passages deriving from A which Mark Twain revised in HWaMT, but do not report other variants between A and HWa.
| “Baker’s Cat”: BE → Scrs → HWa → HWaMT → HWb |
| 416.9–419.28 | Whenever . . . me. |
| The HWa text derived ultimately from BE (SLC 1869o), through an intervening printing in Screamers: A Gathering of Scraps of Humour, Delicious Bits, & Short Stories (London: John Camden Hotten, [1871]). |
| “Honoured as a Curiosity in Honolulu”: SU → Cal → JF1 → JF2 → JF3 → HWa → HWaMT no revision → HWb |
| 454.16–456.6 | If . . . shoved.” |
| The HWa text derived ultimately from a piece entitled “Etiquette” in SU (SLC 1866m), through intervening printings in the Californian and three successive editions of The Celebrated Jumping Frog of Calaveras County (JF1, New York: C.H. Webb, 1867; JF2, London: George Routledge and Sons, 1867 [unauthorized]; JF3, London: John Camden Hotten, [1870] [unauthorized]). HWaMT contains no revisions. |
| *“Mark in Mormonland”: A → E → HWa → HWaMTdeleted |
| 100.1–106.7 | According . . . Mormons. |
| The HWa text derived from A, through E; Mark Twain deleted it without revision on HWaMT. |
[begin page 927]
| *“A Nabob’s Visit to New York”: A → AP → HWa → HWaMT → HWb |
| 304.3–307.15 | In . . . us.” |
| The HWa text derived from A; the collation entry at 305.10 suggests that it was typeset from AP. |
| 305.3 | Ride it (A–AP, HWaMT–HWb) • Ride (HWa) |
| 305.10 | stared (A) • started for (HWa); stared for (AP, HWaMT–HWb) |
| 305.24 | can’t (A–AP, HWaMT–HWb) • shan’t (HWa) |
| 305.36 | reckon—(A–AP, HWaMT–HWb) • reckon⁁ (HWa) |
| 306.18 | cleats (A–AP, HWaMT–HWb) • bleats (HWa) |
| 307.14 | had (A–AP, HWaMT–HWb) • have (HWa) |
| “A Remarkable Stranger”: G → PJks → HWa → HWaMT → HWb |
| 526.11–531.22 | I . . . sir.” |
| The HWa text derived ultimately from G, through PJks. |
| *“Sending Them Through”: A → E → PJks → HWa → HWaMT → HWb |
| 38.4–40.3 | No . . . boy. |
| The HWa text derived from A, through E and PJks. |
| 39.6 | who? (A–E, HWaMT–HWb) • what? (PJks–HWa) [SLC in HWaMT margin: “God damn the hound who altered that.”] |
| 39.7 | who? (A–E) • what? (PJks–HWa); who? (HWaMT–HWb) |
| 39.8 | Moses, (A–E) • Moses was (PJks–HWa); Moses (HWaMT–HWb) |
| “The Steed ‘Oahu’ ”: SU → Cal → JF1 → JF2 → JF3 → HWa → HWaMT → HWb |
| 437.5–438.7 | The . . . storm. |
| The publication history of the HWa text is identical to that of “Honoured as a Curiosity in Honolulu” (see above). |
| *“The Union—Right or Wrong?”: A → E → PJks → HWa → HWaMT → HWb |
| 278.11–281.3 | We . . . had. |
| The HWa text derived from A, through E and PJks. (The designation “A–HWa” means that the reading is identical in A, E, PJks, and HWa.) |
| 278.31–279.1 | get . . . have1 (A–E) • get (PJks–HWb) this corruption necessitated SLC’s revision at 279.2 |
| 279.2 | they will (A–HWa) • I can (HWaMT–HWb) |
| 279.6 | rational (A–HWa) • human (HWaMT–HWb) |
| 280.11 | But (A–HWa) • no ¶ But (HWaMT–HWb) [SLC in HWaMT margin: “No ¶”] |
| 280.11 | friendly. The (A–E) • friendly![¶] The (PJks–HWa); friendly. [¶] The (HWaMT–HWb) |
HWb The Choice Humorous Works of Mark Twain. Revised and Corrected by the Author. With Life and Portrait of the Author, and
[begin page 928]
Can Canadian edition. Roughing It. Toronto: Belford and Co., 1880. This unauthorized, abridged edition was set from Af. It contains 71 instead of 79 chapters: chapters 22, 36, 45, 49, 52, 71, 72, and 77 were omitted, as were the appendixes. Although “Fully Illustrated by Eminent Artists,” according to the title page, it contains relatively few illustrations, some possibly tracings of illustrations in A and others probably stock cuts chosen for their fancied appropriateness. In July 1880, Belford and Company issued an impression of this edition, in a two-column format resembling a magazine or small newspaper, as “The Belford Library,” no. 9 (July [n.y.]). Although this impression looks very different from the book issued by Belford, it was printed from the same type, reimposed line for line, some 75 lines per page. The year of the Belford Library impression is implied by the presence, below the masthead and title, of a quotation taken from a review of A Tramp Abroad which appeared in the London Athenaeum no. 2739 (24 Apr 80): 529–30. Undated reprints of this edition were issued by Rose-Belford Publishing Company and Rose Publishing Company; Rose-Belford was in operation until 1883, and Rose from 1883 until 1894.
Tau Continental edition. 2 vols. Roughing It and The Innocents at Home. Authorized Edition. Leipzig: Bernhard Tauchnitz, 1880–81. BAL 3627. Collection of British Authors, volumes 1929 and 1948. This unillustrated edition was typeset from E. Like E, volume 2 includes “A Burlesque Autobiography” and omits the appendixes included in A.
E2 Second English edition. 1 vol. Roughing It and The Innocents at Home. Illustrated by F.A. Fraser. London: George Routledge and Sons, 1882. BAL 3630. This edition was typeset from E but contains many corrected readings from A, including one variant (“sixteenth” at 136n.6) introduced in Ae, as well as the appendixes of A that were omitted from E. Like E, however, it includes “A Burlesque Autobiography.” An 1883 impression of E2 is recorded as BAL 3635. In 1885 Chatto and Windus acquired the plates of E2 from Routledge, together with 1536 copies of the book in quires. Chatto issued these copies with a cancel title page bearing its own imprint in 1885, and produced another printing in 1889. The two Routledge impressions and the 1889 Chatto impression were sold at 7s. 6d. in decorated red cloth. In 1897 Chatto and Windus issued the first of a
[begin page 929]
LoH Mark Twain’s Library of Humor. New York: Charles L. Webster and Co., 1888. BAL 3425. This edition was also issued in Montreal by the Dawson Brothers (1888), an authorized printing from duplicate plates of LoH. The texts of all five Roughing It excerpts were typeset from A.
| “The Cayote” |
| 30.5–34.12 | Along . . . parents. |
| “Dick Baker’s Cat” |
| 416.1–419.25 | One . . . mining.” |
| “A Genuine Mexican Plug” |
| 158.1–165.12 | I1 . . . perhaps. |
| “Lost in the Snow” |
| 207.14–219.24 | We . . . cards! |
| “Nevada Nabobs in New York” |
| 304.3–307.15 | In . . . us.” |
LoHE Mark Twain’s Library of Humour. London: Chatto and Windus, 1888 and 1897. BAL 1982. This authorized edition contains all of the Roughing It selections in LoH, from which it was typeset.
SAH Selections from American Humour. Leipzig: Bernhard Tauchnitz, 1888. BAL 3646. The texts of both Roughing It excerpts were typeset from LoH.
| “Dick Baker’s Cat” |
| 416.1–419.25 | One . . . mining.” |
| “A Genuine Mexican Plug” |
| 158.1–165.12 | I1 . . . perhaps. |
A2
Second American edition. 2 vols. Roughing It. Hartford: American Publishing Company, 1899, 1901, and 1903; London: Chatto and Windus, 1899; New York: Harper and Brothers, 1903–?14. BAL 3456. This edition was typeset from Ag. The three earliest impressions, all issued in 1899, were called the Autograph, Royal, and Popular “editions.” All later impressions include corrections in the plates suggested by Forrest Morgan, a proofreader for the American Publishing Company; Mark Twain was evidently consulted in only one instance: see the textual note at 416.4.1 These corrections first appeared in two other 1899 impressions
[begin page 930]
Below is a list of additional books known to have reprinted excerpts from Roughing It during the author’s lifetime (newspaper reprintings are not included). There is no evidence to suggest that they incorporate Mark Twain’s revisions or corrections, but the possibility of authorial intervention cannot be ruled out entirely, since the excerpted texts have not been collated.
That Convention; or, Five Days a Politician. By F. G. W. et als. By Fletcher G. Welch. New York and Chicago: F. G. Welch and Co., 1872. BAL, 2:246. “The Champion Chirography of the Modern Cincinnatus.”
Howard’s Recitations. Comic, Serious, and Pathetic. Edited by Clarence J. Howard. New York: Dick and Fitzgerald, [1872]. BAL, 2:246. “Buck Fanshaw’s Funeral.”
One Hundred Choice Selections No. 9. Compiled by Phineas Garrett. Philadelphia and Chicago: P. Garrett and Co., 1874. BAL, 2:247. “Buck Fanshaw’s Funeral.”
The Pacific Coast Fourth Reader. San Francisco: A. L. Bancroft and Co., 1874. “The Pony Rider,” “A Nevada Quartz-Mill” (parts 1 and 2), and “The Coyote.”
The Elocutionist’s Annual Number 2. Edited by J. W. Shoemaker. Philadelphia: J. W. Shoemaker and Co., 1875. BAL, 2:247. “Buck Fanshaw’s Funeral.”
Speechiana. New York: Happy Hours Co., [1875?]. “Buck Fanshaw’s Funeral.”
Record of the Year, 1:4 (April 1876). Reissued in Parlor Table Companion. New York: G. W. Carleton and Co., 1877. BAL 3376. “Mark Twain Buys a Horse.”
The Reading Club and Handy Speaker. Number 6. Edited by George M. Baker. Boston: Lee and Shepard; New York: Charles T. Dillingham, 1879. BAL, 2:249. “Greeley’s Ride.”
[begin page 931]
Selections of American Humor in Prose and Verse. Leipzig: Gressner and Schramm, [1883]. “The Aged Pilot Man.”
Choice Bits from Mark Twain. London: Diprose and Bateman, [1885]. BAL 3639. “Baker’s Cat” and “Sending Them Through.”
Chambers’s New Reciter: Comprising Selections from the Works of I. Zangwill . . . [et al.] Edited by R. C. H. Morison. London: W. and R. Chambers, 1900. “Buck Fanshaw’s Funeral.”
Masterpieces of Wit and Humor with Stories and an Introduction by Robert J. Burdette. Copyright, 1902, by E. J. Long. BAL 2013 and 3473. “The Funeral of Buck Fanshaw.”
Mark Twain’s Library of Humor: The Primrose Way. New York: Harper and Brothers, 1906. BAL 3668. “Buck Fanshaw’s Funeral.”
The American Press Humorists’ Book. Edited and published by Frank Thompson Searight. Los Angeles: Frank Thompson Searight, 1907. BAL 3501. “Mark Twain Recalls an Incident of Carson Days” [Nevada nabobs in New York].
Like most books printed in the latter half of the nineteenth century, all copies of the first American edition of Roughing It were manufactured with acidic paper that has deteriorated over time, rendering the volumes extremely fragile. To reduce unnecessary damage to copies in CU-MARK, the text was initially transcribed and many collations were performed using copies of a modern facsimile of Ac (N.Y.: Hippocrene Books, [1987]). Variant readings, however, were always checked in actual first-edition copies.
Printer’s copy for this edition was initially prepared by two typists, each of whom keyed the entire text of the first edition from a copy of the Ac facsimile on a microcomputer using WordPerfect software, version 5.0. DocuComp software, version 1.2, was used to compare the two transcriptions electronically and to generate a list of the differences between them. The typographical errors thus revealed were purged from the text. Passages based on sources other than A were then altered to bring them into conformity with their several copy-texts, by incorporation of accepted copy-text readings (previously identified through collation), and the entire text was emended as necessary. The resulting edited text was submitted on floppy disk to Wilsted & Taylor Publishing Services of Oakland,
[begin page 923]
The first-edition illustrations were reproduced from a copy of Ac (CU-MARK PS1318.A1 1872 copy 1). In addition, the points distinguishing the seven states of A from one another were checked in the following copies: Aa (CU-MARK PS1318.A1 1872 copy 4); Ab (CU-MARK PS1318.A1 1872); Ac (CU-MARK facsimile); Ac (CU-MARK PS1318.A1 1872c copy 1); Ac (CU-MARK PS1318.A1 1872a copy 2); Ad (CU-MARK PS1318.A1 1872a copy 4); Ae (Hirst); Af (CU-MARK PS1318.A1 1888); Ag (CU-MARK PS1318.A1 1900); Ag (Vi PS1318.A1 1903).
The sight collations listed below were carried out by two-person teams. The machine collations were performed on a Hinman collator. An asterisk (*) on an entry indicates that the complete collation performed for RI 1972 was not repeated; instead, sight collation was performed on selected passages only, as needed to support the conclusion that the text was wholly derivative.
sight collations
Ac (CU-MARK PS1318.A1 1872c copy 1, PH) vs.
AP (DLC, PH)
BE (NBu, PH)
BoM (CoDR BX8623 1866)
G (CU-MARK AP2.G2 set 2)
HoHI (CU-BANC DU625.J385)
MP (CU-BANC xF835.W18 1868)
NYT (CU-NEWS, PH)
PCA (CU-BANC, PH)
PT (CU-BANC, PH)
SU, April 1866 (CU-MARK, clippings in Scrapbook 6:109–13)
SU, May–November 1866 (CU-MARK, bound newsprint)
TE63 (CU-MARK, clipping in Scrapbook 2:70)
TE70 (CU-BANC, PH)
VoM (CU-BANC xF731.D57)
Ac (CU-MARK facsimile) vs.
Aus (NRU PS1318.Alr, PH)*
Aus (CU-MARK PS1322.1537 1873)*
[begin page 933]
PJks (IU 817.C859p, PH)*
Can (CU-MARK PS1318.A1 1880a)*
Tau vol. 1 (MB PS1318.A1 1880, PH)*
Tau vol. 2 (CU-MARK PS1322.1537 1881 copy 1)*
E2 (CU-MARK PS1318.A1 1882)*
LoH (CU-MARK PN6157.C5 1888 copy 5)*
LoHE (CU-MARK PN6157.C5 1888a)*
SAH (CU-MARK PRS.C55S41 1888)*
A2 (CU-MARK PS1300.E99d, vols. 7, 8)*
A2 (CU-MARK PS1300.E99c, vols. 7, 8)*
Ac (CU-MARK PS1318.A1 1872a copy 2) vs.
HWa (TxU Clemens B33)
HWb (TxU Clemens B34)
machine collations
Prb (CU-MARK PS1318.A1 1872p) vs.
Pra (collection of Dorothy Goldberg)
Ac (CU-MARK PS1318.A1 1872c copy 1)
Ac (CU-MARK PS1318.A1 1872a copy 2) vs.
Aa (CU-MARK PS1318.A1 1872 copy 4)
Ag (Vi PS1318.A1 1903)
[begin page 934]
Textual Notes
The textual notes explain and defend editorial decisions, including extensions of, and occasional exceptions to, the overall policy described in the Introduction (pages 896–911). All abbreviations for texts are fully defined in the Description of Texts.
[begin page 947]
This list records every departure of the edited text from each of the successive copy-texts on which it is based. The list therefore identifies alterations presumably made by Mark Twain for Roughing It (A), as well as corrections made independently by the editors (C). Found in the same list (rather than separately, as with previous volumes in the Works of Mark Twain) are also those few substantives in A which the editors reject in favor of the copy-text variants. Variant accidentals in A which the editors also reject in favor of the copy-text are not listed, however, for to do so would make the list excessively long.
The copy-text for each section of the text is identified where it begins within the list. For example:
| A (i–46) is copy-text for ‘ROUGHING . . . things:’ (xxi title–26.31) |
The following symbols are used to identify the copy-texts and the sources of the variants listed here. (Each of the texts is more completely defined in the Description of Texts.)
In each entry, the reading adopted in the text is given first, with its source identified parenthetically. The adopted reading is separated by a dot (•) from the rejected variant (or variants) on the right, which is not identified parenthetically when it is from the copy-text. There are, however, several kinds of entries in which variants on both sides of the dot must be identified. When a passage of several lines has been adopted from A, the fact is recorded
[begin page 948]
| 109.25–111.2 | And . . . powers: (A) • not in |
| 109.35 | Lehi;” (C) • Lehi”; (A) |
The second entry here records an emendation of the A reading, not of the copy-text, which is still SU. Similarly, if the editors adopt the substance but not the form of a particular variant, all variant texts, including the copy-text, are identified parenthetically because the reading of this edition (C) corresponds exactly to none of the contributing documents.
| 28.3 | 8 (C) • eight (A); 6 (NYT) |
| 238.2 | marvelous (C) • marvellous (A); wonderful (BE) |
Likewise, in a passage where the Buffalo Express is copy-text, and the editors retain its substantive variant and reject the variant in A, both readings must be explicitly identified, since no emendation has in fact occurred. (It may help to think of such entries as recording a refusal to emend where emendation might otherwise be expected.)
| 239.10 | lay (BE) • laid (A) |
And in the few cases where substantive texts intervene between the copy-text and the first edition, all variant substantives are routinely reported, and must be explicitly identified, even though emendation is not necessarily involved.
| 471.20 | manufacture kapa (native cloth) (SU–A) • beat kapa (HoHI) |
| 471.22 | king (HoHI–SU) • not in (A) |
| 560.36 | you —— —— (A) • you God d——d (TE70–PT) |
All illustrations and captions are drawn from the first American edition. The absence of illustrations in journal copy-texts, which were in general not illustrated (BE, G, SU, and TE63, for instance), is not recorded. Variant substantives in the captions printed in the prospectus and the first edition are, however, recorded. Certain nontextual typographical adjustments (such as the change from roman to arabic numerals in the chapter headings), which are listed in the Introduction (page 911), are not recorded as emendations. When emendation is reported for other reasons, however, the exact form of each text is reproduced.
| 391 title | CHAPTER 57 (C) • CHAPTER LVII. (A); desolation. (BE) |
Because Pr and A are different impressions from the same typesetting and are therefore part of the same edition, the symbol A by itself may signify
[begin page 949]
Entries cite the edited text by page and line or, where necessary, by page, column,
and line:
“xxva.1” means “page xxv, first column, line 1”; “xxvb.8” means “page xxv, second
column, line 8.” Titles, subtitles, and captions are not included in the line count.
Citations of them therefore use the page
number with “title,” “sub,” “cap,” or “illus,” as appropriate. To distinguish two captions on the same page, the
citation adds a number, “cap1” or “cap2,” as appropriate.
Editorial comment is always italicized and enclosed in square brackets, thus: “centered.” The symbol “¶” (for paragraph) is always editorial. Thus “VoM,
175 ¶2” means “the second paragraph that begins on page 175 of the Vigilantes of
Montana.” A vertical rule (|) indicates the end of a line; a double vertical rule (
), the
end of a page.
An en dash (–) connecting two symbols indicates that the reading was transmitted from the first text into the second. In the following entry, for example, the copy-text reading “do” has been retained instead of the reading “are,” which appeared in A, derived from PT.
| 564.12 | do (TE70) • are (PT–A) |
A caret (⁁) indicates the absence of a punctuation mark. A blank space enclosed in editorial brackets (the ) means that the text contains a space or an ambiguous mark instead of the expected mark of punctuation or letter, indicating that the mark or letter may have been typeset, but did not print properly. Entries marked with a heavy asterisk (✱) are discussed in the Textual Notes.
A (i–46) is copy-text for ‘ROUGHING . . . things:’ (xxi title–26.31)
✱NYT (title, ¶3) is copy-text for ‘ACROSS . . . jaunt.’ (26.32–34)
Page 26.34–37
NYT (¶8) is copy-text for ‘A . . . car.’ (26.34–37)
Pages 26.37–28.5
NYT (¶12) is copy-text for ‘It . . . out.’ (26.37–28.5)
A (48–70) is copy-text for ‘CHAPTER . . . CHAPTER 8’ (29 title–50 title)
✱A and AP (May 71) derive independently from MS for ‘In . . . maybe.’ (50.1–52.7)
VoM (175 ¶2) is copy-text for ‘On . . . paragraph:’ (63.35–64.2)
Page 64.3–9
✱VoM (175 ¶1) is copy-text for ‘While . . . execution.’ (64.3–9)
Page 64.9–11
VoM (175 ¶4) is copy-text for ‘Stories . . . line.’ (64.9–11)
Page 64.11–13
VoM (175 ¶3) is copy-text for ‘As . . . practices.’ (64.11–13)
VoM (title page) is copy-text for ‘ “The . . . picturesque:’ (69.5–13)
Page 69.13–17
VoM (167 ¶2, lines 19–24) is copy-text for ‘ “Those . . . incarnate.” ’ (69.13–17)
Page 69.17–21
VoM (175 ¶3, lines 3–4) is copy-text for ‘And . . . mine:’ (69.17–21)
Pages 69.22–74.18
VoM (167 ¶3–173 ¶3) is copy-text for ‘After . . . feelings.’ (69.22–74.18)
A (95–128) is copy-text for ‘There . . . follows:’ (74.19–107.25)
✱BoM (title page [lines 1–23] and testimonial page) is copy-text for ‘The . . . powers:’ (107.26–111.2)
Page 111.3–25
BoM (1 Nephi 5:38, 5:39:1–2, 5:42) is copy-text for ‘And . . . Jacob:’ (111.3–25)
Pages 111.26–112.7
BoM (Jacob 2:6:14–25, 2:9:11–18) is copy-text for ‘For . . . everybody:’ (111.26–112.7)
Page 112.8–36
BoM (3 Nephi 9:1:1–3, 9:2:1–8, 8:5:3–22) is copy-text for ‘And . . . children.’ (112.8–36)
A (133–34) is copy-text for ‘And . . . battle:’ (112.37–113.23)
BoM (Ether 6:7–8, 6:9:1–25) is copy-text for ‘7. . . . written.’ (113.24–114.44)
A (135–241) is copy-text for ‘It . . . CHAPTER 34’ (115.1–221 title)
BE (2 Apr 70) is copy-text for ‘The . . . understanding.’ (221.1–227.5)
A (248–59) is copy-text for ‘CHAPTER . . . CHAPTER 37’ (228 title–238 title)
BE (11 Dec 69 ¶17–18) is copy-text for ‘It . . . desires.’ (238.1–240.5)
A (261–65) is copy-text for ‘A . . . CHAPTER 38’ (240.6–245 title)
BE (16 Oct 69) is copy-text for ‘Mono . . . true.’ (245.1–249.15)
A (270–320) is copy-text for ‘CHAPTER . . . cases.’ (250 title–299.6)
BE (8 Jan 70 ¶ 1–18) is copy-text for ‘Two . . . him.’ (299.7–301.31)
A (323–25) is copy-text for ‘A . . . country.’ (301.32–303.34)
BE (8 Jan 70 ¶19) is copy-text for ‘I . . . again.’ (303.35–304.2)
A (378–410) is copy-text for ‘neighborhood . . . that.’ (356.1–387.17)
BE (13 Nov 69) is copy-text for ‘The . . . over.” ’ (387.18–392.24)
BE (11 Dec 69 ¶1–16) is copy-text for ‘But . . . head.’ (392.25–395.11)
A (443–54) is copy-text for ‘At . . . natives;’ (419.29–431.8)
SU (19 Apr 66) is copy-text for ‘then . . . sail—’ (431.9–434.2)
SU (21 Apr 66 ¶1–4) is copy-text for ‘I . . . about.’ (436.2–438.21)
SU (21 Apr 66 ¶ 15–22) is copy-text for ‘A . . . itself.’ (439.1–441.20)
SU (24 Apr 66 ¶ 1–23) is copy-text for ‘CHAPTER . . . business.’ (442 title–444.15)
SU (21 Apr 66 ¶5–14) is copy-text for ‘This . . . expense.’ (444.16–448.18)
SU (24 Apr 66 ¶24) is copy-text for ‘It . . . CHAPTER 66’ (448.19–450 title)
SU (21 May 66) is copy-text for ‘Passing . . . art.’ (450.1–453.37)
SU (20 Apr 66) is copy-text for ‘Society . . .shoved.” ’ (454.15–456.6)
SU (20 June 66) is copy-text for ‘CHAPTER . . . etc.’ (457 title–458.18)
A (481–90) is copy-text for ‘The . . . reader:’ (458.19–466.14)
SU (1 Aug 66 ¶ 1–8) is copy-text for ‘After . . . procured:’ (466.15–18)
✱PCA is copy-text for ‘Undertaker . . . Force.’ (466.19–468.3) ■ SU (1 Aug 66 ¶8) variants are reported
SU (1 Aug 66 ¶9–19) is copy-text for ‘I . . . came:’ (468.4–469.29)
✱HoHI (105 ¶1–106 ¶4) is copy-text for ‘On . . . abuse.’ (469.30–472.43) ■ SU (1 Aug 66 ¶20–30) variants are reported
SU (1 Aug 66 ¶31–34) is copy-text for ‘You . . . CHAPTER 69’ (472.44–475 title)
SU (18 Aug 66) is copy-text for ‘Bound . . . fruit.’ (475.1–480.2)
SU (24 Aug 66 ¶ 1–13) is copy-text for ‘At . . . required.’ (480.3–24)
A (504–11) is copy-text for ‘CHAPTER . . . CHAPTER 71’ (481 title–489 title)
SU (24 Aug 66 ¶ 14–33) is copy-text for ‘At . . . retaliation.’ (489.1–491.24)
SU (30 Aug 66) is copy-text for ‘Near . . . innocent.’ (491.25–492.20)
SU (6 Sept 66) is copy-text for ‘CHAPTER . . . point.’ (493 title–495.14)
SU (22 Sept 66) is copy-text for ‘I . . . charge.’ (495.15–506.4)
A (532–33) is copy-text for ‘CHAPTER . . . hotel.’ (507 title–29)
SU (16 Nov 66 ¶15) is copy-text for ‘A . . . revelation.’ (508.11–23)
SU (16 Nov 66 ¶7–16) is copy-text for ‘Arrived . . . hotel.’ (508.24–512.8)
A (538–50) is copy-text for ‘CHAPTER . . . CHAPTER 77’ (513 title–526 title)
A (558–76) is copy-text for ‘CHAPTER . . . that—’ (532 title–550.23)
MP (73 ¶4–74 ¶2) is copy-text for ‘They . . . occasion:’ (551.29–552.21)
MP (84 ¶5–85 ¶2) is copy-text for ‘He . . . reliable:’ (552.22–553.7)
A (580) is copy-text for ‘APPENDIX . . . perhaps:]’ (554 title–555.2)
✱TE70 is copy-text for ‘From . . . M. T.]’ (555.3–569.38) ■ PT variants are reported
[begin page 1022]
[begin page 1023]
REFERENCES
This list defines the abbreviations used in this book and provides full bibliographic information for works cited by an author’s name, by the author’s name and publication date, or by a short title.
AAA. 1927. The Notable Library of Major W. Van R. Whitall of Pelham, New York. Sale of 14, 15, and 16 February. New York: American Art Association.
“Abstract of Disbursements.”
1861. “Abstract of Disbursements on Account of the Legislative Assembly of the Territory of Nevada, from July 1st 1861, to November 29th 1861.” In Miscellaneous Treasury Account No. 142896, Office of the First Auditor, RG 217, Records of the General Accounting Office, DNA.
1861–62. “Abstract of Disbursements on Account of the Legislative Assembly of the Territory of Nevada, from November 29th 1861 to June 30th 1862.” In Miscellaneous Treasury Account No. 144986, Office of the First Auditor, RG 217, Records of the General Accounting Office, DNA.
AD. Autobiographical Dictation. [Clemens’s dictations have been published 2010–2015 in print and on MTPO.]
Adams, Thomas F. 1857. Typographia; or, The Printer’s Instructor: A Brief Sketch of the Origin, Rise, and Progress of the Typographic Art, with Practical Directions for Conducting Every Department in an Office, Hints to Authors, Publishers. Philadelphia: L. Johnson and Co.
Addenbrooke, Alice B. 1950. The Mistress of the Mansion. Palo Alto, Calif.: Pacific Books.
Ahlborn, Richard E. 1980. Man Made Mobile: Early Saddles of Western North America. Smithsonian Studies in History and Technology. Washington, D.C.: Smithsonian Institution Press.
Ajax [pseud.]. 1866. “Letter from San Francisco.” Honolulu Pacific Commercial Advertiser, 20 October, 1.
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Alexander, W. D. 1891. A Brief History of the Hawaiian People. New York: American Book Company.
Alexander, Thomas G., and Leonard J. Arrington. 1966. “Camp in the Sagebrush: Camp Floyd, Utah, 1858–1861.” Utah Historical Quarterly 34 (Winter): 3–21.
Allen, James B., and Glen M. Leonard. 1976. The Story of the Latter-day Saints. Salt Lake City: Deseret Book Company.
AMT. 1959. The Autobiography of Mark Twain. Edited by Charles Neider. New York: Harper and Brothers.
Anderson Auction Company. 1911. The Library and Manuscripts of Samuel L. Clemens [Mark Twain]. Part 1. Sale no. 892 (7 and 8 February). New York: Anderson Auction Company.
Anderson, Nels. 1942. Desert Saints: The Mormon Frontier in Utah. Chicago: University of Chicago Press.
Anderson, Rufus. 1864. The Hawaiian Islands: Their Progress and Condition under Missionary Labors. Boston: Gould and Lincoln.
Anderson, Frederick, and Edgar Marquess Branch, eds. 1972. The Great Landslide Case. Berkeley: The Friends of the Bancroft Library.
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Andrews, Lorrin. 1865. A Dictionary of the Hawaiian Language. Honolulu: Henry M. Whitney.
Angel, Myron, ed. 1881. History of Nevada. Oakland, Calif.: Thompson and West. Index in Poulton 1966.
Annual Cyclopaedia 1873. 1877. The American Annual Cyclopaedia and Register of Important Events of the Year 1873. Vol. 13. New York: D. Appleton and Co.
APC (American Publishing Company). 1866–79. “Books received from the Binderies, Dec 1st 1866 to Dec 31. 1879,” the company’s stock ledger, NN-BGC.
Argentoro [pseud.]. 1863. “Letter from Washoe.” Letter dated 24 October. San Francisco Morning Call, 28 October, 1.
Arrington, Leonard J.
1958. Great Basin Kingdom: An Economic History of the Latter-day Saints, 1830–1900. Cambridge: Harvard University Press.
1985. Brigham Young: American Moses. New York: Alfred A. Knopf.
Arrington, Leonard J., and Davis Bitton. 1979. The Mormon Experience: A History of the Latter-day Saints. New York: Alfred A. Knopf.
Ashbaugh, Don. 1963. Nevada’s Turbulent Yesterday: A Study in Ghost Towns. Los Angeles: Westernlore Press.
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Asser. 1908. Asser’s Life of King Alfred. Translated with an introduction and notes by L. C. Jane. London: Chatto and Windus.
Austin, Franklin H. 1926. “Mark Twain Incognito—A Reminiscence.” Friend 96 (September, October, November): 201–4, 224–29, 248–54. Partly reprinted in MTH, 75–79.
Ayers, James J. 1922. Gold and Sunshine: Reminiscences of Early California. Boston: Richard G. Badger.
Baetzhold, Howard G. 1970. Mark Twain and John Bull: The British Connection. Bloomington: Indiana University Press.
Bailey, Paul. 1975. Those Kings and Queens of Old Hawaii. Los Angeles: Westernlore Press.
BAL. 1955–91. Bibliography of American Literature. Compiled by Jacob Blanck. 9 vols. New Haven: Yale University Press.
Bancroft, Hubert Howe.
1882–90. History of the Pacific States of North America. 34 vols. San Francisco: A. L. Bancroft and Co., History Company.
1891–92. Chronicles of the Builders of the Commonwealth. 7 vols. San Francisco: History Company.
Barnes, George E. 1887. “Mark Twain, as He Was Known during His Stay on the Pacific Slope.” San Francisco Morning Call, 17 April, 1.
Barrett, Don C. 1931. The Greenbacks and Resumption of Specie Payments, 1862–1879. Cambridge: Harvard University Press.
Barth, Gunther. 1964. Bitter Strength: A History of the Chinese in the United States, 1850–1870. Cambridge: Harvard University Press.
Bates, George Washington. 1854. Sandwich Island Notes. By a Haole. New York: Harper and Brothers.
BDUSC. 1989. Biographical Directory of the United States Congress, 1774–1989. Bicentennial edition. Washington, D.C.: Government Printing Office. Accessed 14 September.
Beadle, J. H. 1872. Preface to Brigham’s Destroying Angel. In Hickman, v–vii.
Beckwith, Martha. 1940. Hawaiian Mythology. New Haven: Yale University Press. Citations are to the 1970 reprint edition, Honolulu: University of Hawaii Press.
Beebe, Lucius. 1954. Comstock Commotion: The Story of “The Territorial Enterprise.” Stanford: Stanford University Press.
Beebe, Lucius, and Charles Clegg. 1954. Legends of the Comstock Lode. Stanford: Stanford University Press.
Beeton, S. O., ed. 1868. Beeton’s Dictionary of Geography: A Universal Gazetteer. Rev. ed. London: Ward, Lock, and Tyler.
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Bellamy, Gladys Carmen. 1941. “Mark Twain’s Indebtedness to John Phoenix.” American Literature 13 (March): 29–43.
Bennett, Chauncey C. 1869. Honolulu Directory, and Historical Sketch of the Hawaiian or Sandwich Islands. Honolulu: C. C. Bennett.
Benson, Ivan. 1938. Mark Twain’s Western Years. Stanford: Stanford University Press.
Berkove, Lawrence I.
1988. “Jim Gillis: ‘The Thoreau of the Sierras.’ ” Mark Twain Circular 2 (March–April): 1–2.
1988. “Dan De Quille’s Narratives of Ohio: Lorenzo Dow’s Miracle.” Northwest Ohio Quarterly 60 (Spring): 47–56.
1994. “Dan De Quille and Roughing It: Borrowings and Influence.” Nevada Historical Society Quarterly 37 (Spring): 52–57.
Bingham, Hiram. 1855. A Residence of Twenty-one Years in the Sandwich Islands; or, The Civil, Religious, and Political History of Those Islands. 3d ed. Canandaigua, N.Y.: H. D. Goodwin.
Blair, Montgomery. 1861. “ ‘Report of the Postmaster General,’ dated 2 December.” In Message of the President of the United States to the Two Houses of Congress at the Commencement of the Second Session of the Thirty-seventh Congress. Washington, D.C.: Government Printing Office.
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Book of Mormon.
1866. The Book of Mormon: An Account Written by the Hand of Mormon, upon Plates Taken from the Plates of Nephi. Translated by Joseph Smith, Jun. Sixth European Edition. Liverpool: Published by Brigham Young, Jun. Citations in the notes are to chapters and verses in this edition, followed by parenthetical citations to chapters and verses in all editions published since 1879. “1 Nephi” and “2 Nephi” refer to the “First” and “Second” books of Nephi; “3 Nephi” refers to a book listed in the table of contents as merely “Book of Nephi”; “4 Nephi” refers to another “Book of Nephi,” not listed in the table of contents, which follows immediately after “3 Nephi.”
1982. The Book of Mormon. The Doctrine and Covenants of the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints. The Pearl of Great Price. Salt Lake City: Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints.
Boothby, H. E. 1919. “Up from Idolatry.” Hawaiian Almanac and Annual for 1920, 53–78.
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Bowles, Samuel.
1866. Across the Continent: A Summer’s Journey to the Rocky Mountains, the Mormons, and the Pacific States, with Speaker Colfax. London: Sampson Low, Son, and Marston.
1869. Our New West. Records of Travel between the Mississippi River and the Pacific Ocean. Hartford: Hartford Publishing Company.
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Branch, Edgar Marquess.
1946. “A Chronological Bibliography of the Writings of Samuel Clemens to June 8, 1867.” American Literature 18 (May): 109–59.
1967. “ ‘My Voice Is Still for Setchell’: A Background Study of ‘Jim Smiley and His Jumping Frog.’ ” PMLA 82 (December): 591–601.
1969. “Mark Twain Reports the Races in Sacramento.” Huntington Library Quarterly 32 (February): 179–86.
1978. “ ‘The Babes in the Wood’: Artemus Ward’s ‘Double Health’ to Mark Twain.” PMLA 93 (October): 955–72.
1985. “Fact and Fiction in the Blind Lead Episode of Roughing It.” Nevada Historical Society Quarterly 28 (Winter): 234–48.
Brewer, William H. 1930. Up and Down California in 1860–1864. Edited by Francis P. Farquhar. New Haven: Yale University Press.
Bridgman, Richard. 1987. Traveling in Mark Twain. Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press.
Brigham, William T. 1868. Notes on the Volcanoes of the Hawaiian Islands. Boston: Houghton, Mifflin Company, Riverside Press.
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Brooks, Juanita.
1962. John Doyle Lee: Zealot—Pioneer Builder—Scapegoat. Arthur H. Clark Company. Glendale, Calif.: Arthur H. Clark Company.
1970. The Mountain Meadows Massacre. 3d ed. Norman: University of Oklahoma Press.
Brooks, Roger L. 1962. “A Second Possible Source for Mark Twain’s ‘The Aged Pilot Man.’ ” Revue de littérature comparée 36 (July–September): 451–53.
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Browne, Charles Farrar [Artemus Ward, pseud.].
1862. Artemus Ward; His Book. New York: Carleton.
1865. Artemus Ward; His Travels. New York: G. W. Carleton and Co.
Browne, J. Ross.
1860–61. “A Peep at Washoe.” Harper’s New Monthly Magazine 22 (December): 1–17; (January): 145–62; (February): 289–305. Reprinted in J. Ross Browne 1864, 309–436.
1864. Crusoe’s Island: A Ramble in the Footsteps of Alexander Selkirk. With Sketches of Adventure in California and Washoe. New York: Harper and Brothers.
1865. “The Walker River Country.” Harper’s New Monthly Magazine 31 (November): 700–709. Reprinted in J. Ross Browne 1869, 445–73.
1865. “A Trip to Bodie Bluff and the Dead Sea of the West.” Harper’s New Monthly Magazine 31 (August, September): 274–84, 411–19. Reprinted in J. Ross Browne 1869, 393–444.
1865. “Washoe Revisited.” Harper’s New Monthly Magazine 30–31 (May, June, July): 681–96, 1–12, 151–61. Reprinted in J. Ross Browne 1869, 293–392.
1866. “The Reese River Country.” Harper’s New Monthly Magazine 33 (June): 26–44. Reprinted in J. Ross Browne 1869, 475–535.
1868. Report of J. Ross Browne, on the Mineral Resources of the States and Territories West of the Rocky Mountains. San Francisco: H. H. Bancroft and Co.
1869. Adventures in the Apache Country: A Tour through Arizona and Sonora, with Notes on the Silver Regions of Nevada. New York: Harper and Brothers.
Browne, Junius Henri. 1872. Sights and Sensations in Europe. Hartford: American Publishing Company.
Browning, Peter. 1986. Place Names of the Sierra Nevada: From Abbot to Zumwalt. Berkeley: Wilderness Press.
Buckbee, Edna Bryan. 1935. The Saga of Old Tuolumne. New York: Press of the Pioneers.
Budd, Louis J., ed. 1977. “A Listing of and Selection from Newspaper and Magazine Interviews with Samuel L. Clemens, 1874–1910.” American Literary Realism 10 (Winter): i–100.
Bunker, William M. 1879. From Report upon the Aurora Mining District, Esmeralda Company., Nevada. San Francisco: Barry, Baird, and Co.
Burton, Richard F. 1861. The City of the Saints and Across the Rocky Mountains to California. London: Longman, Green, Longman, and Roberts.
Bush, Lester E., Jr. 1981. “The Word of Wisdom in Early Nineteenth-Century Perspective.” Dialogue 14 (Autumn): 46–65.
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Byron, George Anson. 1826. Voyage of H. M. S. Blonde to the Sandwich Islands, in the Years 1824–1825. London: John Murray.
Callaway, Llewellyn Link. 1973. Two True Tales of the Wild West. Oakland, Calif.: Maud Gonne Press.
Callicot, T. Carey. 1855. Cyclopedia of Universal Geography: Being a Gazetteer of the World. New York: A. S. Barnes and Co.
Cameron, Marguerite. 1939. This Is the Place. Caldwell, Idaho: Caxton Printers.
Campbell, Archibald. 1816. A Voyage Round the World, from 1806 to 1812. Edinburgh: Printed for Archibald Constable and Co.
Campbell, Eugene E. 1988. Establishing Zion: The Mormon Church in the American West, 1847–1869. Salt Lake City: Signature Books.
Canning, Ray R., and Beverly Beeton. 1977. The Genteel Gentile: Letters of Elizabeth Cumming, 1857–1858. Salt Lake City: Tanner Trust Fund, University of Utah Library.
Carleton, J. H. 1902. Special Report of the Mountain Meadow Massacre, by J. H. Carleton, Brevet Major, United States Army, Captain, First Dragoons, dated 25 May 1859. U.S. Congress, House of Representatives, 57th Congress, 1st session, volume 110, document 605..
Carlson, Helen S. 1974. Nevada Place Names: A Geographical Dictionary. Reno: University of Nevada Press.
Carson County Census. [1860] 1967. “Free Inhabitants in . . . Carson County.” Population Schedules of the Eighth Census of the United States, 1860. Roll 1314. Utah: Carson County. National Archives Microfilm Publications, Microcopy no. 653. Washington, D.C.: General Services Administration.
Carter, Kate B., comp. 1952–57. Treasures of Pioneer History. 6 vols. Salt Lake City: Daughters of Utah Pioneers.
Caulkins, Frances Manwaring. 1895. History of New London, Connecticut. New London: H. D. Utley.
CBri. Mono County Free Library, Bridgeport, Calif.
CCamarSJ. St. John’s Seminary, Camarillo, California. Formerly home to the Estelle Doheny collection (now dispersed).
CCC. Honnold/Mudd Library, Claremont, Calif.
Chalfant, Willie Arthur. 1928. Outposts of Civilization. Boston: Christopher Publishing House.
Chapel, Charles Edward. 1961. Guns of the Old West. New York: Coward-McCann.
Chapman, Arthur. 1932. The Pony Express: The Record of a Romantic Adventure in Business. New York and London: G. P. Putnam’s Sons.
Cheever, Henry T.
1851. The Island World of the Pacific. New York: Harper and Brothers.
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1851. Life in the Sandwich Islands; or, The Heart of the Pacific, as It Was and Is. New York: A. S. Barnes and Co.
Citizen [pseud.]. 1864. Letter dated 18 May, quoting the Virginia City Territorial Enterprise of 17 May. In “The ‘Enterprise’ Libel of the Ladies of Carson,” Virginia City Union, 25, 26, and 27 May, 2. Reprinted in L1, 289 n. 2.
Clagett, Fred. 1990. “The Life of William H. Clagett.” Paper presented on 20 April at the Pacific Northwest History Conference in Boise, Idaho. TS in CU-MARK.
Clayton, Dick. 1932?. “Mark Twain and Jack Slade Entertain at Weber Stage Station in 1862.” TS of six pages, an account by Dick Clayton, Coalville, Utah, retelling a narrative by Tom Rivington. U.S. Works Progress Administration, Series A, Group 3. Historical Records Survey: Utah. Transcripts of Mormon Diaries and Journals, 3–14. Manuscripts Division, DLC.
Clayton, Joshua E. 1864. “Pocket Veins.” Mining and Scientific Press 8 (5 March): 145–46.
Clemens, Cyril. 1932. Mark Twain the Letter Writer. Foreword by Carl Sandburg. Boston: Meador Publishing Company. (BAL 3554).
Clemens, Mary Eleanor. See MEC.
Clemens, Orion. See OC.
Clemens, Samuel Langhorne. See SLC.
Coan, Titus.
1841. “Letter from Mr. Coan, Dated at Hilo, 25th Sept. 1840.” Missionary Herald 37 (July): 283–85.
1866. “Volcanic Phenomena of the Island of Hawaii.” Friend 17 (1 February): 9–11, 14.
1882. Life in Hawaii: An Autobiographic Sketch of Mission Life and Labors (1835–1881). New York: Anson D. F. Randolph and Co.
Coan, Titus Munson. 1868. “The Greatest Volcano in the World.” Harper’s New Monthly Magazine 37 (September): 553–59.
CoDR. Regis College, Denver, Colo.
Cody, William F. 1879. The Life of Hon. William F. Cody, Known as Buffalo Bill, the Famous Hunter, Scout and Guide: An Autobiography. Hartford: Frank E. Bliss. Citations are to the 1978 reprint edition, with a foreword by Don Russell, Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press.
CofC. 1969. Clemens of the “Call”: Mark Twain in San Francisco. Edited by Edgar M. Branch. Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press.
Collins, Charles, comp. 1864–65. Mercantile Guide and Directory for Virginia City, Gold Hill, Silver City and American City. Virginia City: Agnew and Deffebach.
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Conard, Howard L., ed. 1901. Encyclopedia of the History of Missouri. 6 vols. New York: Southern History Company.
Congressional Globe. 1863. “Appendix to the Congressional Globe.” Congressional Globe, 37th Congress, 3d session. John C. Rives, comp. Washington, D.C.: Congressional Globe Office.
Conkling, Roscoe P., and Margaret B. Conkling. 1947. The Butterfield Overland Mail, 1857–1869. 3 vols. Glendale, Calif.: Arthur H. Clark Company.
Considine, John L.
1923. “The Desperadoes.” San Francisco Evening Bulletin, 20 September, Section 2, 2.
1923. “Mark Twain.” San Francisco Evening Bulletin, 22 September, Magazine Section, 10.
1923. “Mark Twain Achieves Fame.” San Francisco Evening Bulletin, 13 October, Magazine Section, 10.
Cook, James, and James King. 1784. A Voyage to the Pacific Ocean. 3 vols. Volumes 1 and 2 written by Captain Cook and volume 3 written by Captain King. London: G. Nicol and T. Cadell.
Cook, Lyndon W. 1981. The Revelations of the Prophet Joseph Smith: A Historical and Biographical Commentary of the Doctrine and Covenants. Provo, Utah: Seventy’s Mission Bookstore.
Coolidge, Mary Roberts. 1909. Chinese Immigration. New York: Henry Holt and Co.
Copinger, Walter Arthur. 1870. The Law of Copyright, in Works of Literature and Art. London: Stevens and Haynes.
Cornish [pseud.]. 1860. “Washoe: Thither and Hither.” San Francisco Golden Era, 10 (15 April), 5.
Cracroft, Richard H. 1984. “ ‘Ten Wives Is All You Need’: Artemus Twain and the Mormons—Again.” Western Humanities Review 38 (Autumn): 197–211.
Cradlebaugh, John. 1863. Speech of Hon. John Cradlebaugh, of Nevada, on the Admission of Utah as a State. Delivered in the House of Representatives, February 7, 1863. Washington, D.C.: L. Towers and Co.
Creer, Leland Hargrave. 1929. Utah and the Nation. University of Washington Publications in the Social Sciences, vol. 7. Seattle: University of Washington Press.
CSmH. Henry E. Huntington Library, Art Collections and Botanical Gardens, San Marino, Calif.
CtHMTH. Mark Twain Memorial, Hartford, Conn.
CtHSD. Stowe-Day Memorial Library and Historical Foundation, Hartford, Conn.
[begin page 1032]
CtY-BR. Yale University, Beinecke Rare Book and Manuscript Library, New Haven, Conn.
CU-BANC. University of California, The Bancroft Library, Berkeley.
CU-MAPS. University of California, Berkeley, Maps Collection, Berkeley, Calif.
CU-MARK. University of California, Mark Twain Papers, The Bancroft Library, Berkeley.
CU-NEWS. University of California, Newspaper and Microcopy Division, Berkeley, Calif.
Curry, C. F., comp. 1907. California Blue Book or State Roster. Sacramento: State Printing Office.
Curtis, Camphor. 1864. “The Newspapers of Virginia.” Undated letter. Sacramento Bee, 6 January, 1.
DAB. 1928-36. Dictionary of American Biography. Edited by Allen Johnson and Dumas Malone. 20 vols. New York: Charles Scribner’s Sons.
Daggett, Rollin M. 1893. “Daggett’s Recollections,” in “The Passing of a Pioneer.” San Francisco Examiner, 22 January, 15. Reprinted as “Enterprise Men and Events” in Lewis 1971, 11–16.
DAH. 1940. Dictionary of American History. 5 vols. New York: Charles Scribner’s Sons.
Daley. Collection of Robert Daley.
Dana, James D. 1849. Geology. Vol. 10 of United States Exploring Expedition. During the Years 1838, 1839, 1840, 1841, 1842. Under the Command of Charles Wilkes, U.S.N. Philadelphia: C. Sherman.
David, Beverly R. 1986. Mark Twain and His Illustrators: Volume I (1869–1875). Troy, N.Y.: Whitston Publishing Company.
Davis, Chester L., Sr.
1944. “About Mark Twain’s Job on the San Francisco Call.” Twainian 3 (May): 4–6.
1952a. “Mark’s Letters to San Francisco Call.” Twainian 11 (January–February): 1–4.
1952b. “Mark’s Letters to San Francisco Call.” Twainian 11 (March–April): 1–4.
1956a. “Mark Twain’s Highway Robbery as Told by Steve Gillis.” Twainian 15 (January–February): 3–4.
1956b. “Letters from Steve Gillis.” Twainian 15 (March–April): 1–3.
1956c. “Goodman’s Assistance on the Biography.” Twainian 15 (May–June): 2–4.
1956d. “Letters from Frank Fuller.” Twainian 15 (July–August): 1–3.
Davis, Jefferson. 1856. “Report of the Secretary of War.” In Message from the President of the United States to the Two Houses of Congress, at
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Davis, Sam P., ed. 1913. The History of Nevada. 2 vols. Reno: Elms Publishing Company.
Davis, Winfield J. 1893. History of Political Conventions in California, 1849–1892. Sacramento: California State Library.
Dawson’s Book Shop. 1925. A Catalogue of Rare Books. No. 37 (February). Los Angeles: Dawson’s Book Shop.
Decker, Robert Owen. 1976. The Whaling City: A History of New London. Chester, Conn.: New London County Historical Society.
DeGolyer, E. 1953. Introduction to The Vigilantes of Montana by Thomas J. Dimsdale. 2d ed. Norman: University of Oklahoma Press.
DeGroot, Henry.
1860. Sketches of the Washoe Silver Mines. San Francisco: Hutchings and Rosenfield. Citations are to the 1961 reprint edition, Morrison, Ill.: Karl Yost.
1863. DeGroot’s Map of Nevada Territory, Exhibiting a Portion of Southern Oregon & Eastern California. San Francisco: Warren Holt.
1876. “Comstock Papers. No. 2.” Mining and Scientific Press 33 (29 July): 80.
1876. “Comstock Papers. No. 5.” Mining and Scientific Press 33 (2 September): 160.
Delaney, Wesley A. 1948. “The Truth about That Humboldt Trip as Told by Gus Oliver to A. B. Paine.” Twainian 7 (May-June): 1–3.
Denny, William R. 1867. “Quaker City and Holy Land Journal.” TS of 273 pages, Manuscripts Department, ViU, PH in CU-MARK.
Denton, Lynn W. 1971–72. “Mark Twain and the American Indian.” Mark Twain Journal 16 (Winter): 1–3.
Derby, George H. [John Phoenix, pseud.].
1856. Phoenixiana; or, Sketches and Burlesques. New York: D. Appleton and Co.
1865. The Squibob Papers. New York: G. W. Carleton.
De Vinne, Theodore Low. 1901. The Practice of Typography: Correct Composition: A Treatise on Spelling, Abbreviations, the Compounding and Division of Words, the Proper Use of Figures and Numerals, Italic and Capital Letters, Notes, etc., with Observations on Punctuation and Proof-Reading. New York: Century Company.
Dibble, Sheldon.
1839. History and General Views of the Sandwich Islands’ Mission. New York: Taylor and Dodd.
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1843. A History of the Sandwich Islands. Lahainaluna: Press of the Mission Seminary.
Dilke, Charles Wentworth. 1868. Greater Britain: A Record of Travel in English-Speaking Countries during 1866 and 1867. 2 vols. London: Macmillan and Co.
Dimsdale, Thomas J. 1866. The Vigilantes of Montana, or Popular Justice in the Rocky Mountains. Being a Correct and Impartial Narrative of the Chase, Trial, Capture and Execution of Henry Plummer’s Road Agent Band, Together with Accounts of the Lives and Crimes of Many of the Robbers and Desperadoes, the Whole Being Interspersed with Sketches of Life in the Mining Camps of the “Far West;” Forming the Only Reliable Work on the Subject Ever Offered the Public. Virginia City, Montana Terr.: Montana Post Press.
DLC. United States Library of Congress, Washington, D.C.
DNA. United States National Archives and Records Service, National Archives Library, Washington, D.C.
DNB. 1921–22. The Dictionary of National Biography. 22 vols. London: Oxford University Press.
Doctor, The [pseud.].
1862. “Notes of a Trip to the Humboldt Mines, Nevada Territory.” Letter dated 28 September. San Francisco Alta California, 2 October, 1.
1862. “Notes of a Trip to the Humboldt Mines, Nevada Territory.—No. 2.” San Francisco Alta California, 4 October, 2.
Doctrine and Covenants. 1954. The Doctrine and Covenants, Containing Revelations Given to Joseph Smith, Jr., the Prophet. With an introduction and historical and exegetical notes by Hyrum M. Smith and Janne M. Sjodahl. Rev. ed. Salt Lake City: Deseret Book Company.
Dorson, Richard M. 1946. Jonathan Draws the Long Bow. Cambridge: Harvard University Press.
Doten, Alfred. 1973. The Journals of Alfred Doten, 1849–1903. Edited by Walter Van Tilburg Clark. 3 vols. Reno: University of Nevada Press.
Drury, Wells. 1936. An Editor on the Comstock Lode. New York: Farrar and Rinehart.
Dwight, Edwin Welles. 1819. Memoirs of Henry Obookiah, a Native of Owhyhee, and a Member of the Foreign Mission School; Who Died at Cornwall, Conn. Feb 17, 1818, Aged 26 Years. New Haven: Nathan Whiting.
Dwyer, Richard A., and Richard E. Lingenfelter. 1984. Lying on the Eastern Slope: James Townsend’s Comic Journalism on the Mining Frontier. Miami: Florida International University Press.
Edwards, William B. 1953. The Story of Colt’s Revolver; the Biography of Col. Samuel Colt. Harrisburg, Pa.: Stackpole Company.
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Edwords, Clarence E. 1914. Bohemian San Francisco: Its Restaurants and Their Most Famous Recipes. The Elegant Art of Dining. San Francisco: Paul Elder and Co.
Elliott, Russell R. 1983. Servant of Power: A Political Biography of Senator William M. Stewart. Nevada Studies in History and Political Science No. 18. Reno: University of Nevada Press.
Ellis, William. 1827. Narrative of a Tour through Hawaii, or Owhyhee. 3d ed. London: H. Fisher, Son, and P. Jackson.
Esshom, Frank. 1913. Pioneers and Prominent Men of Utah. Salt Lake City: Utah Pioneers Book Publishing Company.
ET&S1. 1979. Early Tales & Sketches, Volume 1 (1851–1864). Edited by Edgar Marquess Branch and Robert H. Hirst, with the assistance of Harriet Elinor Smith. The Works of Mark Twain. Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press.
ET&S2. 1981. Early Tales & Sketches, Volume 2 (1864–1865). Edited by Edgar Marquess Branch and Robert H. Hirst, with the assistance of Harriet Elinor Smith. The Works of Mark Twain. Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press.
Evans, Albert S. 1870. Our Sister Republic: A Gala Trip through Tropical Mexico in 1869–70. Hartford: Columbian Book Company.
Fatout, Paul.
1960. Mark Twain on the Lecture Circuit. Bloomington: Indiana University Press.
1964. Mark Twain in Virginia City. Bloomington: Indiana University Press.
1976. Mark Twain Speaking. Iowa City: University of Iowa Press.
Fife, Austin, and Alta Fife. 1956. Saints of Sage & Saddle: Folklore among the Mormons. Bloomington: Indiana University Press.
Fike, Richard E., and John W. Headley. 1979. The Pony Express Stations of Utah in Historical Perspective. Bureau of Land Management, Utah. Cultural Resources Series, Monograph 2. Washington, D.C.: Government Printing Office.
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Fitch, Thomas. 1978. Western Carpetbagger: The Extraordinary Memoirs of “Senator” Thomas Fitch. Edited by Eric N. Moody. Reno: University of Nevada Press.
Flanders, Robert Bruce. 1965. Nauvoo: Kingdom on the Mississippi. Urbana: University of Illinois Press.
Fletcher, Robert H., ed. 1898. The Annals of the Bohemian Club from Its Beginning, in the Year Eighteen Hundred and Seventy-two, to Eighteen Hundred and Eighty. Vol. 1. San Francisco: Hicks-Judd Company.
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Neville, Amelia Ransome. 1932. The Fantastic City: Memoirs of the Social and Romantic Life of Old San Francisco. Edited and revised by Virginia Brastow. Boston: Houghton Mifflin Co.
[begin page 1049]
Newman, Mary Richardson [May Wentworth, pseud.], ed. 1867. Poetry of the Pacific: Selections and Original Poems from the Poets of the Pacific States. San Francisco: Pacific Publishing Company.
NhD. Dartmouth College, Hanover, N.H.
NHyF. Franklin D. Roosevelt Library, Hyde Park, N.Y.
NN. New York Public Library, New York, N.Y.
NN-BGC [formerly NN-B]. New York Public Library, Albert A. and Henry W. Berg Collection, New York, N.Y.
Nomad [pseud.]. 1862. “Letter from Humboldt, N. T.” Letter dated 17 September. Sacramento Union, 23 September, 1.
NPV. Vassar College, Poughkeepsie, N.Y.
NRU. University of Rochester, Rochester, N.Y.
Nv-Ar. Nevada State Library, Division of State Archives, Carson City, Nev.
NvHi. Nevada State Historical Society, Reno, Nev.
NvU. University of Nevada, Reno, Nev.
NvU-NSP. Nevada State Papers (microform archive), University of Nevada, Reno, Nev.
Nye-Starr, Kate. 1888. A Self-Sustaining Woman; or, The Experience of Seventy-two Years. Chicago: Illinois Printing and Binding Company.
OC. 1861. “From Nevada Territory.” Letter dated 19 August, signed “Carson.” St. Louis Missouri Democrat, 16 September, 1, clipping in Scrapbook 1:40, CU-MARK. Reprinted in Rogers 1961, 47–49.
OCi. Public Library of Cincinnati and Hamilton County, Cincinnati, Ohio. [MARC: OC.]
OClRC. Rowfant Club, Cleveland, Ohio.
OClWHi. Western Reserve Historical Society, Cleveland, Ohio.
ODaU. University of Dayton, Roesch Library, Dayton, Ohio.
O'Dea, Thomas F. 1957. The Mormons. Chicago: University of Chicago Press.
Odell, George C. D. 1927–49. Annals of the New York Stage. 15 vols. New York: Columbia University Press.
O'Donnell, Sheryl. 1963–64. “Notes for chapters 7–11 of Roughing It.” Unpublished paper, John Carroll University, Cleveland, Ohio. Courtesy of John Melton.
OED. 1989. The Oxford English Dictionary. 2d ed. Prepared by J. A. Simpson and E. S. C. Weiner. 20 vols. Oxford: Clarendon Press.
[begin page 1050]
“Official Correspondence.” 1861–64. Official letters sent by Secretary Orion Clemens, Nv-Ar.
Ogden, Richard L. [Podgers, pseud.]. 1866. “Podgers’ Letter from New York.” Letter dated 10 December 1865. San Francisco Alta California, 10 January, 1.
Ohles, John F., ed. 1978. Biographical Dictionary of American Educators. 3 vols. Westport, Conn.: Greenwood Press.
OLC. Olivia (Livy) Langdon Clemens.
Olson, Gunder Einer. 1944. The Story of the Volcano House. 3d ed. Hilo, Hawaii: Hilo Tribune Herald.
Paher, Stanley W. 1970. Nevada Ghost Towns & Mining Camps. Berkeley: Howell-North Books.
PAM. Pamela Ann Moffett.
Parker, Hershel. 1973. “Regularizing Accidentals: The Latest Form of Heresy.” Proof 3:1–20.
Pasko, Wesley Washington. 1894. American Dictionary of Printing and Bookmaking. New York: Howard Lockwood and Co. Citations are to the 1967 reprint edition, Detroit: Gale Research Company.
Paul, Almarin B. [Cosmos, pseud.]. 1864. “Affairs in Washoe.” San Francisco Evening Bulletin, 25 May, 1.
PBL. Lehigh University, Bethlehem, Pa.
PH. Photocopy.
Phillips, Michael J. 1920. “Mark Twain’s Partner.” Saturday Evening Post 193 (11 September): 22–23, 69–70, 73–74.
Poe, Edgar Allan. 1978. Collected Works of Edgar Allan Poe. Edited by Thomas Ollive Mabbott. 3 vols. Cambridge: Belknap Press of Harvard University Press.
Presbrey, Frank. 1929. The History and Development of Advertising. Garden City, N.Y.: Doubleday, Doran and Co. Citations are to the 1968 reprint edition, New York: Greenwood Press.
Pukui, Mary Kawena, and Samuel H. Elbert. 1971. Hawaiian Dictionary. Honolulu: University of Hawaii Press.
Pukui, Mary Kawena, Samuel H. Elbert, and Esther T. Mookini. 1974. Place Names of Hawaii. Rev. and enl. ed. Honolulu: University Press of Hawaii.
Putnam, C. A. V. 1898. “Dan De Quille and Mark Twain: Reminiscences by an Old Associate Editor of Virginia City, Nevada.” Salt Lake City Tribune, 25 April, 3.
Quartz [pseud.]. 1863. “Letter from Nevada Territory.” Letter dated 1 February. San Francisco Alta California, 8 February, 1.
[begin page 1051]
Rabb, Kate Milner, ed. 1907. The Wit and Humor of America. 5 vols. Indianapolis: Bobbs-Merrill Co.
Rambler [pseud.].
1862. “Mining Prospects as Represented.” Letter dated 12 September. San Francisco Alta California, 17 September, 1.
1863. “Letter from Nevada Territory.” Letter dated 28 June. San Francisco Alta California, 11 July, 1.
Ransome, Frederick Leslie. 1909. Notes on Some Mining Districts in Humboldt County Nevada. United States Geological Survey Bulletin no. 414. Washington, D.C.: Government Printing Office.
Rawls, James J., ed. 1980. Dan De Quille of the Big Bonanza. San Francisco: Book Club of California.
Reade, A. Arthur, ed. 1883. Study and Stimulants; or, The Use of Intoxicants and Narcotics in Relation to Intellectual Life. Philadelphia: J. B. Lippincott and Co.
Reade, Charles. 1859. Love Me Little, Love Me Long. New York: Harper and Brothers.
Reid, James D. 1886. The Telegraph in America and Morse Memorial. New York: John Polhemus.
Remy, Jules, and Julius Brenchley. 1861. A Journey to Great-Salt-Lake City. 2 vols. London: W. Jeffs.
Reports. 1868. Reports of Cases Determined in the Supreme Court of the State of California. Vol. 4. San Francisco: Sumner Whitney.
RI 1972. 1972. Roughing It. Edited by Franklin R. Rogers and Paul Baender. The Works of Mark Twain. Berkeley, Los Angeles, London: University of California Press.
Rice, Harvey. 1870. Letters from the Pacific Slope; or, First Impressions. New York: D. Appleton and Co.
Rich, Russell R. 1972. Ensign to the Nations: A History of the Church from 1846 to the Present. Provo, Utah: Brigham Young University Publications.
Richardson, Albert Deane. 1869. Beyond the Mississippi: From the Great River to the Great Ocean. 2d ed., rev. and enl. Hartford: American Publishing Company. First published in 1867.
Ringwalt, J. Luther, ed. 1871. American Encyclopaedia of Printing. Philadelphia: Menamin and Ringwalt.
Ripley, George. 1873. “New Publications.” New York Tribune, 31 January, 6.
Robinson, Forrest G. 1980. “Seeing the Elephant: Some Perspectives on Mark Twain’s Roughing It.” American Studies 21 (Fall): 43–64.
[begin page 1052]
Rodecape, Lois Foster. 1942. “Tom Maguire, Napoleon of the Stage.” California Historical Society Quarterly 21 (March): 39–74.
Rogers, Franklin R.
1957. “Washoe’s First Literary Journal.” California Historical Society Quarterly 36 (December): 365–70.
1960. Mark Twain’s Burlesque Patterns. Dallas: Southern Methodist University Press.
Rogers, Franklin R., ed. 1961. The Pattern for Mark Twain’s Roughing It: Letters from Nevada by Samuel and Orion Clemens, 1861–1862. Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press.
Root, Frank A., and William Elsey Connelley. 1901. The Overland Stage to California. Topeka, Kans.: Published by the Authors. Citations are to the 1970 reprint edition, Glorieta, N.Mex.: Rio Grande Press.
Roper, Gordon. 1966. “Mark Twain and His Canadian Publishers: A Second Look.” Papers of the Bibliographical Society of Canada 5:30–89.
Rowell, George P. 1869. Geo. P. Rowell & Co’s American Newspaper Directory. New York: George P. Rowell and Co.
Rowlette, Robert. 1973. “ ‘Mark Ward on Artemus Twain’: Twain’s Literary Debt to Ward.” American Literary Realism 6 (Winter): 13–25.
RPB-JH. Brown University, John Hay Library of Rare Books and Special Collections, Providence, R.I.
Rusling, James F. 1875. Across America: or, The Great West and the Pacific Coast. New York: Sheldon and Co.
Russell, Israel C. 1889. Quaternary History of Mono Valley, California. Washington, D.C.: Government Printing Office.
Sage Brush [pseud.]. 1864. “Humboldt Correspondence.” Letter dated 11 February. Undated clipping from the Oroville (Calif.) Union Record, Bancroft Scraps, Set W (Nevada Mining), 94:1:208–9, CU-BANC.
Sahab [pseud.]. 1863. “The Esmeralda Region.” San Francisco Evening Bulletin, 3 February, 1. Letter dated 24 January.
S&B. 1967. Mark Twain’s Satires & Burlesques. Edited by Franklin R. Rogers. Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press.
Sandburg, Carl. 1927. The American Songbag. New York: Harcourt, Brace, and Co.
Sandmeyer, Elmer Clarence. 1939. The Anti-Chinese Movement in California. Urbana: University of Illinois Press.
Sanger, George P., ed. 1871. The Statutes at Large and Proclamations of the United States of America, from December 1869 to March 1871, and Treaties and Postal Conventions. Boston: Little, Brown, and Co.
Schindler, Harold. 1983. Orrin Porter Rockwell: Man of God, Son of Thunder. 2d ed. Salt Lake City: University of Utah Press.
[begin page 1053]
Scott, Edward B. 1968. The Saga of the Sandwich Islands. Crystal Bay, Nev.: Sierra-Tahoe Publishing Company.
Sheldon, Addison E. 1930. “Old Fort Kearny,” an appendix to Lillian M. Willman, “The History of Fort Kearny.” Publications of the Nebraska State Historical Society 21: 211–318.
Shinn, Charles Howard. 1896. The Story of the Mine, as Illustrated by the Great Comstock Lode of Nevada. New York: D. Appleton and Co.
Shuck, Oscar T., ed. 1870. Representative and Leading Men of the Pacific. San Francisco: Bacon and Co.
Shuck, Oscar T., et al., eds. 1875. Sketches of Leading and Representative Men of San Francisco. London: London and New York Publishing Company.
Simmons, A. J. 1861. “The Humboldt Mines.” Sacramento Union, 15 November, 1.
Singer, Isidore, ed. 1901–6. The Jewish Encyclopedia. 12 vols. New York and London: Funk and Wagnalls Company.
SLC (Samuel Langhorne Clemens).
1861. “Nevada Correspondence.” Keokuk Gate City, 20 November, 2. Letter dated 26 October. Reprinted in L1, 136–40.
1862a. “Model Letter from Nevada.” Letter dated 30 January. Keokuk Gate City, 6 March, 4. Reprinted in L1, 146–52.
1862b. Letter dated 20 March. Keokuk Gate City, 25 June, 1. Reprinted in L1, 174–80.
1862c [attributed]. “Late from Washoe.” Sacramento Union, 22 July, 2. Reprinting the Virginia City Territorial Enterprise of 20 July, not extant.
1862d [attributed]. “A Gale.” Oroville (Calif.) Butte Record, 11 October, 2, reprinting the Virginia City Territorial Enterprise of 1 October. Reprinted in ET&S1, 389.
1862e [attributed]. “The Indian Troubles on the Overland Route.” Marysville (Calif.) Appeal, 5 October, reprinting the Virginia City Territorial Enterprise of 1 October. Reprinted in ET&S1, 390–91.
1862f [attributed]. “More Indian Troubles.” Marysville (Calif.) Appeal, 5 October, reprinting the Virginia City Territorial Enterprise of 1 October. Reprinted in ET&S1, 391.
1862g. “The Spanish Mine.” Oroville (Calif.) Butte Record, 1 November, 1, reprinting the Virginia City Territorial Enterprise of unknown date, probably late October. Reprinted in ET&S1, 160–66.
1862h. “Letter from Carson.” Virginia City Territorial Enterprise, 12 December, clipping in Scrapbook 1:60, CU-MARK. Reprinted in MTEnt, 38–41.
[begin page 1054]
1862i [attributed]. “Particulars of the Assassination of Jack Williams.” San Francisco Morning Call, 14 December, 2, reprinting the Virginia City Territorial Enterprise of 10–12 December.
1862j [attributed]. “Blown Down.” Virginia City Territorial Enterprise, 30 or 31 December, clipping in Scrapbook 4:14, CU-MARK. Reprinted in ET&S1, 393–94.
1863a. “The Spanish.” Undated clipping from the Virginia City Territorial Enterprise (probably 12 or 22 February), Grant Smith Papers, carton 3, box 4, CU-BANC. Reprinted in ET&S1, 167–68.
1863b. “Silver Bars—How Assayed.” Stockton (Calif.) Independent, 26 February, 1, reprinting the Virginia City Territorial Enterprise of 17–22 February. Reprinted in ET&S1, 210–14.
1863c. “City Marshal Perry.” Rabb 1907, 5: 1809–13, reprinting the Virginia City Territorial Enterprise of 4 March. Reprinted in ET&S1, 233–38.
1863d. See SLC 1864c2.
1863e. “ ‘Mark Twain’s’ Letter.” Letter dated 5 July. San Francisco Morning Call, 9 July, 1. ET&S1, 254–58.
1863f. “ ‘Mark Twain’s’ Letter.” Letter dated 12 July. San Francisco Morning Call, 15 July, 1. Twainian 11 (January–February 1952): 2–3.
1863g. “ ‘Mark Twain’s’ Letter.” Letter dated 16 July. San Francisco Morning Call, 18 July, 1. Twainian 11 (January–February 1952): 3.
1863h [attributed]. “Particulars of the Recent ‘Cave’ of the Mexican and Ophir Mines.” San Francisco Evening Bulletin, 21 July, 1, reprinting the Virginia City Territorial Enterprise of 16 July.
1863i. “ ‘Mark Twain’s’ Letter.” Letter dated 19 July. San Francisco Morning Call, 23 July, 1. Twainian 11 (January–February 1952): 3–4.
1863j [attributed]. Extracts published in Mining and Scientific Press 6 (27 July): 1, reprinting the Virginia City Territorial Enterprise of 14–17 July.
1863k. “ ‘Mark Twain’s’ Letter.” Letter dated 2 August. San Francisco Morning Call, 6 August, 1. Partly reprinted in Chester L. Davis 1944, 5.
1863l. “ ‘Mark Twain’s’ Letter.” Letter dated 8 August. San Francisco Morning Call, 13 August, 1. Twainian 11 (March–April 1952): 3.
1863m. “Letter from Mark Twain.” Letter dated “Tuesday Afternoon” [18 August]. Virginia City Territorial Enterprise, 19 August, clipping in Scrapbook 2:62, CU-MARK. Reprinted in MTEnt, 66–70.
1863n [attributed]. “Ye Bulletin Cyphereth.” Virginia City Territorial Enterprise, 27 August, clipping in Scrapbook 2: 70, CU-MARK. Reprinted in ET&S1, 414–17.
[begin page 1055]
1863o. “The Virginia City Fire.” Dispatch dated 28 August. San Francisco Morning Call, 29 August. Reprinted in CofC, 287.
1863p. “ ‘Mark Twain’s’ Letter.” Letter dated 20 August. San Francisco Morning Call, 30 August, Supplement, 1. Reprinted in ET&S1, 277–83.
1863q. “Jack McNabb Shooting Policeman.” Dispatch dated 2 September. San Francisco Morning Call, 3 September, 1. Reprinted in CofC, 287.
1863r. “Bigler vs. Tahoe.” San Francisco Golden Era 11 (13 September): 3, reprinting the Virginia City Territorial Enterprise of 4–5 September. Reprinted in ET&S1, 288–90.
1863s. “How to Cure a Cold.” San Francisco Golden Era 11 (20 September): 8. Reprinted in ET&S1, 296–303.
1863t. “Mark Twain—More of Him.” San Francisco Golden Era 11 (27 September): 3, reprinting (with an addition) the Virginia City Territorial Enterprise of 21–24 June. Reprinted in ET&S1, 304–12.
1863u. “The Lick House Ball.” San Francisco Golden Era 11 (27 September): 4. Reprinted in ET&S1, 313–19.
1863v. “The Great Prize Fight.” San Francisco Golden Era 11 (11 October): 8. Reprinted in Walker 1938, 24–31.
1863w. “First Annual Fair of the Washoe Agricultural, Mining and Mechanical Society.” Letter dated 19 October. Virginia City Territorial Enterprise, 20 October, clipping in Scrapbook 2:99–101, CU-MARK. Reprinted in MTEnt, 80–86.
1863x [attributed]. Letter from Dayton, written between November 1863 and February 1864. Glasscock, 122–23, reprinting the Virginia City Territorial Enterprise of unknown date, sometime between November 1863 and March 1864. Reprinted in ET&S1, 41.
1863y. “Letter from Mark Twain.” Letter dated 12 December. Virginia City Territorial Enterprise, 15 December, clipping in Scrapbook 3:42–43, CU-MARK. Reprinted in MTEnt, 95–100.
1864a. “Doings in Nevada.” Letter dated 4 January. New York Sunday Mercury, 7 February, 3. Reprinted in MTEnt, 121–26.
1864b. “Legislative Proceedings. ... House—Thirty-first Day.” Virginia City Territorial Enterprise, 12 February, clipping in Scrapbook 3:106, CU-MARK. Partly reprinted in MTEnt, 154–55.
1864c. “Letter from Mark Twain.” Letter dated “Monday” [25 April]. Virginia City Territorial Enterprise, 28 April, clipping in Scrapbook 3:144, CU-MARK. Reprinted in MTEnt, 178–82.
1864c2. “Frightful Accident to Dan De Quille.” San Francisco Golden Era 12 (1 May): 5, reprinting the Virginia City Territorial Enterprise of 20 April. Reprinted in ET&S1, 357–61.
1864d [attributed]. “Grand Austin Sanitary Flour-Sack Progress through Storey and Lyon Counties.” San Francisco Evening Bulletin, 19 May, 5, reprinting the Virginia City Territorial Enterprise of 17 May, not extant.
[begin page 1056]
1864e [attributed]. “Travels and Fortunes of the Great Austin Sack of Flour.” San Francisco Evening Bulletin, 20 May, 1, reprinting the Virginia City Territorial Enterprise of 18 May, not extant.
1864f. “Washoe.—‘Information Wanted.’ ” San Francisco Golden Era 12 (22 May): 5, reprinting the Virginia City Territorial Enterprise of 1–14 May. Reprinted in ET&S1, 365–71.
1864g [attributed]. “Anticipating the Gridley Flour-Sack History.” San Francisco Evening Bulletin, 26 May, 2, reprinting the Virginia City Territorial Enterprise of unknown date, probably mid-May.
1864h. “ ‘Mark Twain’ in the Metropolis.” San Francisco Golden Era 12 (26 June): 3, reprinting the Virginia City Territorial Enterprise of 17–23 June. Reprinted in ET&S2, 9–12.
1864i. “The Evidence in the Case of Smith vs. Jones.” San Francisco Golden Era 12 (26 June): 4. Reprinted in ET&S2, 13–21.
1864j. “Early Rising, As Regards Excursions to the Cliff House.” San Francisco Golden Era 12 (3 July): 4. Reprinted in ET&S2, 22–30.
1864k [attributed]. “Stocks Down.” San Francisco Morning Call, 28 July, 3.
1864l [attributed]. “What Goes with the Money?” San Francisco Morning Call, 19 August, 2. Reprinted in ET&S2, 454–55.
1864m. “The New Chinese Temple.” San Francisco Morning Call, 19 August, 3. Reprinted in ET&S2, 38–43, and in CofC, 77–80.
1864n [attributed]. “Suit against a Mining Superintendent.” San Francisco Morning Call, 20 August, clipping in Scrapbook 5:41, CU-MARK.
1864o. “The Chinese Temple.” San Francisco Morning Call, 21 August, 1. Reprinted in ET&S2, 44, and in CofC, 81.
1864p. “The New Chinese Temple.” San Francisco Morning Call, 23 August, 3. Reprinted in ET&S2, 45–46, and in CofC, 81–83.
1864q. “Supernatural Impudence.” San Francisco Morning Call, 24 August, 2. Reprinted in ET&S2, 47–48, and in CofC, 84.
1864r [attributed]. “The Californian.” San Francisco Morning Call, 4 September, 3. Reprinted in ET&S2, 470.
1864s. “Answer to a Mining Company’s Suit.” San Francisco Morning Call, 28 September, 1.
1864t. “A Notable Conundrum.” Californian 1 (1 October): 9. Reprinted in ET&S2, 66–71.
1864u. “Concerning the Answer to That Conundrum.” Californian 1 (8 October): 1. Reprinted in ET&S2, 72–78.
1864v. “Still Further Concerning That Conundrum.” Californian 1 (15 October): 1. Reprinted in ET&S2, 79–85.
[begin page 1057]
1864w. “Whereas.” Californian 1 (22 October): 1. Reprinted in ET&S2, 88–93, and in part as “Aurelia’s Unfortunate Young Man” in SLC 1867a, 20–25.
1864x. “A Touching Story of George Washington’s Boyhood.” Californian 1 (29 October): 1. Reprinted in ET&S2, 94–99.
1864y. “Daniel in the Lion’s Den—and Out Again All Right.” Californian 1 (5 November): 9. Reprinted in ET&S2, 100–107.
1864z. “The Killing of Julius Cæsar ‘Localized.’ ” Californian 1 (12 November): 1. Reprinted in ET&S2, 108–15.
1864aa. “A Full and Reliable Account of the Extraordinary Meteoric Shower of Last Saturday Night.” Californian 1 (19 November): 9. Reprinted in ET&S2, 116–24.
1864bb. “Lucretia Smith’s Soldier.” Californian 2 (3 December): 9. Reprinted in ET&S2, 125–33.
1865a. “An Unbiased Criticism.” Californian 2 (18 March): 8–9. Reprinted in ET&S2, 134–43.
1865b. “San Francisco’s New Toy.” San Francisco Morning Call, 16 May, 1, reprinting the Virginia City Territorial Enterprise of unknown date, sometime after 6 April.
1865c. “Important Correspondence.” Californian 2 (6 May): 9. Reprinted in ET&S2, 144–56.
1865d. “Further of Mr. Mark Twain’s Important Correspondence.” Californian 2 (13 May): 9. Reprinted in ET&S2, 157–62.
1865e. “How I Went to the Great Race Between Lodi and Norfolk.” Californian 3 (27 May): 9. Reprinted in ET&S2, 163–68.
1865f. “A Voice for Setchell.” Californian 3 (27 May): 9. Reprinted in ET&S2, 169–73.
1865g. “Advice for Good Little Boys.” San Francisco California Youths’ Companion 2 (3 June): 213. Reprinted in ET&S2, 240–42 (misdated 1 July).
1865h. “Answers to Correspondents.” Californian 3 (3 June): 4. Reprinted in ET&S2, 177–80.
1865i. “Answers to Correspondents.” Californian 3 (10 June): 9. Reprinted in ET&S2, 182–86.
1865j. “Answers to Correspondents.” Californian 3 (17 June): 4. Reprinted in ET&S2, 189–96.
1865k. “Enthusiastic Eloquence.” San Francisco Dramatic Chronicle, 23 June, 2. Reprinted in ET&S2, 233–35.
1865l. “Advice for Good Little Girls.” San Francisco California Youths’ Companion 2 (24 June): 237. Reprinted in ET&S2, 243–45 (misdated 1 or 8 July).
[begin page 1058]
1865m. “Answers to Correspondents.” Californian 3 (24 June): 4. Reprinted in ET&S2, 200–207.
1865n. “Just ‘One More Unfortunate.’ ” Downieville (Calif.) Mountain Messenger, 1 July, reprinting the Virginia City Territorial Enterprise of 27–30 June. Reprinted in ET&S2, 236–39.
1865o. “Answers to Correspondents.” Californian 3 (1 July): 4–5. Reprinted in ET&S2, 211–18.
1865p. “Mark Twain on the Colored Man.” San Francisco Golden Era 13 (23 July): 2, reprinting the Virginia City Territorial Enterprise of 7–19 July. Reprinted in ET&S2, 246–49.
1865q. “Answers to Correspondents.” Californian 3 (8 July): 4–5. Reprinted in ET&S2, 221–32.
1865r. “The Facts.” Californian 3 (26 August): 5. Reprinted in ET&S2, 250–61.
1865s. “The Cruel Earthquake.” Gold Hill News, 13 October, 2, reprinting the Virginia City Territorial Enterprise of 10–11 October. Reprinted in ET&S2, 289–93.
1865t. “Popper Defieth Ye Earthquake.” Virginia City Territorial Enterprise, 15–31 October, clipping in the Yale Scrapbook, CtY-BR, 38A–39. Reprinted in ET&S2, 294–96.
1865u. “Earthquake Almanac.” San Francisco Dramatic Chronicle, 17 October, 3. Reprinted in ET&S2, 297–99.
1865v. “Real Estate versus Imaginary Possessions, Poetically Considered.” Californian 3 (28 October): 5.
1865w. “ ‘Mark Twain’ On the Ballad Infliction.” Californian 3 (4 November): 7, reprinting the Territorial Enterprise of 28 October–2 November. Reprinted in Benson, 194–95.
1865x. “San Francisco Correspondence.” Letter dated 8 November. Napa (Calif.) Napa County Reporter, 11 November, 2.
1865y. “Jim Smiley and His Jumping Frog.” New York Saturday Press 4 (18 November): 248–49. Reprinted in ET&S2, 262–72, 282–88.
1865z. “ ‘Mark Twain’ on the Launch of the Steamer ‘Capital.’ ” Californian 3 (18 November): 9. Reprinted in ET&S2, 359–66.
1865aa. “The Great Earthquake in San Francisco.” New York Weekly Review 16 (25 November): 5. Reprinted in ET&S2, 300–310.
1865bb. “Mark Twain’s Letters. Number 1.” Letter dated 23 November. Napa (Calif.) Napa County Reporter, 25 November, 2. Reprinted partly in ET&S2, 371–75.
1865cc. “Mark Twain’s Letters.” Letter dated 30 November. Napa (Calif.) Napa County Reporter, 2 December, 2. Reprinted partly in ET&S2, 380–84.
[begin page 1059]
1865dd. “The Christmas Fireside.” Californian 4 (23 December): 4. Reprinted in ET&S2, 405–10.
1865ee. “Enigma.” Californian 4 (23 December): 4. Reprinted in ET&S2, 411–12.
1865ff. “San Francisco Letter.” Letter dated 23 December. Virginia City Territorial Enterprise, 26–28 December, clipping in YSMT, 55–56. Reprinted partly in ET&S2, 413–15.
1866a. “San Francisco Letter.” Letter dated 29 December 1865. Virginia City Territorial Enterprise, 3 January.
1866b. “Romance in Real Life.” Redwood City San Mateo County Gazette, 6 January, 1, reprinting the Virginia City Territorial Enterprise of 2–4 January.
1866c. “San Francisco Letter.” Letter dated 28 January. Virginia City Territorial Enterprise, 30–31 January.
1866d. “San Francisco Letter.” Letter dated 12 February. Virginia City Territorial Enterprise, 15–16 February.
1866e. “An Open Letter to the American People.” New York Weekly Review 17 (17 February): 1.
1866f. “San Francisco Letter.” Letter dated 23 February. Virginia City Territorial Enterprise, 25–28 February, clipping in YSMT, 42–42A.
1866g. “Letter from Mark Twain.” Letter dated 25 February. Virginia City Territorial Enterprise, 27 February–1 March, clipping in YSMT, 39.
1866h. “The Mysterious Bottle of Whiskey.” New York Saturday Press 5 (3 March): 3.
1866i. “San Francisco to Sandwich Islands—No. 1.” Letter dated 18 March. Sacramento Union, 16 April, 5, clippings in Scrapbook 6:107–8 and Scrapbook 7:37, CU-MARK. Reprinted in MTH, 262–64.
1866j. “San Francisco to Sandwich Islands—No. 2.” Letter dated 19 March. Sacramento Union, 17 April, 2, clippings in Scrapbook 6:108 and Scrapbook 7:37–39, CU-MARK. Reprinted in MTH, 265–69.
1866k. “San Francisco to Sandwich Islands—No. 3.” Letter dated March. Sacramento Union, 18 April, 2, clippings in Scrapbook 6:109 and Scrapbook 7:39–41, CU-MARK. Reprinted in MTH, 270–73.
1866l. “Scenes in Honolulu—No. 4.” Letter dated March. Sacramento Union, 19 April, 2, clippings in Scrapbook 6:109–10 and Scrapbook 7:41–43, CU-MARK. Reprinted in MTH, 274–78.
1866m. “Scenes in Honolulu—No. 5.” Letter dated March. Sacramento Union, 20 April, 2, clippings in Scrapbook 6:110–11 and Scrapbook 7:43, CU-MARK. Reprinted in MTH, 279–83.
[begin page 1060]
1866n. “Scenes in Honolulu—No. 6.” Letter dated March. Sacramento Union, 21 April, 3, clippings in Scrapbook 6:111–12 and Scrapbook 7:43–47, CU-MARK. Reprinted in MTH, 284–90.
1866o. “Scenes in Honolulu—No. 7.” Letter dated March. Sacramento Union, 24 April, 4, clipping in Scrapbook 6:112–13, CU-MARK. Reprinted in MTH, 291–95.
1866p. “Scenes in Honolulu—No. 8.” Letter dated April. Sacramento Union, 21 May, 3. Reprinted in MTH, 296–301.
1866q. “Scenes in Honolulu—No. 9.” Sacramento Union, 22 May, 3, clipping in Scrapbook 6:113–14, CU-MARK. Reprinted in MTH, 302–7.
1866r. “Scenes in Honolulu—No. 10.” Sacramento Union, 23 May, 3, clipping in Scrapbook 6:114–15, CU-MARK. Reprinted in MTH, 308–12.
1866s. “Scenes in Honolulu—No. 11.” Sacramento Union, 24 May, 3, clipping in Scrapbook 6:115–16, CU-MARK. Reprinted in MTH, 313–17.
1866t. “A Strange Dream.” Saturday Press 5 (2 June): 1–2.
1866u. “At the Volcano.” Entry dated 7 June in the Volcano House Register (q.v.). The two leaves containing the entry (pp. 75–78) were removed from the book sometime after 1912 and are now lost, but its text survives in two transcriptions. Published in MTH, 126–27.
1866v. “Scenes in Honolulu—No. 12.” Letter dated 23 May. Sacramento Union, 20 June, 1, clipping in Scrapbook 6:116–17, CU-MARK. Reprinted in MTH, 318–22.
1866w. “Scenes in Honolulu—No. 13.” Letter dated 23 May. Sacramento Union, 21 June, 3, clipping in Scrapbook 6:117–18, CU-MARK. Reprinted in MTH, 323–27.
1866x. “Scenes in Honolulu—No. 13.” Letter dated 22 June, number 14 in the sequence. Sacramento Union, 16 July, 3, clipping in Scrapbook 6:118–19, CU-MARK. Reprinted in MTH, 328–34.
1866y. “Letter from Honolulu.” Letter dated 25 June, number 15 in the sequence. Sacramento Union, 19 July, 1, clipping in Scrapbook 6:119–21, CU-MARK. Reprinted in MTH, 335–47.
1866z. “Scenes in Honolulu—No. 14.” Letter dated 30 June, number 16 in the sequence. Sacramento Union, 30 July, 1, clipping in Scrapbook 6:121–22, CU-MARK. Reprinted in MTH, 348–55.
1866aa. “Scenes in Honolulu—No. 15.” Letter dated 1 July, number 17 in the sequence. Sacramento Union, 1 August, 1, clipping in Scrapbook 6:122–23, CU-MARK. Reprinted in MTH, 356–64.
[begin page 1061]
1866bb. “Letter from Honolulu.” Letter dated July, number 18 in the sequence. Sacramento Union, 18 August, 1. Reprinted in MTH, 365–71.
1866cc. “From the Sandwich Islands.” Letter dated July, number 19 in the sequence. Sacramento Union, 24 August, 3. Reprinted in MTH, 372–78.
1866dd. [“The Moral Phenomenon.”] Californian 5 (25 August): 9.
1866ee. “From the Sandwich Islands.” Letter dated 1866, number 20 in the sequence. Sacramento Union, 30 August, 3. Reprinted in MTH, 379–83.
1866ff. “From the Sandwich Islands.” Letter dated July, number 21 in the sequence. Sacramento Union, 6 September, 3. Reprinted in MTH, 384–90.
1866gg. “From the Sandwich Islands.” Letter dated July, number 22 in the sequence. Sacramento Union, 22 September, 1. Reprinted in MTH, 391–97.
1866hh. “From the Sandwich Islands.” Letter dated 10 September, number 23 in the sequence. Sacramento Union, 26 September, 1. Reprinted in MTH, 398–407.
1866ii. “How, For Instance?” New York Weekly Review 17 (29 September): 1.
1866jj. “Origin of Illustrious Men.” Californian 5 (29 September): 8.
1866kk. Miscellaneous Sandwich Islands lecture notes and drafts. MS of eighty-seven pages, written for the 2 October lecture in San Francisco, CU-MARK. Partly published in MTS, 7–20.
1866ll. Advertisement, San Francisco Dramatic Chronicle, 2 October, 3. Reprinted in MTB, 1:292.
1866mm. “An Epistle from Mark Twain.” Letter dated 24 September. Honolulu Hawaiian Herald, 17 October, 1. Reprinted in MTH, 460–6.
1866nn. “From the Sandwich Islands.” Letter dated June, number 24 in the sequence. Sacramento Union, 25 October, 1. Reprinted as “Letter from Mark Twain in the Virginia City Territorial Enterprise, 27 October, 1; also reprinted in MTH, 408–15.
1866oo. “Card to the Highwaymen.” Virginia City Territorial Enterprise, 11 November, 3.
1866pp. “Letter from Honolulu.” Letter dated 3 June, number 25 in the sequence. Sacramento Union 16 November, 1. Reprinted in MTH, 416–20.
[begin page 1062]
1866qq. “Forty-three Days in an Open Boat.” Harper’s New Monthly Magazine 34 (December): 104–13.
1866rr. “Mark Twain’s Interior Notes—No. 2.” San Francisco Evening Bulletin, 6 December, 1. Reprinted in Benson, 204–7.
1867a. The Celebrated Jumping Frog of Calaveras County, and Other Sketches. Edited by John Paul. New York: C. H. Webb.
1867b. “Letter from ‘Mark Twain.’ Number 2.” Letter dated 20 December 1866 on “Steamer ‘Columbia.’ ” San Francisco Alta California, 22 February, 1. Reprinted in MTTB, 20–27.
1867c. “Letter from ‘Mark Twain.’ Number 3.” Letter dated 23 December 1866. San Francisco Alta California, 24 February, 1. Reprinted in MTTB, 28–33.
1867d. “Letter from ‘Mark Twain.’ Number IV.” Letter dated “Christmas Eve” 1866. San Francisco Alta California, 15 March, 1. Reprinted in MTTB, 34–45.
1867e. “Letter from ‘Mark Twain.’ [No. 14.]” Letter dated 16 April. San Francisco Alta California, 26 May, 1. Reprinted in MTTB, 141–48.
1867f. “Letter from ‘Mark Twain.’ [No. 15.]” Letter dated 19 April. San Francisco Alta California, 2 June, 1. Reprinted in part in MTTB, 149–58.
1867g. “Letter from ‘Mark Twain.’ [No. 18.]” Letter dated 18 May. San Francisco Alta California, 23 June, 1. Reprinted in part in MTTB, 180–91.
1867h. “Letter from ‘Mark Twain.’ [No. 20.]” Letter dated 20 May. San Francisco Alta California, 7 July, 1. Reprinted in MTTB, 202–13.
1867i. “Letter from ‘Mark Twain.’ [No. 22.]” Letter dated 26 May. San Francisco Alta California, 21 July, 1. Reprinted in MTTB, 226–37.
1867j. “Letter from ‘Mark Twain.’ [No. 25.]” Letter dated 5 June. San Francisco Alta California, 11 August, 1. Reprinted in MTTB, 259–69.
1867k. “The Holy Land Excursion. Letter from ‘Mark Twain.’ [Number Twenty-eight.]” Letter dated 12 September. San Francisco Alta California, 4 December, 1. Reprinted in TIA, 183–88.
1868a. “Mark Twain’s Letters from Washington. Number II.” Letter dated 16 December 1867. Virginia City Territorial Enterprise, 7 January, no page, PH in Willard S. Morse Collection, CtY-BR.
1868b. “Letter from ‘Mark Twain.’ Home Again.” Letter dated 20 November 1867. San Francisco Alta California, 8 January, 1. TIA, 309–13.
1868c. “Assaying in Nevada.” Incomplete MS of nineteen pages, written sometime in May, catalogued as A3, NPV. Bracketed words within quotations were supplied by a twelve-page typed transcript containing readings no longer visible in the MS, also catalogued as A3, NPV.
[begin page 1063]
1868d. “I Rise to a Question of Privilege.” MS of fifteen pages, written ca. 18–23 May for the San Francisco News Letter and California Advertiser, although left unpublished, a discussion of reverence versus ridicule, catalogued as A15, NPV.
1868e. “Letter from Mark Twain.” Letter dated 2 May. Chicago Republican, 31 May, 2.
1868f. “Remarkable Sagacity of a Cat.” MS of four pages, probably written in June, catalogued as A4, NPV.
1868g. “The Treaty with China.” New York Tribune, 4 August, 1–2.
1868h. “Letter from Mark Twain.” Letter dated 17 August. Chicago Republican, 23 August, 2.
1868i. “Cannibalism in the Cars.” Broadway: A London Magazine, n.s. 1 (November): 189–94.
1868j. “Private Habits of Horace Greeley.” New York Spirit of the Times 19 (7 November): 192.
1869a. The Innocents Abroad; or, The New Pilgrims’ Progress. Hartford: American Publishing Company.
1869b. “The White House Funeral.” Written on 7 March for the New York Tribune, but not then published. One sheet of Tribune galley proof, CU-MARK. Published in L3, 458–66.
1869c. “Scenery.” MS of eleven pages, written ca. July as part of a lecture to be called “Curiosities of California,” formerly catalogued as DV17, CU-MARK. Published in Wecter 1948, 13–17.
1869d. “People and Things.” Buffalo Express, 18 August, 2.
1869e. “A Day at Niagara.” Buffalo Express, 21 August, 1–2.
1869f. “People and Things.” Buffalo Express, 24 August, 2.
1869g. “L’Homme Qui Rit.” MS of twenty-two pages, written ca. September, CU-MARK. Published in S&B, 40–48.
1869h. “People and Things.” Buffalo Express, 4 September, 2.
1869i. “The Last Words of Great Men.” Buffalo Express, 11 September, 1.
1869j. Letter dated 11 October to the California Pioneers, in “The California Pioneers.” New York Tribune, 14 October, 5. Reprinted in L3, 370–74.
1869k. “Around the World. Letter No. One.” Letter dated 10 October. Buffalo Express, 16 October, 1.
1869l. “Around the World. Letter No. 2. Adventures in Hayti.” Letter dated 5 October. Buffalo Express, 30 October, 1.
1869m. “Around the World. Letter No. 3. California—Continued.” Undated letter. Buffalo Express, 13 November, 1.
[begin page 1064]
1869n. “Around the World. Letter Number 4. California—Continued.” Undated letter. Buffalo Express, 11 December, 2.
1869o. “Around the World. Letter Number 5. California—Continued.” Undated letter. Buffalo Express, 18 December, 2.
1870a. “Around the World. Letter Number 6. ‘Early Days’ in Nevada.” Undated letter. Buffalo Express, 8 January, 2–3.
1870b. “Around the World. Letter Number 7. Pacific Coast—Concluded.” Undated letter. Buffalo Express, 22 January, 2.
1870c. “Around the World. Letter Number 8. Dining with a Cannibal.” Letter dated 20 November 1869. Buffalo Express, 29 January, 2.
[For “Around the World” letters 9 and 10 see Ford, Darius R.]
1870d. “A Big Thing.” Buffalo Express, 12 March, 2. Reprinted in McCullough and McIntire-Strasburg, 161–66.
1870e. “The Facts in the Great Land Slide Case.” Buffalo Express, 2 April, 2.
1870f. “Disgraceful Persecution of a Boy.” Galaxy 9 (May): 722–24.
1870g. Untitled MS of seven pages, written ca. 14 May–8 June, labeled “Chinese Labor &c” by Albert Bigelow Paine, CU-MARK. Published in Wecter 1948, 24–26.
1870h. “A Couple of Sad Experiences.” Galaxy 9 (June): 858–61.
1870i. “John Chinaman in New York.” Galaxy 10 (September): 426.
1870j. “The Noble Red Man.” Galaxy 10 (September): 426–29.
1870k. “Science vs. Luck.” Galaxy 10 (October): 574–75.
1870l. “Goldsmith’s Friend Abroad Again.” Galaxy 10 (October, November): 569–71, 727–31.
1870m. “Riley—Newspaper Correspondent.” Galaxy 10 (November): 726–27.
1870n. “Favors from Correspondents.” Galaxy 10 (December): 883–85.
1870o. “The Famous Sanitary Flour Sack.” Letter to the editor dated 11 December. New York Tribune, 13 December, 5.
1871a. “Goldsmith’s Friend Abroad Again.” Galaxy 11 (January): 156–58.
1871b. “About a Remarkable Stranger. Being a Sandwich Island Reminiscence.” Galaxy 11 (April): 616–18.
[begin page 1065]
1871c. “The Old-Time Pony Express of the Great Plains.” American Publisher 1 (May): 4. Extract from SLC 1872, chapter 8.
1873–74? [formerly 1873a]. “[The Arkansas Incident.]” Untitled play fragment, MS of twenty pages, a dramatization of the “Arkansas” incident in chapter 31 of Roughing It, CU-MARK.
1873b. “The Sandwich Islands.” Letter dated 3 January. New York Tribune, 6 January, 4–5. L5, 557–63. MTH, 489–94.
1873c. “The Sandwich Islands.” Letter dated 6 January. New York Tribune, 9 January, 4–5. L5, 563–73. MTH, 494–500.
1878. “Some Random Notes of an Idle Excursion.” In Punch, Brothers, Punch! and Other Sketches. New York: Slote, Woodman and Co. First published in 1877–78 in Atlantic Monthly 40 (October): 443–47; 40 (November): 586–92; 40 (December): 718–24; 41 (January): 12–19.
1884a. MS fragments, totaling eighteen pages, of an unfinished Sandwich Islands novel, CU-MARK.
1884b. “Huck Finn and Tom Sawyer among the Indians.” MS originally of 228 pages, written beginning in July, primarily in MiD (some of the MS is at other institutions, some is missing: see Inds, 372–73). Published in HH&T, 81–140, and Inds, 33–81.
1885. “The Private History of a Campaign That Failed.” Century Magazine 31 (December): 193–204. Reprinted in Budd 1992a, 863–82.
1897. “Villagers of 1840–3.” MS of forty-three leaves, written in July–August, CU-MARK. Published in Inds, 93–108.
1897–98. “My Autobiography. [Random Extracts from It.]” MS of seventy-five pages, CU-MARK. Published with omissions as “Early Days” in MTA, 1:81–115, and in full in AutoMT1, 203–20.
1899. “My Début as a Literary Person.” Century Magazine 59 (November): 76–88. Published in AutoMT1, 127–44.
1903. “As Regards the Company’s Benevolences.” TS of four pages, CU-MARK. Published in HHR, 533–34.
1905. “Joan of Arc. Address at the Dinner of the Society of Illustrators, Given at the Aldine Association Club, December 22, 1905.” MTS, 269–75.
1905–6. “The Refuge of the Derelicts.” MS of 307 pages, CU-MARK. Published in FM, 157–248.
1909. Extract from Captain Stormfield’s Visit to Heaven. New York and London: Harper and Brothers. First published in 1907–8 in Harper’s Monthly Magazine 116 (December): 42–49; 116 (January): 266–76.
1910. “The Turning Point of My Life.” Harper’s Bazar 44 (February): 118–19. Reprinted in Budd 1992b, 929–38, and WIM, 455–64.
1912. “My Platonic Sweetheart.” Harper’s Monthly Magazine 126 (December): 14–20. Partly reprinted in MTH, 480–82.
[begin page 1066]
1982. The Adventures of Tom Sawyer . . . A Facsimile of the Author’s Holograph Manuscript. Introduction by Paul Baender. 2 vols. Frederick, Md., and Washington, D.C.: University Publications of America and Georgetown University Library.
Smith, Benjamin E. 1895. The Century Cyclopedia of Names. 2d ed. New York: Century Company.
Smith, Bradford. 1956. Yankees in Paradise: The New England Impact on Hawaii. Philadelphia: J. B. Lippincott Company.
Smith, Elizabeth H. 1965. “Reuel Colt Gridley.” Tales of the Paradise Ridge 6 (June): 11–18.
Smith, Grant H. 1943. The History of the Comstock Lode, 1850–1920. University of Nevada Bulletin, Geology and Mining Series No. 37. Reno: Nevada State Bureau of Mines and the Mackay School of Mines.
Smith, Henry Nash.
1959. Introduction to Roughing It. New York: Harper and Brothers.
1962. Mark Twain: The Development of a Writer. Cambridge: Belknap Press of Harvard University Press.
Smith, Joseph. 1904. History of the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints. Period I. History of Joseph Smith, the Prophet by Himself. 7 vols. Introduction and Notes by B. H. Roberts. Salt Lake City: Deseret News.
State Historical Society of Colorado. 1972. Point of Interest. Denver: State Historical Society of Colorado.
Statutes.
1852. The Statutes of California, Passed at the Third Session of the Legislature. San Francisco: G. K. Fitch and V. E. Geiger and Co., State Printers.
1866. The Statutes of California, Passed at the Sixteenth Session of the Legislature, 1865–6. Sacramento: O. M. Clayes, State Printer.
1870. The Statutes of California, Passed at the Eighteenth Session of the Legislature, 1869–70. Sacramento: D. W. Gelwicks, State Printer.
1876. The Statutes of California, Passed at the Twenty-first Session of the Legislature, 1875–6. Sacramento: State Printing Office.
1878. The Statutes of California, Passed at the Twenty-second Session of the Legislature, 1877–8. San Francisco: A. L. Bancroft and Co.
Stegner, Wallace. 1964. The Gathering of Zion: The Story of the Mormon Trail. New York: McGraw-Hill Book Company. Citations are to the 1981 reprint edition, Salt Lake City and Chicago: Westwater Press.
Steinbrink, Jeffrey. 1991. Getting to Be Mark Twain. Berkeley, Los Angeles, Oxford: University of California Press.
Stevenson, Burton, comp. 1948. The Home Book of Proverbs, Maxims and Familiar Phrases. New York: Macmillan Company.
[begin page 1067]
Stewart, A. A. 1912. The Printer's Dictionary of Technical Terms. Boston: School of Printing, North End Union.
Stewart, Charles Samuel. 1839. A Residence in the Sandwich Islands. 5th ed. Boston: Weeks, Jordan and Co.
Stewart, George R.
1937. John Phoenix, Esq., the Veritable Squibob: A Life of Captain George H. Derby, U.S.A New York: Henry Holt and Co. Citations are to the 1969 reprint edition, New York: Da Capo Press.
1968. “Travelers by ‘Overland.’ ” American West 5 (July): 4–12, 61.
Stewart, William M. 1908. Reminiscences of Senator William M. Stewart. Edited by George Rothwell Brown. New York: Neale Publishing Company.
Stewart, Robert E., and Mary Frances Stewart. 1962. Adolph Sutro: A Biography. Berkeley: Howell-North Books.
Stillé, Charles J. 1866. History of the United States Sanitary Commission. Philadelphia: J. B. Lippincott and Co.
Stoddard, Henry Luther. 1946. Horace Greeley: Printer, Editor, Crusader. New York: G. P. Putnam’s Sons.
Storey County Archives. Storey County Archives, County Courthouse, Virginia City, Nev.
Sutro, Adolph. 1868. The Mineral Resources of the United States, and the Importance and Necessity of Inaugurating a Rational System of Mining, with Special Reference to the Comstock Lode and the Sutro Tunnel, in Nevada. Baltimore: John Murphy and Co.
Sutro, Theodore. 1887. The Sutro Tunnel Company and the Sutro Tunnel: Property, Income, Prospects, and Pending Litigation. New York: J. J. Little and Co.
Tanselle, G. Thomas. 1975. “Problems and Accomplishments in the Editing of the Novel.” Studies in the Novel 7 (Fall): 323–60.
Taylor, Bayard. 1862. At Home and Abroad: A Sketch-book of Life, Scenery and Men. 2d series. New York: G. P. Putnam.
“Territorial Letters Received.” 1861–64. Letters received from Secretary Orion Clemens, in “Letters Received from Territorial Officials.” Office of the First Comptroller of the Treasury Department, RG 217, Records of the General Accounting Office, DNA.
“Territorial Letters Sent.” 1861–69. Letters sent to Secretary Orion Clemens, in “Letters Sent Relating to Territorial Expenses.” Office of the First Comptroller of the Treasury Department, RG 217, Records of the General Accounting Office, DNA.
Territorial Papers. 1942. State Department Territorial Papers, Nevada Series, Vol. 1: May 13, 1861–October 31, 1864. File Microcopies of Records
[begin page 1068]
Thayer, William Roscoe. 1915. The Life and Letters of John Hay. 2 vols. Boston: Houghton Mifflin Company.
Thomas, Frank J. 1964. Mark Twain Roughed It Here. Los Angeles: Tenfingers Press.
Thomas, Mifflin. 1983. Schooner from Windward: Two Centuries of Hawaiian Interisland Shipping. Honolulu: University of Hawaii Press.
Thompson, Robert Luther. 1947. Wiring a Continent: The History of the Telegraph Industry in the United States, 1832–1866. Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press.
Thrapp, Dan L. 1988. Encyclopedia of Frontier Biography. 3 vols. Glendale, Calif.: Arthur H. Clark Company.
TIA. 1958. Traveling with the Innocents Abroad: Mark Twain’s Original Reports from Europe and the Holy Land. Edited by Daniel Morley McKeithan. Norman: University of Oklahoma Press.
Tinkham, George H. 1921. History of Stanislaus County, California. Los Angeles: Historic Record Company.
Toby, B. B. 1872. “ ‘Mark Twain.’ Biographical Sketch of the Great Humorist. Carefully Compiled from Imaginary Notes by B. B. Toby.” San Francisco Morning Call, 28 April, 1.
Townley, John M. 1980. Across Nevada with the Pony Express and Overland Stage Line. Reno: Great Basin Studies Center.
Tribute. 1883. A Tribute to the Memory of Reuel Colt Gridley. Compiled and published for the purpose of raising money to aid in building a monument to his memory, and establishing a fund for his family. Stockton, California, April 9, 1883. San Francisco: A. L. Bancroft.
TS. 1980. The Adventures of Tom Sawyer; Tom Sawyer Abroad; and Tom Sawyer, Detective. Edited by John C. Gerber, Paul Baender, and Terry Firkins. The Works of Mark Twain. Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press.
TxU. University of Texas, Austin.
UkReU. University of Reading Library, Whiteknights, Reading, Berkshire, England.
Urbanek, Mae.
1974. Wyoming Place Names. 3d ed. Boulder, Colo.: Johnson Publishing Company.
1978. Ghost Trails of Wyoming. Boulder, Colo.: Johnson Publishing Company.
Van Deusen, Glyndon G. 1953. Horace Greeley: Nineteenth-Century Crusader. Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press.
Van Sickle, Henry. 1883. “Utah Desperadoes.” MS of thirteen pages, dictated at Genoa, Nevada, CU-BANC.
[begin page 1069]
Van Wagoner, Richard S. 1989. Mormon Polygamy: A History. 2d ed. Salt Lake City: Signature Books.
Van Wagoner, Richard S., and Steven C. Walker. 1982. A Book of Mormons. Salt Lake City: Signature Books.
Varigny, Charles de. 1981. Fourteen Years in the Sandwich Islands, 1855–1868. Translated by Alfons L. Korn. Honolulu: University Press of Hawaii and the Hawaiian Historical Society. Modern translation of Quatorze ans aux îles Sandwich, first published in 1874.
Veni, Vidi [pseud.].
1862. “Mono County Correspondence.” Letter dated 3 July. Sacramento Bee, 12 July, 3.
1862. “Esmeralda Correspondence.” Letter dated 28 July. Sacramento Bee, 1 August, 1.
Vi. Library of Virginia, Richmond, Va.
ViU. University of Virginia, Charlottesville.
Volcano House Register. 1866. Register of visitors to the Volcano House in 1866, pp. 63–85 of volume 1. The leaves containing the entries made between 25 April and 18 July, including Clemens’s entry of 7 June, are now missing: see SLC 1866u. Original at the Volcano House, Hawaii Volcanoes National Park, Hawaii; PH in HU.
Waite, Mrs. Catharine V. 1868. The Mormon Prophet and His Harem; or, An Authentic History of Brigham Young, His Numerous Wives and Children. 5th ed., rev. and enl. Chicago: J. S. Goodman and Co.
Walker, Franklin.
1938. The Washoe Giant in San Francisco. San Francisco: George Fields.
1969. San Francisco’s Literary Frontier. Rev. ed. Seattle: University of Washington Press.
Warner, Charles Dudley. 1872 [attributed]. “ ‘Roughing It.’ Mark Twain’s New Book.” Hartford Courant, 18 March, 1.
Watson, Margaret G. 1964. Silver Theatre: Amusements of the Mining Frontier in Early Nevada, 1850 to 1864. Glendale, Calif.: Arthur H. Clark Company.
Webb, Charles Henry [John Paul and Inigo, pseuds.].
1865. “Local Matters: An Afternoon of Blood.” San Francisco Evening Bulletin, 8 July, 5.
1865. “Letter from San Francisco.” Letter dated 12 July. Sacramento Union, 14 July, 2.
Webster, Noah.
1847. American Dictionary of the English Language. New York: Hurst and Co.
[begin page 1070]
1870. A Dictionary of the English Language. Rev. and enl. by Chauncey A. Goodrich and Thomas Heber Orr. 2 vols. Glasgow: William Mackenzie.
1934. Webster’s New International Dictionary of the English Language. 2d ed. Springfield, Mass.: G. and C. Merriam and Co.
Wecter, Dixon. 1952. Sam Clemens of Hannibal. Boston: Houghton Mifflin Company, Riverside Press.
Wecter, Dixon, ed. 1948. Mark Twain in Three Moods: Three New Items of Twainiana. San Marino, Calif.: Friends of the Huntington Library. (BAL 3577).
Wedertz, Frank S. 1978. Mono Diggings. Bishop, Calif.: Chalfant Press.
Weisenburger, Francis Phelps. 1965. Idol of the West: The Fabulous Career of Rollin Mallory Daggett. Syracuse: Syracuse University Press.
Wells, Evelyn.
1921. “The Silver Sixties.” Chapter 5 in “The Silver Sixties: Tom Fitch’s Story of California-Nevada Comstock Days.” San Francisco Call and Post, 1 April, 15.
1921. “Fighters of Old Days.” Chapter 14 in “The Silver Sixties: Tom Fitch’s Story of California-Nevada Comstock Days.” San Francisco Call and Post, 12 April, 13.
West, George P. 1924. “Bret Harte’s ‘Roaring Camp’ Still Producing: Mother Lode Country Rich in Reminiscences of Mark Twain’s Youth.” San Francisco Call and Post, 24 May, section 2:13, 18.
Wharton, Don. 1948. “Why We Brush Our Teeth.” Reader’s Digest 53 (July): 139–42.
Wheat, Carl I. 1929. “ ‘California’s Bantam Cock’—The Journals of Charles E. De Long, 1854–1863 (Continued).” California Historical Society Quarterly 8 (December): 337–63.
Whitney, Henry M. 1875. The Hawaiian Guide Book. Honolulu: Henry M. Whitney.
Wilkes, Charles. 1844. Narrative of the United States Exploring Expedition. During the Years 1838, 1839, 1840, 1841, 1842. 5 vols. Philadelphia: C. Sherman.
Williams, George, III. 1986. Mark Twain: His Adventures at Aurora and Mono Lake. Riverside, Calif.: Tree By the River Publishing.
Wise, William. 1976. Massacre at Mountain Meadows: An American Legend and a Monumental Crime. New York: Thomas Y. Crowell Company.
Withington, Antoinette. 1953. The Golden Cloak. Honolulu: Hawaiiana Press.
Wood, John George. 1870. The Uncivilized Races, or Natural History of Man; Being a Complete Account of the Manners and Customs, and the
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Wood, Richard Coke. 1949. Tales of Old Calaveras. Angels, Calif.: Calaveras Californian.
Worcester, Joseph E. 1863. A Dictionary of the English Language. Boston: Brewer and Tileston.
Work, James C. 1979. “The Julesburg of Mark Twain’s Roughing It.” Mark Twain Journal 19 (Summer): 24.
WPA. 1941. Wyoming: A Guide to Its History, Highways, and People. Compiled by workers of the Writers’ Program of the Work Projects Administration in the State of Wyoming. New York: Oxford University Press.
Wright, James W. A. 1960. The Cement Hunters: Lost Gold Mine of the High Sierra. Edited by Richard E. Lingenfelter. Los Angeles: Glen Dawson.
Wright, William [Dan De Quille, pseud.].
1864 [attributed]. “New Mining District.” Sacramento Union, 10 May, 3, reprinting the Virginia City Territorial Enterprise of 7 May.
1876. The Big Bonanza: An Authentic Account of the Discovery, History, and Working of the World-Renowned Comstock Silver Lode of Nevada. Hartford: American Publishing Company. Citations are to the 1947 reprint edition, with an introduction by Oscar Lewis, New York: Alfred A. Knopf.
1891. “The Thoreau of the Sierras.” Salt Lake City Tribune, 19 July. Reprinted in Berkove 1988, 2.
1893. “The Territorial Enterprise . . .,” in “The Passing of a Pioneer.” San Francisco Examiner, 22 January, 15. Reprinted as “The Story of the Enterprise” in Lewis 1971, 5–10.
1893. “Salad Days of Mark Twain.” San Francisco Examiner, 19 March, 13–14. Reprinted in Lewis 1971, 37–52.
1893. “Reporting with Mark Twain.” Californian Illustrated Magazine 4 (July): 170–78.
WU. University of Wisconsin, Madison, Wis.
Young, Brigham. 1861. “Office Journal.” Brigham Young Collection, Archives Division, Church Historical Department, The Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints, Salt Lake City, Utah.
YSMT. Yale Scrapbook, Willard S. Morse Collection, CtY-BR. Clemens used this scrapbook to collect clippings of his articles dating from December 1863 to October 1866, many of which he revised in the margins. The scrapbook was the source for roughly half of the pieces in SLC 1867a: see ET&S1, 506–42.
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Zambucka, Kristin.
1977. The High Chiefess Ruth Keelikolani. Honolulu: Mana Publishing Company.
1983. Kalakaua: Hawaii’s Last King. Honolulu: Mana Publishing Company.
L1, 242 n. 1,382–83; SLC to OC, 15 July 70, CU-MARK, in MTL, 1:174–75; SLC to OC, 24–31? Aug 70, MTL, 1:175.
Unidentified.
Thomas B. Bohon married Susan Isabella (Belle) Stotts (b. 1837), Mollie’s sister, in October 1861 (L1, 68–69 n. 12).
Unidentified.
Henry Clemens (1838–58), Orion and Samuel’s younger brother, was injured in a boiler explosion on a Mississippi River steamboat on 13 June 1858 and died a week later (L1, 80–86, 382).
Emanuel Swedenborg (1688–1772) was a Swedish scientist and mystic who claimed that direct insight into the spiritual world had revealed to him the true meaning of the Scriptures. His ideas aroused considerable interest among American intellectuals—especially the Transcendentalists—during the nineteenth century.
The St. Louis Missouri Democrat—a Republican newspaper, despite its name. Orion was acquainted with one of its editors, William McKee (Rowell, 59; L2, 198 n. 1).
Possibly the same “Mr. Kincaid, a Salt Lake trader,” who was wounded by Indians in a stagecoach attack in the 1850s. Although he received “two arrow shots as he fled,” he “entirely recovered by the next year” (Root and Connelley, 77).
Clemens’s portrait appeared in The Aldine: A Typographic Art Journal for April 1871 (58).
An invention Orion was developing, not further identified.
Thomas W. Knox (1835–96), a New York Herald correspondent and author of Overland through Asia, published by the American Publishing Company in 1870.
SLC to Elisha Bliss, Jr., 4 Sept 70, CU-MARK, in MTLP, 39.
SLC to Orion Clemens, 30 Apr 71, NPV, in MTBus, 119; SLC to Olivia L. Clemens, 27 Nov 71, CU-MARK, in LLMT, 166; SLC to David Gray, Sr., 10 June 80, NHyF.
SLC to Elisha Bliss, Jr., 4 Mar 73, ViU, in MTLP, 74.
SLC to William Dean Howells, 25–30? May 72, L5, forthcoming. Howells’s review appeared in the June Atlantic Monthly, available in western New York by 24 May (“Recent Literature,” 29 [June 72]: 754–55; “New Periodicals,” Buffalo Courier, 25 May 72, 2).
Reviews are discussed in section 8 below.
Prefatory, page xxiv; chapter 4, page 26; SLC to Orion Clemens, 11 and 13 Mar 71, CU-MARK, in MTLP, 58.
SLC to Alfred Arthur Reade, 14 Mar 82, Alfred Arthur Reade, ed., Study and Stimulants; or, The Use of Intoxicants and Narcotics in Relation to Intellectual Life (Manchester, England: Abel Heywood and Son, 1883), 122.
Hirst, 317; SLC to Mary Mason Fairbanks, 6 and 7 Jan 70, CSmH, in MTMF, 114; SLC to Elisha Bliss, Jr., 22 Jan 70, CU-MARK, in MTLP, 30.
SLC to Elisha Bliss, Jr., 17 Mar 71, NN-B, published in part in MTLP, 60–61.
SLC to Elisha Bliss, Jr., 15 May 71, ViU, in MTL, 1:187: “I find myself so thoroughly interested in my work, now (a thing I have not experienced for months) that I can’t bear to lose a single moment of the inspiration.”
AD, 30 Aug 1906, CU-MARK, in MTE, 196.
The principal studies of Roughing It’s composition, structure, and themes are: Martin B. Fried, “The Composition, Sources, and Popularity of Mark Twain’s Roughing It” (Ph.D. diss., University of Chicago, 1951); Henry Nash Smith, introduction to Roughing It (New York: Harper and Brothers, 1959), xi–xxii; Franklin R. Rogers, The Pattern for Mark Twain’s Roughing It: Letters from Nevada by Samuel and Orion Clemens, 1861–1862 (Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press, 1961); Henry Nash Smith, chapter 3, “Transformation of a Tenderfoot,” in Mark Twain: The Development of a Writer (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1962), 52–70; Hamlin Hill, chapter 2, “The People’s Author,” in Mark Twain and Elisha Bliss (Columbia: University of Missouri Press, 1964), 21–68; Roughing It, edited by Franklin R. Rogers and Paul Baender, The Works of Mark Twain (Berkeley, Los Angeles, London: University of California Press, 1972); Hamlin Hill, introduction to Roughing It (New York: Penguin Books, 1981), 7–24; Harold J. Kolb, Jr., “Mark Twain and the Myth of the West,” in The Mythologizing of Mark Twain, edited by Sara deSaussure Davis and Philip D. Beidler (University: University of Alabama Press, 1984), 119–35; and Jeffrey Steinbrink, chapters 8, 9, and 10—“Writing Roughing It,” “Lighting Out,” and “Coming of Age in Elmira”—in Getting to Be Mark Twain (Berkeley, Los Angeles, Oxford: University of California Press, 1991), 131–87. Steinbrink’s chapters are the most successful effort to date to give a detailed account of the course of composition.
The average number of words Clemens put on a manuscript page was set at 84, partly because it yielded the most satisfactory overall result, and partly because it is the actual average found in the longest comparable manuscript available in Clemens’s hand: a chapter written for, but omitted from, The Innocents Abroad, probably in June 1868. Known as “Fragment M” (A27, NPV), this particular manuscript has 43 leaves (torn half-sheets) measuring 4 ⅞ by 7 ⅞ inches, with 22 ruled lines—a paper stock very nearly identical to the stock used in three discarded pages from the Roughing It manuscript, which have survived in the Mark Twain Papers (CU-MARK), and which measure 4 ⅞ by 7 ¾ inches, also with 22 ruled lines. By actual count, the pages of Fragment M average 84.7 words of uncanceled text (pages with few, or no, cancellations hold as many as 100 words each). For a discussion of how revised clippings were counted, see page 817 below.
The best way to judge the accuracy of the calculated page numbers is to see how well they correspond with the independent evidence found in Clemens’s letters, and on two of the three extant manuscript pages. The correspondence is unlikely to be exact, but the occasional discrepancies are small and not cumulative, and therefore do not invalidate the overall reconstruction, which may be compared to a preliminary map that represents some areas with less certainty than others.
SLC to Elisha Bliss, Jr.: 11 Mar 70, NN-B; 5 May 70, typescript at WU; 22 Jan 70, CU-MARK, in MTMF, 118; 20 May 70, courtesy of Robert Daley, in MTLP, 35; SLC to Olivia L. Clemens, 8 July 70, CU-MARK, in LLMT, 154.
SLC to Mary Mason Fairbanks, 29 May 70, CSmH, in MTMF, 131.
MTB, 1:420; SLC to Elisha Bliss, Jr., 9 June 70, CtHMTH.
SLC to Orion and Mary E. (Mollie) Clemens, 28 Sept 64, L1, 315.
SLC to Jane Lampton Clemens and family, 26 Mar 70, NPV, in MTBus, 112.
Maintaining the scrapbooks was a chore that fell largely to Orion and Mollie, although Clemens performed it himself on at least one occasion (see ET&S1, 502). The main cache of scrapbooks probably stayed with Orion and Mollie when they returned to St. Louis in September 1866, and therefore had to be retrieved from them when Clemens wanted it in 1870. Sometime in 1907 or 1908, Paine asked Clemens what had become of these “files,” and was told that he had “burned” them. When Paine reported this statement to Joseph T. Goodman, Goodman replied on 13 March 1908:
I would accept as final your assertion that those “Enterprise” files were destroyed if it rested on any authority but Mark’s. He never had physical energy enough to burn anything—unless perhaps his fingers. . . . He may at sometime have thrown a scrap of paper in the fire, and afterwards, not finding the “Enterprise” files when he wanted them, fancied that he had burned them; but I’ll bet, he never did. (Twainian 15 [Jan–Feb 1956]: 1)
Goodman was right, of course: some portion of the files did indeed survive—in the estate of Anita Moffett (1891–1952), Pamela Clemens Moffett’s granddaughter—and were eventually purchased by the Mark Twain Papers at Berkeley.
Memoirs of Samuel Chalmers Thompson, typescript in CU-MARK, 96. In July 1871 the scrapbooks became useful in a third way—when Clemens began, in chapter 63, to use clippings of his 1866 Sandwich Islands letters to the Sacramento Union.
Harte published “Heathen Chinee” in the September 1870 Overland Monthly. Hay published “Little-Breeches” in the 19 November 1870 daily New York Tribune, and “Jim Bludso (of the Prairie Belle)” in the 5 January 1871 daily Tribune; both poems were collected in Pike County Ballads in 1871.
“The Western School,” New York Tribune, 27 Dec 70, 4; reprinted as “The Western Literati. Who They Are—What They Have Done. Their Future,” Buffalo Express, 29 Dec 70, 1. The article is unsigned.
SLC to Thomas Bailey Aldrich, 27 Jan 71, MH-H SLC to Charles Henry Webb, 26 Nov 70, ViU.
“New Books,” Buffalo Express, 14 Jan 71, 2. The review is unsigned.
See, for example, “Letter from ‘Mark Twain.’ [No. 14.],” San Francisco Alta California, 26 May 67, 1 (Jim Townsend’s tunnel, in chapter 35 of Roughing It); “Mark Twain’s Letters from Washington. Number II.,” Virginia City Territorial Enterprise, 7 Jan 68, PH in CtY-BR (Boggs and the school report, in chapter 43); “Letter from Mark Twain,” Chicago Republican, 31 May 68, 2 (wildcat mines, in chapter 44); “Remarkable Sagacity of a Cat,” an unpublished manuscript probably written in June 1868, NPV (Dick Baker’s cat, in chapter 61); and The Innocents Abroad, chapter 27 (the trip to Humboldt, in chapter 27).
SLC to Edward P. Hingston, 15 Jan 67, L2, 8; SLC to Frank Fuller, 12 May 68, L2, 216.
SLC to James Redpath, 10 May 69, L3, 215–16.
SLC to Mary Mason Fairbanks, 5 July 69, L3, 281; “Scenery,” manuscript of eleven pages, CU-MARK, published in ET&S4.
The sixth letter was devoted to the “fluctuations of fortune in the mines” (chapter 46); the first letter described Mono Lake, or the “strange Dead Sea of California” (chapter 38). Letters 3–5 were also reused in Roughing It—in chapters 37, 56, 57, 60, and 61 (see the Description of Texts). Although Clemens ultimately wrote only eight letters in this series, he implied in January that he expected it to be some fifty letters long—long enough, in other words, to form the basis for a book (SLC to Elisha Bliss, Jr., 22 Jan 70, CU-MARK, in MTLP, 29). His decision to turn his lecture manuscript into articles also explains why, in the fall of 1869, he suddenly reverted to his Sandwich Islands lecture, even though “Curiosities of California” had been announced.
MTB, 1:420; SLC to Elisha Bliss, Jr., 4 July 70, courtesy of Robert Daley, in MTLP, 36.
“Letter from Washington,” signed “D.,” written 6 July, Sacramento Union, 19 July 70, 1.
Cyril Clemens Collection, CtHMTH, in Mark Twain Quarterly 6 (Summer/ Fall 1944): 5.
AD, 23 May 1906, CU-MARK, in MTE, 151–53.
SLC to Orion Clemens, 15 July 70, CU-MARK, in MTL, 1:174–75. Orion was then working as the “Night Editor” of the St. Louis Missouri Democrat.
SLC to Jane Lampton Clemens and Pamela A. Moffett, 27 July 70, NPV, in MTBus, 117.
SLC to Elisha Bliss, Jr., 2 Aug 70, OC, in MTLP, 37.
Elmira Advertiser: “City and Neighborhood,” 8 Aug 70, 4; “Jervis Langdon’s Will,” 13 Aug 70, 4; “The Late Jervis Langdon,” 22 Aug 70, 4. Clemens was one of the executors of Jervis Langdon’s will.
Buffalo Express, 25 Aug 70, 2. Clemens’s clipping of this unsigned editorial is in CU-MARK; Paine attributed it to him in 1912 (MTB, 1:400–401).
SLC to Orion Clemens, 2 Sept 70, L4, forthcoming.
Page 40. Orion’s journal has not been found, but access to its text is made possible by a letter Orion wrote to his wife on 8 and 9 September 1861, into which he evidently copied most of it. See supplement A, item 1 (pages 769–74).
SLC to Pamela A. Moffett, 31 Aug 70, NPV, in MTL, 1:176.
Olivia L. Clemens and SLC to Mary Mason Fairbanks, 2 Sept 70, CSmH, in MTMF, 137.
SLC to Elisha Bliss, Jr., 4 Sept 70, CU-MARK, in MTLP, 39.
“City and Neighborhood,” Elmira Advertiser, 7 Sept 70, 4.
SLC to Orion Clemens, 9 Sept 70, NPV, in MTL, 1:177.
According to Orion’s journal, this breakfast took place on the morning of the ninth day of the trip. Clemens eventually described it in chapter 10, even though that placed it on the eighth day; his narrative did not reach the ninth day until the beginning of chapter 12. Supplement A, item 2 (pages 775–77), provides a chart comparing Orion’s journal with the Roughing It narrative.
“Around the World. Letter Number 7,” Buffalo Express, 22 Jan 70, 2.
SLC to Hezekiah L. Hosmer, 15 Sept 70, MtHi.
SLC to Elisha Bliss, Jr., 21? Sept 70,CCC. Bliss’s paper appeared for the first and only time as the Author’s Sketch Book in late October. Redesigned and renamed The American Publisher, it reappeared in early March 1871, evidently the issue to which Clemens promised to contribute (see SLC to Orion Clemens, 4 Mar 71, NPV, in MTL, 1:186).
See SLC to Elisha Bliss, Jr., 15 May 71, ViU, in MTL, 1:187–88, and SLC to Olivia L. Clemens, 10 Aug 71, CU-MARK, in LLMT, 159.
SLC to Mary Mason Fairbanks, 17 June 68, L2, 222, 230 n. 4; SLC to Elisha Bliss, Jr., 29 Apr 69, L3, 199.
The calculated numbers in these charts are rounded off to the nearest whole number, except the numbers of clipping pages, which are rounded to the nearest tenth, to avoid the cumulative error caused when each is multiplied by four. In this case, for example, the clipping contained 417 words, or 1.2 clipping pages (417/336). The clipping was thus equivalent to 4.8 manuscript pages (1.2 × 4), rounded off to 5. Two sketches that Clemens prepared for reprinting no later than January 1871 consist almost entirely of pasted-up clippings and contain roughly 310 to 340 words on each page (see “Adventures in Hayti” and “A Ghost Story,” in CU-MARK, sample pages reproduced in ET&S1, 580–83). In Figures 1–2, the number of words judged to be in clipping form or in holograph was determined by the amount of revision. Any passage in which collation showed heavy revision was counted as “holograph” rather than “clipping” words, on the assumption that marking a clipping was impractical.
SLC to Elisha Bliss, Jr., 22 Dec 70, CtY-BR, ViU, and courtesy of Todd M. Axelrod†.
See ET&S1, 574–84. That is, 180 + (4 × 25) = 280, and 1800-280=1520.
Portions of Leonowens’s story were serialized in the Atlantic Monthly for April, May, June, and August 1870, but the complete version, including the passages alluded to in chapter 7 of Roughing It (see the explanatory note at 48.6–7), was not issued as a book until early December (New York Times, 10 Dec 70, 2; “New Publications,” New York Tribune, 27 Dec 70, 6).
This phrase survives at the end of chapter 6 (page 40), but the expectations it sets up are not gratified in chapter 7, which says only, “For an hour we took as much interest in Overland City as if we had never seen a town before” (page 41). The rationale for this conjecture is set forth more fully in the discussion below.
“Local Matters,” Virginia City Territorial Enterprise, 7 Oct 70, 3. This local item does not appear to derive from any published source. It must therefore come from a letter to Joseph T. Goodman, or to any of Clemens’s other colleagues on the Enterprise, such as William Wright (Dan De Quille).
SLC to Alfred Arthur Reade, 14 Mar 82, Alfred Arthur Reade, 121–22.
SLC to Joseph H. Twichell, 19 Dec 70, CtY-BR, in MTL, 1:179.
“Sad News to Friends,” Elmira Advertiser, 30 Sept 70, 4; SLC to James Redpath, 4 Oct 70, MH-H; SLC to Elisha Bliss, Jr.: 13 Oct 70, MB, in MTLP, 40; 31 Oct 70, courtesy of Maurice F. Neville Rare Books†.
SLC to Elisha Bliss, Jr., 13 Oct 70, MB, in MTLP, 40; SLC to Mary Mason Fair-banks, 13 Oct 70, CSmH, in MTMF, 138–39.
SLC to Francis P. Church, 18 Oct 70, Frank Luther Mott, A History of American Magazines, 1865–1885, 2d printing (Cambridge: Belknap Press of Harvard University Press, 1957 [1st printing, 1938]), facing 255; SLC to Elisha Bliss, Jr., 26 Oct 70, courtesy of Todd M. Axelrod†.
SLC to Elisha Bliss, Jr., 29 Oct 70, courtesy of Robert Daley†.
Alan Gribben, Mark Twain’s Library: A Reconstruction, 2 vols. (Boston: G. K. Hall and Co., 1980), 1:224, 2:577, 783. Clemens also mentioned, and may have received and read, a copy of Charles De Wolf Brownell’s The Indian Races of North and South America, published by the American Publishing Company in 1865, but if so, its influence has not been detected in Roughing It. Wood’s and Evans’s books were prominently advertised and extracted in the Author’s Sketch Book 1 (Nov 70): 2–4, which was clearly Clemens’s source for the news that Bliss had published them. What alerted him to the two earlier books is not known. See the explanatory notes at 97.9, 103.34–36, and 126.12–127.3.
SLC to Elisha Bliss, Jr., 31 Oct 70, courtesy of Maurice F. Neville Rare Books†.
Elisha Bliss, Jr., to SLC, 2 Nov 70, CU-MARK; SLC to Orion Clemens, 5 Nov 70, NPV and CU-MARK.
SLC to Orion Clemens, 11 Nov 70, CU-MARK; SLC to Orion Clemens, 4 Apr 71, CU-MARK, in MTLP, 62.
SLC to Joseph H. and Harmony C. Twichell, 12 Nov 70, CtY-BR, in MTL, 1:178; Mary Mason Fairbanks to SLC, 8 Nov 70, CU-MARK; SLC to Olivia Lewis Langdon, 19 Nov 70, CtHMTH; SLC to Charles Henry Webb, 26 Nov 70, ViU and MoSW.
SLC to Elisha Bliss, Jr., 28 Nov 70, CU-MARK, in MTLP, 43. It is a measure of how far his mind really was from Roughing It that he was obliged in both the draft and the copy to insert the phrase, “spring of ’72.”
AD, 30 Aug 1906, CU-MARK, in MTE, 196–97; The Adventures of Tom Sawyer; Tom Sawyer Abroad; Tom Sawyer, Detective, edited by John C. Gerber, Paul Baender, and Terry Firkins, The Works of Mark Twain (Berkeley, Los Angeles, London: University of California Press, 1980), 9–11. The editors point out that no such “break” occurs at page 400, although one does at page 500. In any case, the only two-year hiatus in composition occurred between 1872 and 1874. At this point in the composition of Roughing It, Clemens had written some 180 pages.
SLC to Warren Luther Brigham, 1 Dec 70, MBAt.
Sheldon and Company telegram and letter to SLC, 9 Dec 70, CU-MARK. For a detailed account of this project, see ET&S1, 561–71.
SLC to Mary Mason Fairbanks, 17 Dec 70, CSmH, in MTMF, 142; SLC to Joseph H. Twichell, 19 Dec 70, CtY-BR, in MTL, 1:179.
Clemens could have seen Mullen’s comic illustrations in books by Jeems Pipes (Stephen C. Massett), Miles O’Reilly (Charles G. Halpine), and Artemus Ward (Charles Farrar Browne)—all issued by New York publisher George W. Carleton.
ET&S1, 545 n. 43; “The Famous Sanitary Flour Sack,” New York Tribune, 13 Dec 70, 5. Clemens dated his letter “Albemarle, Dec. 11, 1870.”
John M. Hay to SLC, 16 Dec 74, CU-MARK; see MTA, 2:118, 133.
“John Hay and the Ballads,” MS in RPB-JH, written 3 October 1905, published in Harper’s Weekly 49 (21 Oct 1905): 1530. Clemens recounted his first meeting with Greeley more than once, often with slight variations: see MTB, 1:472, and “Miscellany,” MTE, 347–48. In the “Miscellany,” his conversation with Greeley went as follows:
“Well, what in hell do you want!”
“I was looking for a gentlem——”
“Don’t keep them in stock—clear out!”
I could have made a very neat retort but didn’t, for I was flurried and didn’t think of it till I was downstairs.
Clemens could have encountered Greeley on or shortly after 12 December, for Greeley was reported in the city by the evening of 11 December (“Personal,” New York Evening Express, 12 Dec 70, 4).
“Four page ALs, signed ‘Clemens’ with the postscript signed ‘Mark’ to ‘Friend Bliss’ (his Hartford publisher Elisha Bliss), Dec. 13, [1870]. The letter discusses a scheme of Clemens’ to write about the diamond rush in South Africa” (Bromer, lot 10). Bliss had checked into the Tremont House in New York City by the morning of 14 December (“Morning Arrivals,” New York Evening Express, 14 Dec 70, 3).
Whitelaw Reid to SLC, 15 Dec 70 and 3 Jan 71, DLC.
SLC to Elisha Bliss, Jr., 17 Dec 70, NN-B; Elisha Bliss, Jr., to SLC, 20 Dec 70, CU-MARK.
SLC to Elisha Bliss, Jr., 20 Dec 70, courtesy of Christie, Manson and Woods International†.
SLC to Elisha Bliss, Jr., 22 Dec 70, CtY-BR, ViU, and courtesy of Todd M. Axelrod†. Talmage, a Brooklyn minister, had recently published Crumbs Swept Up. Edward F. Mullen was probably undergoing treatment at St. Vincent’s Hospital in New York, run by the Sisters of Charity.
Elisha Bliss, Jr., to SLC, 28 Dec 70, CU-MARK.
SLC to Elisha Bliss, Jr., 3 Jan 71, CU-MARK, in MTLP, 53.
SLC to Elisha Bliss, Jr., 4 and 5 Jan 71, CU-MARK and AAA, lot 244.
See ET&S1, 574–84.
SLC to James Redpath, 10 May 69, L3, 215–16. See, for example, the following comment in a book review in Harper’s New Monthly Magazine for February 1870 (40:462): “The Mormons, the Yosemite Valley, the Big Trees, the Pacific Railroad, and the Chinese Question are themes so old now, and so elaborately discussed in newspaper and periodical, that it is not strange that Dr. John Todd, in his Sunset Land (Lee and Shepard), has failed to invest them with any remarkable degree of interest.” The same work was reviewed in the November 1870 Galaxy (10:714): “It is not an easy task in the year 1870 to tell us much that is new concerning California, or, as our author fancifully calls it, ‘The Sunset Land.’ ”
SLC to Elisha Bliss, Jr., 26 Oct 70, courtesy of Todd M. Axelrod†; SLC to John Henry Riley, 3 Mar 71, NN-B.
“The Western School,” New York Tribune, 27 Dec 70, 4.
John M. Hay to SLC, 9 Jan 71, CU-MARK. Clemens had suggested that Jim Bludso be made a pilot, rather than an engineer. He noted on Hay’s letter, “Col. John Hay with poem ‘Jim Bludso.’ ” The Buffalo Express (7 Jan 71, 2) attributed the poem to “Col. John Hay, in the N. Y. Tribune,” conclusive evidence that Clemens so ordered it.
John M. Hay to SLC, 14 Jan 71, CU-MARK. Clemens’s offer is inferred from Hay’s letter. Hay referred to George Wilkes’s Spirit of the Times, and to the London Spectator, which reprinted “Little-Breeches” in its 31 December 1870 issue, calling it “almost as good as the Bigelow Papers” (“Poetry,” 1580).
Consider the first stanza of “Little-Breeches. [A Pike County View of Special Providence]”:
I don’t go much on religion,I never ain’t had no show;
But I’ve a middlin’ tight grip, Sir,
On the handful o’ things I know.
I don’t pan out on the prophets
And free-will, and that sort of thing—
But I b’lieve in God and the angels,
Ever sence one night last Spring.
The accusation came in the 7 January 1871 issue: “Mark Twain’s versified story of the ‘Three Aces’ seems to be a feeble echo of Bret Harte. The ‘Truthful James’ vein is one that can be worked successfully only by the owner of the ‘claim’ ” (“Literary Items,” Every Saturday, 2:19). Charges of plagiarism were a kind of code for charges of vulgarity.
“Harte Disease,” Pittsburgh Gazette, 16 May 71, 4, reprinting the Philadelphia Bulletin of unknown date.
John M. Hay to William Dean Howells, 29 Dec 70, in William Roscoe Thayer, ed., The Life and Letters of John Hay, 2 vols. (Boston: Houghton Mifflin Company, 1915), 1:357–58.
Although Hay declined to join forces with Clemens in Buffalo, he soon agreed to become a regular contributor to Bliss’s American Publisher, the first issue of which published “The Sphinx of the Tuilleries. [Written in Paris, August, 1867]” and also reprinted “Jim Bludso.”
SLC to Charles Henry Webb, 14 Jan 71, MoSW.
Orion Clemens to SLC, 25 Jan 71, CU-MARK; SLC to Elisha Bliss, Jr., 24 Jan 71, courtesy of Todd M. Axelrod, in MTLP, 54. Orion’s phrase survives only in this subsequent letter from Clemens to Bliss. Orion presumably sent his now missing letter on or about 11 January.
Orion Clemens to SLC, 25 Jan 71, CU-MARK.
SLC to Elisha Bliss, Jr., 24 Jan 71, courtesy of Todd M. Axelrod, in MTLP, 54.
SLC to Elisha Bliss, Jr., 27 Jan 71, CU-MARK, in MTLP, 54–55.
SLC to Elisha Bliss, Jr., or Francis E. Bliss, 31 Jan 71, CU-MARK. Francis was Elisha’s son.
“Morning Arrivals,” New York Evening Express, 1 Feb 71, 3. If Bliss stayed overnight in New York, no record of it has been found.
“Personal,” New York Tribune, 3 Feb 71, 5.
Susan L. Crane to SLC, 6 Feb 71, CSmH.
“Our Fashionable Society,” Washington (D.C.) National Republican, 9 Feb 71, 1; “Washington Letter” from Donn Piatt to the Cincinnati Commercial, 11 Feb 71, 2; Francis P. Church to SLC, 10 Feb 71, CU-MARK.
SLC to Elisha Bliss, Jr., 15 Feb 71, CU-MARK, in MTLP, 55–56.
SLC to Orion Clemens, 22 Feb 71, CU-MARK; SLC to Whitelaw Reid, 22 Feb 71, DLC.
According to an authoritatively informed reporter in the Washington (D.C.) National Republican, Clemens “was induced to sell his interest in the Buffalo Express solely on account of the health of his wife, who, we are sorry to hear, is extremely delicate. These steps were taken by him on the advice of his physicians” (2 May 71, 2).
SLC to John Henry Riley, 3 Mar 71, NN-B.
Orion must have sent Clemens the first (April) issue of the Publisher at about the same time he returned the “Liars” sketch—i.e., probably in early March. The issue printed an apology for the absence of a Mark Twain sketch, explaining that it was “in consequence of very dangerous illness” in Clemens’s family, and promising a contribution in the “next number” (“Editorial Notes,” American Publisher, Apr 71, 4). Bliss later told Clemens that “your brother wrote & inserted” the statement “on strength of your telegram” (Elisha Bliss, Jr., to SLC, 15 Mar 71, CU-MARK).
SLC to Orion Clemens, 4 Mar 71, NPV, in MTL, 1:185–86.
Elisha Bliss, Jr., to SLC, 7 Mar 71, transcription in an unidentified hand, Ct-HMTH. In part because Bliss’s handwriting is extremely difficult to read, three substantive corrections are supplied within square brackets: “artists” for “article”; “are to” for an apparent omission, whether Bliss’s or the transcriber’s; and “must” for “will.”
Henry Nash Smith (1962) noted that both the “tenderfoot” and the “old-timer” were “present in the narrative from the start,” a device by which Clemens produced an “implied judgment upon the tenderfoot’s innocence and a corresponding claim for the superior maturity and sophistication of the old-timer” (53). Getting the two personae properly adjusted to one another might, however, be expected to take some revision. On the other hand, a more recent speculation suggests that “the character in need of alteration was itself a piece of fiction, a creature Clemens conjured . . . to keep Orion and Bliss at bay while he made his way back to the longneglected manuscript” (Steinbrink, 159).
SLC to Orion Clemens, 9 Mar 71, PBL.
SLC to Orion Clemens, 10 Mar 71, NN-B.
It is relevant that Clemens wrote “168” before sending the manuscript off to be copied, and “160” after it had gone, when he could not see how many pages it contained. The pony-express incident was also the final part of the manuscript for which Clemens ordered any security copy at all.
SLC to Orion Clemens, 10 Mar 71, NN-B. Orion’s response is transcribed in supplement A, item 3 (pages 778–81).
Orion Clemens to SLC, 8 Mar 71, CU-MARK.
SLC to Orion Clemens, 11 and 13 Mar 71, CU-MARK, in MTLP, 56–58.
See Elisha Bliss, Jr., to SLC, 15 Mar 71, CU-MARK.
SLC to Elisha Bliss, Jr., 17 Mar 71, NN-B, published in part in MTLP, 60–61.
The editors of the 1972 edition implied that this discrepancy showed the episode had been moved from “in the area of Chapter 9” to its final position in chapter 7, but not when or why such a change was brought about (RI 1972, 18–19).
“City and Neighborhood,” Elmira Advertiser, 7 Sept 70, 4.
SLC to Elisha Bliss, Jr., and Orion Clemens, 20 Mar 71, CU-MARK, in MTLP, 61–62.
These page references also make it more likely that Clemens sent out 168, rather than 160, pages to be copied. For if the pony-rider passage came at the end of only 160 pages, he would have placed its beginning at about page 150. Figure 1 indicates instead that the passage probably occupied pages 162–70, and therefore began as Clemens said it did, “along about the 160th to 170th page.”
“However,” the word that begins the passage quoted in the letter, also appeared in the Publisher text, but was omitted when the passage became the start of chapter 8. If the passage had begun a chapter at this time, Clemens might simply have identified it for Bliss by its chapter number.
It is clear, but less than obvious, that Clemens did send chapters 1–11 on or about 18 March, rather than only chapters 1–8, with chapters 9–11 following by the end of April, as might be inferred (Steinbrink, 180). On 30 April he told Orion: “I sent Bliss MSS yesterday, up to about 100 pages of MS” (30 Apr 71, NPV, in MTBus, 118). Three days later, on 3 May, he told Bliss: “I mailed you the 12th, 13th, 14th & 15th chapters yesterday, & before that I had sent you the previous 11 chapters. Let me know if they all arrived safely” (3 May 71, CU-MARK, in MTLP, 66). If one assumes that these two letters allude to separate mailings of 100 pages on 29 April and chapters 12–15 on 2 May, then those 100 pages must have consisted of chapters 9–11, which could hardly have been sent as early as 18 March. As Figure 1 shows, however, chapters 9–11 comprised only 88 pages—not a good approximation of Clemens’s figure. In fact, on 15 May, twelve days after telling Bliss he had sent chapters 12–15, Clemens chided him for not acknowledging them: “You do not mention having received my second batch of MS, sent a week or two ago—about 100 pages” (15 May 71, ViU, in MTL, 1:188). This statement suggests that the 100 pages and chapters 12–15 were not separate and distinct, but one and the same—Clemens’s “second batch,” sent on or about 29 April (as he told Orion) or 2 May (as he told Bliss). Figure 2 indicates that chapters 12 through 15 as originally submitted did in fact comprise some 100 pages of manuscript (259–358). Clemens’s first batch must therefore have comprised chapters 1–11.
“The Travelers’ Inn,” Elmira Advertiser, 27 Mar 71, 3; “Mr. Joseph F. Goodman, editor of the Virginia City Enterprise, Nevada, is visiting friends in this city” (“City and Neighborhood,” Elmira Advertiser, 25 Mar 71, 4).
SLC to Orion Clemens, 18 Apr 71, CU-MARK, in MTLP, 64. By 10 April, Clemens had dismantled his security copy even further, using it to send corrections to Bliss.
“Jos. Goodman’s Memories of Humorist’s Early Days,” San Francisco Examiner, 22 Apr 1910, 3.
MTB, 1:435–36.
SLC to Orion Clemens, 4 Apr 71, CU-MARK, in MTLP, 62.
SLC to Orion Clemens, 8 and 10 Apr 71, CU-MARK, in MTLP, 63.
For example, compare Orion’s journal entries for 4 and 5 August (pages 771–72) with the passage on page 85.
Pages 771, 778.
See pages 81–82. Although unnumbered, the manuscript page would have been approximately page 278. It reads:
westward again. ¶ The incident had such a gentle air of romance about it that I was subdued into a vein of thoughtfulness; & as I sat lost to tracing its dreaming of the wanderings of the my leaf across the continent, & the vague possibility that many weeks to come she might take it out of the water as it drifted by the old city, & by the unerring instinct of love reveal its message to her love know instantly the tender words its tender freight it bore, the tears came into my eyes. However, when I reflected that I had forgotten to put a postage stamp on it, end of page.
Pages 92–93, 98n, 549.
Pra confirms that the desert chapter was at one time number 19, but does not explain how it became number 20, if only briefly. The manuscript represents the printer’s copy in a state well before Pra—one that might have included the same material with different chapter divisions, for example.
SLC to Orion Clemens, 4 Apr 71, CU-MARK, in MTLP, 63.
SLC to Orion Clemens, 8 and 10 Apr 71, CU-MARK, in MTLP, 63–64.
Strictly speaking, the discrepancy could reflect the addition of a total of nine pages anywhere in the first 116 pages of manuscript. But chapter 6 is the earliest point in the text where it seems likely that material was added, rather than deleted.
Page 779. In his September letter to Hosmer, however, Clemens had correctly identified Slade as a “section-agent” (SLC to Hezekiah L. Hosmer, 15 Sept 70, MtHi).
“Home News,” New York Tribune, 13 Apr 71, 8; “Morning Arrivals,” New York Evening Express, 13 Apr 71, 3. Clemens was thus in New York on at least 12 and 13 April, but the nature of his errand is not known.
SLC to Orion Clemens, 18 Apr 71, CU-MARK, in MTLP, 64–65.
SLC to Mary Mason Fairbanks, 18 Apr 71, CSmH, in MTMF, 151; “Personal,” Buffalo Courier, 20 Apr 71, 2: “ ‘Mark Twain’ was in the city yesterday, on his way to the present residence of his family in Elmira.”
“H. G. as a Joker,” Buffalo Courier, 21 Apr 71, 1. This copy of Greeley’s book, which had been published about the middle of April, was still in Clemens’s possession when he died, although its significance went unappreciated by Paine, who sold it in the auction of 1911. The catalog for that sale gave the inscription as follows: “To Mark Twain, Esq., Ed. Buffalo Express who knows even less of my farming than does Horace Greeley. N. York” (Anderson Auction Company catalog, sale of 7–8 February 1911, lot 204). Clemens made at least one marginal notation in his copy: on pages 148–49 Greeley’s text reads: “If it were the law of the land that whoever allowed caterpillars to nest and breed in his fruit trees should pay a heavy fine for each nest, we should soon be comparatively clear of the scourges.” Clemens noted, “And the farmers too” (“Book Find Recalls Clemens’ Stay Here,” Buffalo Courier-Express, 3 Dec 1950, 24A).
Elisha Bliss, Jr., to SLC, 22 Apr 71, CU-MARK.
Steinbrink makes nearly the same point (178–79).
SLC to Mary Mason Fairbanks, 26 Apr 71, CSmH, in MTMF, 153.
SLC to Orion Clemens, 30 Apr 71, NPV, in MTBus, 118–19.
SLC to Elisha Bliss, Jr., 3 May 71, CU-MARK, in MTLP, 66; see note 129 above.
It is conjectured that chapter 36 was not written at this time, but inserted later—probably in August. The evidence for this conjecture, and for designating three additional chapters as late additions to the printer’s copy (see Figure 2), is discussed below (see pages 864–66). If Clemens was “up to page 750 of the MS.” on 30 April, and “half done” on 3 May, and if the first statement refers to “real” pages while the second refers to “equivalent” pages (as assumed here), then he finished chapters 35, 37, 38, 39, and 40 (roughly 80 pages) in only three days. That he did indeed shift his way of counting is suggested by his choice of words (unlike “page 750,” the words “half done” do not refer to actual pagination). If one assumes no shift occurred, then the number of chapters supposedly written in three days becomes truly implausible: 35 and 37–43 for real pages, 32–35 and 37–40 for equivalent pages.
Horace Greeley to SLC, 7 May 71, CU-MARK; a facsimile of this letter is reproduced in supplement C, pages 794–95.
Page 481. Greeley’s inscription to Clemens in What I Know of Farming, reported on 21 April by the Buffalo Courier, was soon reprinted in other newspapers: the Chicago Tribune (“Literature,” 7 May 71, 5) and the Pittsburgh Gazette (“Literature, Music and Art,” 15 May 71, 4) are the earliest examples found so far, but even the Courier story must have been known to Clemens. That he was not pleased by such attention may be inferred from Greeley’s denial that he had “publicly made” any “disparaging criticism” of Clemens.
Paine was the first to assert that Greeley’s letter was “the model for the pretended facsimile of Greeley’s writing” in Roughing It (MTB, 1:438).
SLC to Elisha Bliss, Jr., 15 May 71, ViU, in MTL, 1:187–88.
Chapter 49 (fatal affrays) was probably added in August or even later. Some bibliographical evidence suggests that the manuscript of chapter 48 was slightly longer than the chapter as printed: the description in the analytical Contents for the first edition included the phrase “Waking up the Weary Passenger” before the final “Satisfaction without Fighting.” Since chapter 48 makes no reference to waking up a weary passenger, it is likely that the description was not adjusted to reflect Clemens’s subsequent revision of the chapter itself.
No issues of the Occidental are known to be extant. Clemens says in chapter 51 that the poem failed to appear in the Occidental because it “was on the ‘first side’ of the issue that was not completed” (page 347). This statement implies that the poem was typeset, and therefore available to Clemens in the form of proof.
SLC to Elisha Bliss, Jr., 15 May 71, ViU, in MTL, 1:188.
Elisha Bliss, Jr., to SLC, 17 May 71, CU-MARK.
The prospectus included text, illustrations, or both, from chapters as high as 51, but nothing from chapters 52 through 79, with two exceptions: chapters 76 and 78, which were clearly the “selected chapters.” See also note 187.
Buffalo Courier, 31 May 71, 1.
“I wrote them to know if it would pay me to go in over the Niagara river & get a British copyright, & you see what he says,” Clemens wrote Bliss on 3 March 1870, presumably referring to The Innocents Abroad (CU-MARK). A week later he implied that Bliss was supposed to inquire of Routledge about the next book: “Have you heard yet what the possibilities are in the matter of selling our book there?” (SLC to Elisha Bliss, Jr., 11 Mar 70, NN-B).
SLC to Olivia L. Clemens, 10 Aug 71, CU-MARK, in LLMT, 159.
Page 369; New York Tribune, 3 June 71, 1.
SLC to Redpath and Fall, 10 June 71, NHi†.
SLC to Elisha Bliss, Jr., 21 June 71, CU-MARK, in MTLP, 66–67. The “short article” for the Galaxy was “About Barbers,” published in the August issue. The three articles sent to Bliss were “A New Beecher Church” and “A Brace of Brief Lectures on Science” (in two parts), which appeared in the July, September, and October 1871 issues of the American Publisher.
SLC to Orion Clemens, 27 June 71 (2nd of 2) and 29 June 71, CU-MARK.
For instance, the only illustration in chapter 16, “the miraculous compass” (page 110), was not in place when Pra was printed, so that when it was inserted for Prb and A, the text which followed it was forced further along, although not so far as to overrun the last page of the chapter.
Sinclair Hamilton, Early American Book Illustrators and Wood Engravers, 1670–1870 (Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Library, 1958), 207.
Williams’s signed illustrations appear in the present edition on (chapter:page) 2:6, 2:7, 4:23, 5:33, 6:36, 7:42, 7:48, 10:61, 10:62, 10:65, 10:68, 11:71, 12:82, 13:91, 14:97, 15:104, 15:105, 17:119, 21:139, 21:142, 23:155, 25:167, 25:172, 26:175, 29:190, 30:199, 31:201, 31:205, 31:206, 31:208, 33:218, 34:222, 35:230, 37:242, 45:296, 46:305, 55:382, 55:384, 58:397, 58:400 (two), 58:401, 58:402, 59:410, 61:419, 62:422, 62:427, 63:432, 63:435, 65:446, 76:521, 76:524, and 78:535 (two).
Illustrations signed with “S.,” “R. S.,” or the monogram “S. R.” appear in the present edition on 42:273, 42:276, 44:289, 46:299, 50:332, 50:334, 51:341, 53:362, 53:364, 53:365, 53:366, 77:527, 79:539, and 79:541.
See 38:248, 43:279, 67:458, and 67:463.
Illustration electrotypes were advertised for sale, for example, in the Publishers’ and Stationers’ Weekly Trade Circular 1 (15 and 22 Feb 72): 148, 175. See also Hamlin Hill 1964, 58, 194 n. 110, and Beverly R. David, Mark Twain and His Illustrators: Volume I (1869–1875) (Troy, N.Y.: Whitston Publishing Company, 1986), 132–48 (the latter contains several errors). Below are the thirty-three “borrowed” illustrations (listed by chapter:page in the present edition) whose source has been identified: 4:27 = Richardson, 607; 5:30 = Richardson, 295 (portion only); 9:56 = Richardson, 231; 12:83 = Richardson, 246; 13:92 = Green, frontispiece; 13:93 = Green, frontispiece; 14:98 = Green, facing 343; 17:121 = J. Henri Browne, 148; 19:126 = Richardson, 495 (portion only); 20:136 = J. Henri Browne, 322; 24:163 = Richardson, 203; 26:177 = Richardson, 511 (portion only); 30:198 = Richardson, 74; 31:210 = Knox, 239; 34:224 = Richardson, 83 (portion only, altered); 36:232 = J. Ross Browne 1869, 532; 36:234 = Richardson, 502; 36:235 = Richardson, 368; 37:239 = J. Ross Browne 1869, 289 (altered); 38:244 = J. Ross Browne 1869, 438 (altered); 43:281 = J. Ross Browne 1869, 408 (altered); 43:283 = Richardson, 372; 44:286 = J. Ross Browne 1869, 505 (portion only, altered and reversed; signed “R.B.”); 44:290 = J. Ross Browne 1869, 489 (portion only, altered; signed “R.B.”); 46:302 = Richardson, 279 (portion only, altered); 48:319 = J. Ross Browne 1869, 500 (altered; signed “R.B.”); 50:338 = Knox, 20 (also in Innocents, 64); 52:358 = Richardson, 377 (altered); 54:370 = Richardson, 436 (portion only); 54:375 = Knox, 337; 66:456 = Evans, 113; 67:465 = Richardson, 216; 77:531 = Richardson, 487 (altered).
SLC to Orion and Mary E. (Mollie) Clemens, 21 June 71, CU-MARK.
American Publisher, July 71, 4.
“Personal,” Buffalo Courier, 20 June 71, 1.
Olivia L. Clemens and SLC to Mary Mason Fairbanks, 27 June 71, MTMF, 154 n. 3.
SLC to Orion Clemens, 2 July 71, CU-MARK, in MTLP, 67–68.
Before 10 July, Clemens probably wrote as far as chapter 61 or 62. Like chapter 59, chapter 61 (Dick Baker and his cat, Tom Quartz) had just been rehearsed in the “third lecture,” as he explained to Mrs. Fairbanks on 29 June:
I call it “Reminiscences of some Un-Commonplace Characters I have Chanced to Meet.” It tells a personal memory or so of Artemus Ward; Riley Blucher, an eccentric, big-hearted newspaper man; the King of the Sandwich Islands; Dick Baker, California Miner, & his wonderful cat; Dr. Jackson & the Guides; the Emperor Norton, a pathetic San Francisco lunatic; Blucher & our Washington landlady, a story I told in the Galaxy; the a grand oriental absolute monarch, the Rajah of Borneo; the our interview with the Emperor of Russia, about as I told it before—didn’t alter it (a great deal) because it always “took” on the platform in that shape; & Blucher’s curious adventure with a beggar. . . .
Of course you can’t tell much about the lecture from this, but see what a splendid field it offers, & you know what a fascination there is in personal matters, & what a charm the narrative form carries with it. (SLC to Mary Mason Fairbanks, 29 June 71, CSmH, in MTMF, 155–56)
Orion Clemens to SLC, 4 July 71, CU-MARK.
See pages 159, 160, 162.
Elisha Bliss, Jr., to SLC, 7 July 71, CU-MARK. The first volume of Henry Ward Beecher’s two-volume Life of Jesus, the Christ would be published in September 1871 by another subscription house, J. B. Ford and Company of New York (“Literary,” Cleveland Leader, 20 Sept 71, 2).
SLC to Elisha Bliss, Jr., 10 July 71, OClRC.
The prospectus also included the full-page engraving entitled “going into the mountains,” which appears in chapter 69 (page 479) but has no specific relation to its text. It was almost certainly prepared at the same time as the full-page illustration in chapter 76 entitled “a view in the iao valley” (page 521): it appears to be drawn by the same artist (Williams), and could illustrate chapter 76 just as well as it does chapter 69.
SLC to Albert Francis Judd, 20 Dec 70, MS facsimile, CtY-BR.
See L2, 3–4, 48, 49 n. 2. The four chapters set in or describing the Sandwich Islands but not based on Sacramento Union letters are 70 (Greeley’s letter), 75 (trip into Kilauea crater), 76 (Maui’s Iao Valley and Haleakala), and 77 (the liar Markiss).
The official memorandum of this copyrighted title, dated 3 August 1871, is numbered 7222B (CtHMTH). Clemens’s original choice for a title was, however, made public—probably through the biographical data he supplied to the editors of the eighth edition of Men of the Time: A Dictionary of Contemporaries, Containing Biographical Notices of Eminent Characters of Both Sexes (227), published by George Routledge and Sons in 1872. John Camden Hotten’s “Mark Twain: A Sketch of His Life,” published in Choice Humorous Works of Mark Twain (1873) and dated 12 March 1873, said that Roughing It “was first announced under the title of ‘Flush Times in the Silver Mines, and Other Matters’ ” (xxxviin). The title copyrighted by Bliss (and very likely suggested by him) was retained for the second volume of the Routledge edition, and was even mistakenly used in a few advertisements and news items about the American edition of the book.
“Home News,” New York Tribune, 4 Aug 71, 8; “Personal,” New York Evening Express, 5 Aug 71, 3.
SLC to Olivia L. Clemens, 10 Aug 71, CU-MARK, in LLMT, 159. This statement is the first and only time Clemens suggested that it would take 1500, rather than 1800, pages of manuscript to make a 600-page book. Apart from that error, his numbers are consistent with his earliest statement about his progress, especially if he regarded the “Overland trip” as comprising the first 180 pages of manuscript. For on 21 September 1870, having written 180 pages, he indicated he had “about 1500 more to write” (see page 812).
Among the “Sandwich Islands notes” Clemens could have reviewed in the last three weeks of July was the following entry in one of his 1866 notebooks:
Brown attempts to entertain company (in accordance with advice received from me,) & is now & accompanied by gaping & stretching of the company tells interminable story—something like Dan’s old ram,)—& when abused for by me says it is just my style, & instances illegible gaping over my trip across plains in overland stage—says that when I got to Jules Julesburg Mrs. C. left, to Fort Laramie, Mrs. W. left; to Wind River Mountains & that remarkable circumstance of the Indians shooting Pony Express rider, Mr. G. left—Salt Lake City Mr. B left—Sacramento Mrs. L. left— (N&J1, 154)
The discarded printer’s copy page numbered 423, originally inscribed as a chapter opening, contains a passage that is very similar in wording to the passage that begins the Scott’s Bluffs section (see page 52). This curious fact suggests that the page originally began chapter 9 before being set aside; then it was numbered 423 and used briefly in what became chapter 18; and finally it was discarded altogether. The deleted chapter number on the page could even have been inscribed first as a “9,” then altered to “19,” and finally to “20.”
The Eckert episode was added in time to have an illustration prepared, however, and its caption, “a wonderful lie,” was included in the List of Illustrations for Pra.
The addition of this chapter would have compensated, in the sequence of chapter numbers, for the loss of manuscript chapter 15.
Figure 2 shows that if chapter 36 (comprising twenty-two pages of manuscript) had been part of the printer’s copy from the start, then chapter 46 would have begun on calculated page 975, rather than on 953, and thus could not have included discarded page 968.
See ET&S1, 578. In 1972 the editors of Roughing It argued that “a Canadian piracy possibly issued in July 1872” was “probably set from proofs” of the first American edition, smuggled to Toronto “in December 1871” before the book was in its final form, and that because this piracy “lacks the appendixes and eight chapters of the first edition (22, 36, 45, 49, 52, 71, 72, and 77),” it is possible to infer that “Mark Twain deleted several chapters between the phases of the prospectus and the piracy, only to restore or replace them before publication of the first American edition” (RI 1972, 18–20). If this Canadian edition were set from proofs, its missing chapters might well correspond to the chapters that Clemens added in August 1871 or later that fall. It is tempting evidence because, on independent grounds, we conjecture that chapters 36, 49, 52, 53, and 75 (the first three of which are absent from the Canadian piracy) were late additions. But significant problems arise with this Canadian evidence. (a) Collation shows that the Canadian edition was not set from proofs, but from a late state of the first American edition (Af), the earliest known example of which appeared in 1877. (b) The specific copy of the Canadian edition which was thought to have been published in July 1872 quotes a review of A Tramp Abroad which appeared in the London Athenaeum for 24 April 1880. (c) The typesetting in that copy is a reimpression of the type used in another Canadian edition issued by Belford and Company, also in 1880 (see the Description of Texts, 616). So the “significant variants” of the Canadian edition do not derive “from a form of the text prior to that of the first American edition,” and therefore cannot help to identify any authorial revision of the text (RI 1972, 636 n. 2).
SLC to Horace Greeley, 17 Aug 71, NN.
For Goodman’s advice, see the explanatory note at 136n.1–2.
SLC to Adolph Sutro, 19 Aug 71, JIm. The other “matter” that Clemens had “principally & very particularly” in mind remains unidentified.
“Morning Arrivals,” New York Evening Express, 22 Aug 71, 3; SLC to Adolph Sutro: 24 Aug 71 and 25 Aug 71, NhD; 29 Aug 71, NvHi. Olivia Clemens, accompanied by her sister-in-law, Ida C. Langdon, and one of her cousins (not otherwise identified) were in New York by 26 August, which may explain why Clemens himself is not listed at any New York hotel during this interval: he presumably joined Olivia in her room (“Morning Arrivals,” New York Evening Express, 26 Aug 71, 3).
SLC to Mortimer D. Leggett, 6 Oct 71, DNA; SLC to Orion Clemens, 31 Aug 71, CU-MARK; “Brief Mention,” Hartford Courant, 2 Sept 71, 2.
Page 360n. Sutro later thanked Clemens, probably in a letter written on 30 June 1872, for the “favorable publicity given the tunnel” (Robert E. Stewart and Mary Frances Stewart, Adolph Sutro: A Biography [Berkeley: Howell-North Books, 1962], 105). The present location of Sutro’s letter and its full contents are not known. Its date has been established by a letter that Clemens wrote to Sutro on 11 June 1872, which was docketed “Ans June 30/72” (ODaU).
Page 180; “Political. Republican Victory in Montana. Wm. H. Claggett Elected Delegate to Congress,” New York Tribune, 9 Aug 71, 4.
“Personal,” Washington (D.C.) National Republican, 8 Sept 71, 2. The document Clemens filed for the patent is dated 9 September 1871. Orion Clemens to Mary E. (Mollie) Clemens, 14 Sept 71, CU-MARK, indicates that Clemens had gone to Elmira the previous afternoon.
SLC to James Redpath, 15 Sept 71, NN-B.
SLC to Orion Clemens, 17 Sept 71, CU-MARK.
“Mark Twain Takes Out a Patent—Why He Did It,” Washington (D.C.) National Republican, 21 Sept 71, 2. The reference to the New York World’s comments on Greeley has not been explained.
SLC to James Redpath, 22 Sept 71, courtesy of Todd M. Axelrod†.
Orion Clemens to Mary E. (Mollie) Clemens, 3 Oct 71, CU-MARK. Mollie was in Elmira, taking the “water cure.”
SLC to James Redpath, 9 Oct 71, CtHMTH.
In 1882, Clemens recalled that he had left the choice of a title up to the publisher:
I never write a title until I finish a book, and then I frequently don’t know what to call it. I usually write out anywhere from a half dozen to two dozen and a half titles, and the publisher casts his experienced eye over them and guides me largely in the selection. That’s what I did in the case of “Roughing It,” and, in fact, it has always been my practice. (“An ‘Innocent’ Interviewed. Mark Twain Pays a Visit to St. Louis,” St. Louis Post-Dispatch, 12 May 82, 2, in Budd, 37–39)
SLC to Elisha Bliss, Jr., 19 Oct 71, courtesy of Robert Daley, in MTLP, 68.
Compare MTLP, 68 n. 1, and RI 1972, 18.
Chapter 18 was the last chapter listed with a page number in the Contents for Pra. One more page of contents was included (listing chapters 19–27), but page numbers for its chapters had not been assigned.
See pages 122, 124–25, 772.
SLC to Olivia L. Clemens, 31 Oct 71, CU-MARK, in LLMT, 162; “Mark Twain’s Lecture,” Hartford Courant, 9 Nov 71, 2; Olivia L. Clemens to Robert M. Howland, 20 Nov 71, CU-MARK; APC, [73].
SLC to Olivia L. Clemens, 27 Nov 71, CU-MARK, in LLMT, 166.
Elisha Bliss, Jr., to SLC, 6 Dec 71, CU-MARK. Bliss placed some of the blame for delay on the “electrotypers”—that is, those responsible for producing electrotypes of the woodcuts, which they mounted on wood blocks and gradually “shaved down” to make precisely type high. Although he did not mention it, Bliss also copyrighted Roughing It in the name of the American Publishing Company (number 11568) on the same day he wrote Clemens, 6 December (Eugene R. Lehr of the Copyright Office, DLC, to Michael B. Frank, 29 Nov 1982, CU-MARK).
“The confinement of such dashes to the portion of Roughing It after p. 378 426 in the first edition therefore rather suggests that the author corrected no proof for it, an implication supported by the chronology of his movements and the printing in late 1871 (see MTLP, p. 68)” (RI 1972, 628). The dash following terminal punctuation at the right margin in Clemens’s manuscript is now recognized as a device for justifying short lines. But the device was often misinterpreted even by Clemens’s typesetters, who set both the period and the dash, even though the dash is meaningless except in the original lineation of his manuscript.
It remains possible that Clemens’s printer’s copy originally called for a revenging “portrait” of Stewart, as well as something to represent a typical Chinese laundry bill. But on balance, his references to these illustrations seem much more like afterthoughts supplied in proof—responses to what Bliss had supplied.
Even though Clemens made this last change some thirty pages before the first end-line dash, the “chronology of his movements” during December cannot establish that he failed to read proof for chapters 58 and beyond. He had planned from the outset to read proof while on lecture tour, and the changes to chapters 44 and 54 must have been made in December during that tour.
The phrase occurs under “A New Book by a Well Known Author,” in the publisher’s announcement following the sample pages.
It is inconceivable that Bliss added these materials without consulting Clemens, who must therefore have been in touch with the publisher about his book even while on lecture tour—whether or not he managed to read proof for all the later chapters.
“Literary Notes,” Buffalo Courier, 30 Nov 71, 1.
SLC to James Redpath and George L. Fall, 8 Dec 71, ODaU, in MTL, 1:193.
“A New Lecture by Mark Twain,” Buffalo Courier, 9 Dec 71, 2.
SLC to Mary Mason Fairbanks, 10 Dec 71, CSmH, in MTMF, 157.
Bliss also continued with his plan to advertise the book in the American Publisher. The pony-express passage had already appeared in May 1871. The first of seven additional excerpts, “My First Lecture” (from chapter 78), appeared in December, followed by “A Nabob’s Visit to New York” (from chapter 46) in January 1872, and “Dollinger the Aged Pilot Man” (from chapter 51) the next month, coupled with a brief extract about Brigham Young’s wives (from chapter 15). The March issue reprinted most of chapter 57. “Horace Greeley’s Ride” (from chapter 20) appeared in April, and then, in June, “Mark Twain on the Mormons” (from chapter 15), which included the Mormon passage published in February. According to an introductory comment in the Publisher, “My First Lecture” was typeset from “advance sheets” of the book, “now in press.” Collation indicates that the printer’s copy for this passage and for the next three could have been proofs of A, or a copy of Prb. (All were included in Pra and Prb.) The last three extracts, published in March, April, and June, were set from the book itself. Thus, aside from the one about the pony express, all derived from A, contained no authorial revision, and have no textual authority.
“ ‘To Book Agents,’ ” Syracuse Standard, 4 Jan 72, 2; also in Elmira Gazette, 11 Jan 72, 4: both advertisements include the code “dec11,” indicating that they were first printed on that day. The same advertisement also appeared in the Buffalo Courier, 14 Dec 71, 4, the New York Independent 24 (4 Jan 72): 8, and no doubt in numerous other newspapers as well.
“Wanted—Agents,” Cincinnati Gazette, 19 Dec 71, 2. Since the book eventually contained more than 300 (not just 250) illustrations, this notice may signal how far along Bliss was in mid-December: the first-edition List of Illustrations indicates that illustration number 250 was on page 470, in chapter 65.
“Mark Twain at Steinway Hall,” New York Tribune, 25 Jan 72, 5.
SLC to James Redpath, 26 Jan 72, American Art Association catalog, sale of 24–25 Nov 1924, lot 98.
APC, [74]; Weekly Trade Circular 1 (8 Feb 72): 101, and 1 (29 Feb 72): 180; “Brief Mention,” Hartford Courant, 8 Feb 72, 2; SLC to Mary Mason Fairbanks, 13 Feb 72, CSmH, in MTMF, 160; BAL 3337.
ET&S1, 555, 590; Routledge Ledger Book 4:576–77, Routledge and Kegan Paul, London.
Routledge Ledger Book 4:576–77, Routledge and Kegan Paul, London; Athenaeum: 10 Feb 72, 177; 17 Feb 72, 210. The copy in the British Museum (call number 12331.bb.21) is stamped with the date of deposit, “15 FE 72” (PH in CU-MARK). In early March, Routledge also issued a single-volume edition, which was simply the pages of the two volumes bound together (BAL 3336). No copy of the second volume was deposited with the British Museum, probably because Routledge was satisfied that the first volume alone was sufficient: “If only a portion of a work be first published in this country, or within the scope of the British Copyright Act, it will be protected” (Walter Arthur Copinger, The Law of Copyright, in Works of Literature and Art [London: Stevens and Haynes, 1870], 64).
SLC to Orion Clemens, 7 Mar 72, CU-MARK.
SLC to Charles Henry Webb, 8 Apr 75, NBuU-PO.
SLC to Elisha Bliss, Jr., 20 Mar 72, CU-MARK, published in part in MTLP, 70–71.
SLC to Orion Clemens, 24 Oct 80, CU-MARK, in MTLP, 125–26.
Following 21 March 1872 there is a hiatus in the correspondence between Bliss and Clemens, presumably caused by the threatened lawsuit. The first known communication between them after that date was written by Clemens on 20 July.
SLC to Orion and Mollie Clemens, 15 May 72, CU-MARK.
Orion Clemens to SLC, 17 May 72, CU-MARK. After Bliss’s death in 1880, Clemens examined the financial records of the American Publishing Company and wrote his brother:
The aspect of the balance-sheet is enlightening. It reveals the fact, through my present contract, (which is for half the profits on the book above actual cost of paper, printing & binding,) that if Perkins had listened to my urgings & sued the company for ½ profits on “Roughing It,” at the time you ciphered on cost of Innocents, Bliss would have backed down & would not have allowed the case to go into court. I felt sure of that, at the time, but Perkins was loath to go for a man with no better weapon to use than a “scare.” (SLC to Orion Clemens, 24 Oct 80, CU-MARK, in MTLP, 125–26)
In 1906, Clemens was still convinced that Bliss had foresworn himself in July 1870:
It took me nine or ten years to find out that that was a false oath, and that 7 ½ per cent did not represent one-fourth of the profits. But in the meantime I had published several books with Bliss on 7½ and 10 per cent. royalties, and of course had been handsomely swindled on all of them. . . . In 1872 Bliss had made out to me that 7½ per cent. royalty, some trifle over twenty cents a copy, represented one-half of the profits, whereas at that earlier day it hardly represented a sixth of the profits. (AD, 23 May 1906, CU-MARK, in MTE, 151–55)
Hamlin Hill has pointed out that in November 1870, several months after the contract for Roughing It had been signed, Bliss offered the following calculation in a discussion about the Riley diamond-mine book: the manufacture of a subscription book with a cover price of $3.50, “without any copyright, cost of Plates, or any other expenses,” cost about $1.00; when sold to agents at a 50 percent discount, each copy realized a profit of about $.75. Thus Clemens should have known that a 7.5 percent royalty ($.26) represented only about one-third of the profit (Hamlin Hill, “Mark Twain’s Quarrels with Elisha Bliss,” American Literature 33 [Jan 1962]: 454; Elisha Bliss, Jr., to SLC, 30 Nov 70, CU-MARK, in MTLP, 44 n. 2). But Bliss’s exclusion of “any other expenses” makes his calculation difficult to interpret, and certainly left him room to maneuver in any dispute. Hill calculated that on A Tramp Abroad Clemens’s half profits equaled just over $.51, or a fraction under 15 percent of the cover price (Hamlin Hill 1964, 156–57; chapter 4 discusses Clemens’s contracts with Bliss). In the absence of records for the costs of manufacture—defined in the company’s 1896 contract as plates, paper, printing, binding, and insurance—it is impossible to make an accurate accounting of the profits realized by the American Publishing Company on Mark Twain’s books, and in all likelihood the question of whether Bliss swindled Clemens must remain unanswered (contract dated 31 Dec 96, CU-MARK, in HHR, 685; see also MTB, 1:420–21).
SLC to Thomas Bailey Aldrich, 24 Mar 74, MH-H, in MTLP, 81.
SLC to Thomas Nast, 17 Dec 72, in Albert Bigelow Paine, Th. Nast: His Period and His Pictures (New York: Harper and Brothers, 1904), 263. The date of the letter has been supplied, in part, from the auction catalog of a Nast sale, which prints a slightly different version of the letter text (Merwin-Clayton Sales Company catalog, sale of 2–3 Apr 1906, lot 244).
See SLC to Elisha Bliss, Jr., 4 Mar 73, ViU, in MTLP, 75; “Joan of Arc. Address at the Dinner of the Society of Illustrators, Given at the Aldine Association Club, December 22, 1905,” in MTS, 271.
SLC to David Gray, Sr., 10 June 80, NHyF.
No reviews of Roughing It were found in the following newspapers. California: San Diego Bulletin; San Francisco Alta California, Chronicle, Evening Bulletin, Evening Post, Examiner, News Letter and California Advertiser; Stockton Independent; Colorado: Denver Rocky Mountain News; Illinois: Chicago Republican and Tribune; Louisiana: New Orleans Times Picayune; Massachusetts: Boston Advertiser; Springfield Republican; Montana Territory: Helena Rocky Mountain Gazette; Virginia City Montanian; Nevada: Carson City State Register; Austin Reese River Reveille; Gold Hill Evening News; Virginia City Evening Chronicle and Territorial Enterprise; New Jersey: Newark Advertiser; New York: Albany Argus and Evening Journal; Buffalo Express (reprinted Moulton’s Tribune review) and Courier; Elmira Advertiser and Gazette; New York Evening Post, Evening Express, Herald, Sun, Times, and World; Syracuse Standard; Ohio: Cincinnati Gazette; Cleveland Herald and Leader; Toledo Blade; Pennsylvania: Philadelphia Evening Bulletin and Inquirer; Pittsburgh Commercial and Gazette; Utah: Salt Lake City Deseret Evening News and Tribune; Washington (D.C.): Chronicle and Evening Star; magazines: Athenaeum and Spectator (London); Golden Era; Nation; Harper’s Monthly.
The three most frequently reprinted extracts were “A Nevada Funeral” (from chapter 47), “Mark Twain as Editor-in-Chief” (from chapter 55), and “Nevada Nabobs” (from chapter 46).
SLC to William Dean Howells, 24 Mar 80, MH-H, in MTHL, 1:294.
“New Publications,” Buffalo Courier, 9 Mar 72, 4.
“Roughing It. Mark Twain’s Experience among the Silver Mines & Miners of Nevada,” Buffalo Courier, 27 Apr 72, 4.
Gray also expressed disapproval of his friend John Hay’s Pike County Ballads:
In fact we cannot but think that the vein of truly American material he has struck is destined to develop something much more admirable than the Pike County Ballads. If Mr. Hay will turn the vigor, the true perception and creative power he has displayed in these to the representation of the higher and more beautiful phases of American life, preserving always the like juices and flavors of the soil, it will no more be said that we lack a distinctively national literature. (“New Publications,” Buffalo Courier, 1 July 71, 4)
SLC to William Dean Howells, 18 Mar 72, MH-H, in MTHL, 1:10.
SLC to Elisha Bliss, Jr., 20 Mar 72, CU-MARK, published in part in MTLP, 70–71.
Anna Dickinson to Mary E. Dickinson, 14 Mar 73, Anna Dickinson Papers, DLC.
“Literature: Uncivilised America,” Manchester (England) Guardian, 6 Mar 72, 7.
“Life in the Western States,” London Examiner, 6 Apr 72,361–62.
“ ‘Roughing It.’ Mark Twain’s New Book,” Hartford Courant, 18 Mar 72, 1.
“New Periodicals,” Cincinnati Gazette, 25 Mar 72,1.
“Some Travels,” Independent 24 (11 Apr 72): 6.
SLC to Francis E. Bliss, 19 Apr 72, transcript at WU. A brief note in Clemens’s hand, apparently written in February 1872, places Smythe at that time with the “Commercial, Pittsburg” (Notebook 13A, [15], CU-MARK). In 1869, however, he was with the Pittsburgh Dispatch (L3, 378). A search of the Commercial’s files yielded no review, and the files of the Dispatch for 1872 could not be located.
SLC to James Redpath, 20 Apr 72, ViU.
“Mark Twain’s New Book,” Boston Evening Transcript, 1 May 72,3.
SLC to James Redpath, 15 May 72, MB.
“Boston. Literary Notes,” New York Tribune, 10 June 72, 6.
“Recent Literature,” Atlantic Monthly 29 (June 72): 754–55.
My Mark Twain: Reminiscences and Criticisms (New York: Harper and Brothers, 1910), 3. Paine reported in 1912 that Clemens had said, “When I read that review of yours, I felt like the woman who was so glad her baby had come white” (MTB, 1:390n). It was pointed out in 1960 that both Howells and Paine mistakenly recalled it as a remark about Howells’s review of The Innocents Abroad, rather than Roughing It (MTHL, 1:6–7).
SLC to Louise Chandler Moulton, 18 June 72, DLC. Clemens’s statement here that Roughing It was published on 11 February (“4 months & one week old”) may refer to the English edition.
“Current Literature,” Overland Monthly 8 (June 72): 580–81. This review was not written by Bret Harte, who had been living in New York since February 1871, and would soon visit Clemens in Hartford on 13 June 1872, shortly after this review was published. It does seem likely, however, that Clemens read the review in Hartford, shortly after the magazine arrived in June.
“ ‘Mark Twain.’ Biographical Sketch of the Great Humorist. Carefully Compiled from Imaginary Notes by B. B. Toby,” San Francisco Morning Call, 28 Apr 72, 1.
“New Publications,” Sacramento Union, 18 May 72, 8. Two additional reviews were found which are not quoted here: “A New Book,” Honolulu Pacific Commercial Advertiser, 30 Mar 72, Supplement, no page; and “ ‘Roughing It,’ ” Marysville (Calif.) Appeal, 13 June 72, 3.
SLC to Elisha Bliss, Jr., 21 Mar 72, CtY-BR, in MTLP, 73; “Mark Twain on the Mormons,” American Publisher, June 72, 8; SLC to William Dean Howells, 15 June 72, NN-B, in MTHL, 1:12.
“ ‘Roughing It,’ ” Chicago Tribune, 24 Mar 72, 4; APC, [109].
APC, [109]; SLC to Elisha Bliss, Jr., 4 Sept 70, CU-MARK, in MTLP, 39. Previous assertions that the book sold only 65,376 copies in the first year apparently resulted from misreadings of the ledger, the largest error being for May: during that month 16,905 copies were bound, not 6,905 (compare RI 1972, 22, and Hamlin Hill 1964, 63).
The bindery records corroborate this statement: in the quarter ending on 1 March 1873, 3,684 copies of Roughing It were sold, whereas the sales of Innocents totaled 2,045. Two years later, in March 1875, Clemens correctly calculated that his earnings on Roughing It and the venerable Innocents had become roughly even: “I get 5 per cent on Innocents Abroad & it has paid me $25,000 or $30,000. I get 7½ per cent on Roughing It. It has sold something over 100,000 copies, & consequently has paid me about the same aggregate that Innocents has” (SLC to William Wright, 24 Mar 75, CU-BANC). Cumulative sales for the eight years following each book’s publication totaled 119,870 copies of Innocents (July 1869–June 1877) and 96,183 of Roughing It (January 1872–December 1879). During these same periods, it may be estimated that Clemens earned $21,876 on Innocents Abroad and $26,330 on Roughing It. Thus the higher royalty on Roughing It compensated somewhat for its lower sales. Sales and royalty figures for the period 1869–79 for Innocents Abroad and Roughing It are based on the bindery records compiled by the American Publishing Company, on the surviving quarterly royalty statements, and on related evidence in correspondence and in Clemens’s notebook (APC, [106–9]; statements dated 1 May 72, 5 Aug 72, 1 May 73, 1 Jan 76, 1 Apr 76, 1 July 76, 9 Nov 76, 24 Jan 77, 7 May 77, [1] Oct 77, and 23 Jan 78 [Scrapbook 10:24, 28, 29, 31, 75, 76a, 81, 84, CU-MARK; Elisha Bliss, Jr., to SLC, 5 Aug 72, CU-MARK; Francis E. Bliss to SLC: 1 May 72, CtHMTH; 1 May 73, CU-MARK]; SLC to Charles H. Webb, 8 Apr 75, NBuU-PO; N&J2, 428). Both The Innocents Abroad and Roughing It ranged in price from $3.50, for a cloth binding, to $5.00, for a half-morocco binding; a full-morocco binding was also available, but rarely purchased, at $8.00. Prices were perhaps 10 percent higher on the West Coast (see advertisements in the Honolulu Pacific Commercial Advertiser, 16 Mar 72, 2, and HF, 845), but this may not have affected Clemens’s royalties.
SLC to Elisha Bliss, Jr., 4 Mar 73, ViU, in MTLP, 74.
SLC to John M. Hay, 12 Jan 73, OClWHi.
SLC to Olivia L. Clemens, 2 Feb 73, CU-MARK.
“New Publications,” New York Tribune, 31 Jan 73, 6. Ripley (1802–80), the literary critic for the Tribune from 1849 until his death, was also an ordained minister and a founding member of the Brook Farm Community near Boston (1841).
“Mark Twain at Steinway Hall,” New York Tribune, 25 Jan 72, 5.
Routledge Ledger Book 4:576–77, 5:145, 183, 6:680–81, Routledge and Kegan Paul, London.
George Routledge and Sons to Chatto and Windus, 27 Feb 92, and Edmund Routledge to Chatto and Windus, 2 Mar 92, University of Reading, Reading, England.
John Camden Hotten to SLC, 3 Feb 72, Chatto and Windus Letter Book 6:18, Chatto and Windus, London. Clemens never responded to this letter; it is possible that since he was on lecture tour at the time, he failed to receive it.
ET&S1, 554, 586.
Athenaeum, 6 June 68, 799; ET&S1, 550, 589. An 1868 court case, Routledge v. Low, had resulted in a divided judicial interpretation of existing copyright law, leaving some uncertainty about whether an author needed to reside in some part of the British Empire at the time of publication in order to make his Imperial copyright indisputably secure.
For details, including the chains of transmission for the eight pieces in HWa, see the Description of Texts.
Andrew Chatto to SLC, 25 Nov 73, Chatto and Windus Letter Book 6:707.
The revised HWa sheets are preserved in the Rare Book Division of the New York Public Library (NN). See ET&S1, 599–607, for a detailed publication history of HWa and HWb, and the Description of Texts for further details about the revisions Clemens inscribed.
For further details about the revisions Clemens inscribed on HWa, see the Description of Texts.
SLC to Bernhard Tauchnitz, 7 Oct 80, incomplete text in Curt Otto, Der Verlag Bernhard Tauchnitz, 1837–1912 (Leipzig: Tauchnitz, 1912), 125; Bernhard Tauchnitz to SLC, 9 Dec 80, CU-MARK.
Contract dated 23 Oct 1903, CU-MARK, in HHR, 700–708. For details see the Description of Texts and the textual note at 416.4.
The titles are The Innocents Abroad; Roughing It; Sketches, New and Old; The Gilded Age; A Tramp Abroad; The Adventures of Tom Sawyer; and Pudd’n-head Wilson. Only five statements of payments, totaling $2718, survive; the period covered by each statement is not indicated (Francis E. Bliss to SLC, 4 Jan 90, 1 July 90, 10 Jan 91, 3 Apr 91, and 9 Jan 92, all in CU-MARK).
Contract dated 31 Dec 96, CU-MARK, in HHR, 682–87. At this time, sales of single volumes of the old editions represented only a portion of Clemens’s income; considerably more income was generated from sales of volumes in the uniform edition and other fine limited editions. Only two of the extant statements for 1899–1903 itemize sales of the uniform editions by title: these statements suggest that sales of such volumes of Roughing It were twice that of single volumes. Overall, the income from volumes in uniform editions was at least three times that from single volumes (Francis E. Bliss to SLC, 7 Feb 1900 and 12 Oct 1900; Francis E. Bliss to Olivia L. Clemens, 21 Jan 1902 and 29 July 1903, all in CU-MARK).
“Volumes of Mark Twain Sold from Nov 1–1903 to Oct. 31–1907,” CU-MARK.
See pages 816, 843, and 845; compare the text on pages 81–82, 122, and 303–4.
It was possible for Clemens to cut out the passages from these books, rather than use loose pages (as he later did in the printer’s copy for Tom Sawyer), because the sections he quoted were not printed on two sides of a sheet—except for about seventy words from The Mormon Prophet, which he could easily have copied out by hand.
SLC to Olivia L. Clemens, 10 Aug 71, CU-MARK, in LLMT, 159; SLC to Elisha Bliss, Jr., 15 May 71, ViU, in MTL, 1:187–88.
See pages 288 and 370.
SLC to Elisha Bliss, Jr.: 3 May 71, CU-MARK, in MTLP, 66; 15 May 71, ViU, in MTL, 1:188.
The pony-express passage in chapter 8 is an exception. It was typeset for publication in the American Publisher from Clemens’s manuscript, or from the amanuensis security copy of the manuscript, and that printing therefore derives independently from the manuscript: see the textual note at 50.1–52.7.
For quotations, the printing Clemens is most likely to have used—either by transcribing it or by literally inserting it in the copy—was designated copy-text. In a few cases, the edition or impression he used cannot be certainly identified, so the edition or impression closest to it was designated copy-text. Similarly, some things that Clemens published first in the Enterprise are not now available in that printing, and the only choice is to rely on the text of the first edition. The choice in each case is explained in the Textual Notes.
SLC to James R. Osgood, 15–23 Aug 81, Caroline Ticknor, Glimpses of Authors (Boston: Houghton Mifflin Company, Riverside Press, 1922), 139–40; SLC to Chatto and Windus, 25 July 97, ViU.
Frederick J. Hall, for Charles L. Webster and Company, to SLC, 19 Aug 89, CU-MARK. Hall paraphrased Clemens’s instructions to him, but Clemens repeated them in his reply: “You are perfectly right. The proof-reader must follow my punctuation absolutely. I will not allow even the slightest departure from it” (SLC to Frederick J. Hall, 20 Aug 89, ViU, in MTLP, 255).
Elisha Bliss, Jr., to SLC, and SLC to Bliss, postmarked 7 Aug 76, CU-MARK, in TS, 510–11.
SLC to Elisha Bliss, Jr., 20 Apr 69, L3, 197.
Cited in A Connecticut Yankee in King Arthur’s Court, edited by Bernard L. Stein, with an Introduction by Henry Nash Smith, The Works of Mark Twain (Berkeley, Los Angeles, London: University of California Press, 1979), which reads in part: “By the middle of the century, the principle was firmly established that to spell, hyphenate, or capitalize a word in different ways within the same manuscript was an error, however correct each individual usage might be” (617 n. 92). Stein’s edition of Connecticut Yankee imposed “consistency in spelling, compounding, and capitalization” on the text “so long as the author’s inconsistency appears to be unintentional and without purpose” (617).
Thomas F. Adams, Typographia; or, The Printer’s Instructor: A Brief Sketch of the Origin, Rise, and Progress of the Typographic Art, with Practical Directions for Conducting Every Department in an Office, Hints to Authors, Publishers, &c. (Philadelphia: L. Johnson and Co., 1857 [copyright 1845]), 191.
Theodore Low De Vinne, Correct Composition: A Treatise on Spelling, Abbreviations, the Compounding and Division of Words, the Proper Use of Figures and Numerals, Italic and Capital Letters, Notes, etc. with Observations on Punctuation and Proof-Reading (New York: Century Company, 1901), viii–x. De Vinne noted, “In making the last revision of this treatise, the writer has doubts as to the propriety of assuming to be its author, for the work done is as much the compilation and rearrangement of notes made by other men as it is the outcome of the writer’s own long practice of printing” (x).
Compare G. Thomas Tanselle, “Problems and Accomplishments in the Editing of the Novel,” Studies in the Novel 7 (Fall 1975): “A regularized text can no longer be thought of in most instances as an unmodernized text” (342). See also Hershel Parker, “Regularizing Accidentals: The Latest Form of Infidelity,” Proof 3 (1973):
Undoubtedly printers of the early and middle nineteenth century were more consistent in their spelling and punctuation than their predecessors, but they sometimes followed copy when it was highly inconsistent and often were inconsistent themselves. Despite the greater accuracy of some nineteenth-century compositors than that of others, no one has yet shown that any major publisher then had a systematically imposed house style, although there were gestures toward one, as in the decision of the Harpers to follow Webster’s still-controversial orthography. Nothing indicates that there was a mid-nineteenth-century equivalent of the modern-day Bryn Mawr graduate who slavishly checks manuscript usages against Webster’s Second or Third while encubicled at a New York publishing office. (8–9)
Joseph T. Goodman to SLC, 24 Oct 81, CU-MARK. Goodman’s reference was to A Tramp Abroad, chapter 31.
Ambiguous forms in the copy-texts (compounds hyphenated at the end of a line) were resolved as emendations by adopting the spelling that the manuscript survey (described below) established as the author’s clear preference. Compounds ambiguously divided in the edited text are listed separately on pages 1020–21 to enable accurate quotation. Compounds ambiguously divided in the record of emendations appear with a double hyphen when the hyphenated form is intended.
Such emendation was carried out only on authorial copy-texts, not on material being quoted. Clemens’s quotation of his own work in the Territorial Enterprise was treated like other quoted texts.
Fredson Bowers, “Regularization and Normalization in Modern Critical Texts,” Studies in Bibliography 42 (1989): 79–102. Bowers holds that “the only documentary evidence that can be trusted for emendation back to authorial forms is variation in the print, one form of which should be compositorial but the other the reading of the printer’s copy. It is then a separate problem requiring collateral evidence to establish whether either form is or is not authorial” (84).
For instance, the copy-texts have both “River” and “river” used with a proper name: “Green River” (once); “Missouri River” (once); “Humboldt river” (twice); “Reese River” (twice) and “Reese river” (once); “Carson River” (once) and “Carson river” (once). The manuscript search established that Clemens’s overwhelming preference was for “river,” which he wrote in thirteen out of fourteen instances recovered. The likelihood is therefore great that most, if not all, spellings of “River” in the copy-texts were imposed by the compositors, and all “River” variants could therefore be emended to “river,” restoring authorial spelling and uniformity at one stroke.
Dollar figures were spelled out in accordance with the practice followed by the compositors elsewhere in the book—that is, “twenty to forty dollars” for “$20 to $40,” and “a hundred” for “100.”
See De Vinne, 214, and Wesley Washington Pasko, American Dictionary of Printing and Bookmaking (New York: Howard Lockwood and Co., 1894; reprint edition, Detroit: Gale Research Company, 1967), 482–83.
The first-edition captions in general accorded with the text more closely and had fewer errors: see, for example, the title for illustration number 93, which in the first edition read “Fight” instead of “Fire.” It is probable that after the List was prepared from the captions, some of the latter were revised; these revisions were then inadvertently not incorporated into the List. Three tailpieces and one other illustration were inadvertently omitted from the List in the first edition (at xxvb.16, xxvib.44, xxviia.42, and xxviiib.2); they were added in this edition, and all subsequent numbers in the List silently adjusted upward. One caption evidently not included in the first edition because the page was already full was supplied from the List (see page 395).
My brother had just been appointed Secretary of Nevada Territory] Orion Clemens (1825–97) learned of his appointment as secretary of Nevada Territory by President Lincoln on 27 March 1861, obtained his commission on 20 April, and received his final instructions on 2 July. The position had been secured for him by Edward Bates (1793–1869), Lincoln’s newly appointed attorney general, who wrote to Secretary of State William Seward on 12 March 1861:
I have just received a letter from Orion Clemens of Mo begging me to help him to an office suitable to his degree & qualifications—& he indicates the post of Secretary of a Territory—any Territory except Utah—
Mr C was bred a printer—I knew him in his apprenticeship—a good boy, anxious to learn, using all means in his power to do so. He edited a newspaper in a country town of Mo, with fair success. Studied law, & practiced for several years, in N.E. Mo. His success as a lawyer was not great, chiefly, I am told, because his politics did not suit his locality—He was a Whig, but joined the Republicans, & that, while it was honest & manly, subjected him to an opposition amounting almost to persecution.
I consider him an honest man of fair mediocrity of talents & learning—more indeed of both, than I have seen in several Territorial secretaries.
Without being very urgent with you, I commend Mr Clemens to you, as a worthy & competent man, who will be grateful for a favor. (Bates to Seward, 12 Mar 61, Letters of Application )
In 1860 Orion had campaigned vigorously on behalf of Lincoln and the Republican Party (MEC, 10; Miller, 1–2; Mack 1961b, 69).
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sand-bars which we roosted on . . . and then got out our crutches and sparred over] To spar a vessel over a sand-bar, long stout poles were lashed to either side of it,
by means of which the bow was lifted as on crutches. The wheels were then put in forward motion and the boat driven ahead for a short distance, perhaps no more than a few feet. . . . This operation was repeated as often as necessary to enable the boat partly to hobble over, partly to dig its way through the bar into the deeper water of the pool beyond. (Hunter, 254–55)
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Our literary folks subscribe for Harper and the Atlantic, and the people of the Great Basin and eastward get them; our “girls” subscribe for Bonner’s Ledger, and the girls over the mountains get them; our babies’ mothers “take Godey for the patterns,” and the Brigham Young and eastward babies have the benefit of the patterns for their Sunday dresses. (“Literary Overlanders,” 21 Sept 61, 3)
By June 1862 the problem had become so acute that overburdened drivers were even accused of wantonly destroying mail, sometimes while disguised as Indians (Blair, 561; Burton, 214; “The Overland Mail Troubles,” San Francisco Alta California, 23 June 62, 1, reprinting the Carson City Silver Age of 19 June; Chapman, 264–67).
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We never did get much satisfaction about that dark occurrence] The altercation may have been less serious than the brothers thought. An unpublished account in the Library of Congress, said to be by someone “well acquainted with the stage route in the early sixties,” mentions
“Play Killings” which caused the green travelers to tremble with fear, often pulled off by stage drivers and wranglers, for the traveler’s benefit. . . . these “Play Killings” were often written up afterwards as real, which caused eastern people to suppose that eight men out of ten were shot in the west each year. (Dick Clayton, 1, 3)
This account is clearly apocryphal in its other details, however, since it places Clemens—supposedly already calling himself “Mark Twain”—at Weber Station, Utah, in 1862, socializing with (among others) Jack Slade (see the next note), Lotta Crabtree (1847–1924), and the famous Indian scout Sacagawea (1784?–?1884).
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The armorial crest of my own State . . . was always too figurative . . . a Golden Beehive . . . all at work] The Missouri state and Utah territorial seals are pictured below. The Missouri motto acknowledged
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He talked about Utah . . . with our Secretary and certain government officials who came with us] Young’s office journal for 7 August 1861 reads as follows:
Br William Clayton, read the pony dispatch to some of the members of the club; Prest Young Heber & Wells were present.
Br. Wm. Clayton, introduced: Mr Clements Secy of the Territory of Nevada who was on his way to Carson, also accompanied by his Brother & Capt G. T. Hicher & Secy. Wootten of this Ter. and threeone other gentlemen. Capt G. T. Hincher
They conversed with Pres. Young & Wells principally about this Territory, situation of Big Cotton wood Lake, the health of the Country. Opinion of Mr Bridger who said he would be willing to give $5000 for the first bushel of wheat raised in this barren Country. The improvements in the Valley far exceeded their expectations, after the conversation they politely took their leave. (Young, entry for 7 Aug 61, used by permission)
William Clayton (1814–79), originally from Lancashire, England, went to Utah with Young in 1847 and became his clerk. Heber C. Kimball (see the note at 92.9–10) and Daniel Hanmer Wells (1814–91) were Young’s first and second counselors, respectively; the three together were known as the First Presidency. Captain G. T. Hicher has not been identified; Secretary Wootton was the acting governor of Utah Territory (see the note at 88.14) (Kimball 1981, 45; Jenson, 1:36, 62, 717–18; Arrington and Bitton, 339). The “Opinion of Mr Bridger” refers to frontiersman and scout James Bridger (1804–81), who, according to an eyewitness in 1847, “considered it important not to bring a large population into the Great Basin until it was ascertained that grain could be raised; he said he would give one thousand dollars for a bushel of corn raised in the Basin” (Arrington 1985, 141, 458 n. 58).
I made several attempts to “draw him out” on Federal politics and his high-handed attitude toward Congress] Orion may have had explicit orders from the State Department to inquire into Mormon intentions following the secession of the Southern states. His letter to the Democrat indicated that he, rather than his brother, attempted to “draw out” the Mormon officials. Orion did not report Young’s comments, but quoted the following speech of Kimball’s:
It’s my opinion you won’t see peace any more; the United States will go all to pieces, and the Mormons will take charge of and rule all the country; republicanism will be overthrown, but I won’t say what will take its place, nor when, nor at what time the Mormons will commence their rule. You are going to have trouble in Nevada. But mind, I am a Union man, we are Union men, we are going to stand by the country. Now, tell it just as I say it. (OC, 1)
At the time of Clemens’s visit, Young had done nothing that showed a particularly “high-handed attitude toward Congress.” The phrase is
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Bill Hickman, a Destroying Angel, shot Drown and Arnold dead for bringing suit against him for a debt] William Adams Hickman (1815–83) joined the Mormon church in 1838 and was active in Mormon affairs until 1863, five years before being excommunicated. He served both Smith and Young as a bodyguard, and was known as an Indian fighter, cattle rustler, and vigilante. He also sat in the Utah territorial legislature and served as a mail carrier, county sheriff, assessor, tax collector, and prosecuting attorney. Beginning in 1863, he worked as a spy and guide for the federal forces in Utah. C. M. Drown and Josiah Arnold, a former Mormon, were murdered together in Salt Lake City in July 1859. Mark Twain found a brief account of the murder in Waite’s Mormon Prophet:
A man by the name of Drown, brought suit upon a promissory note for $480, against the Danite captain, Bill Hickman. The case being submitted to the court, Drown obtained a judgment. A few days afterwards, Drown and a companion named Arnold were stopping at the house of a friend in Salt Lake City, when Hickman, with some seven or eight of his band, rode up to the house, and called for Drown to come out. Drown, suspecting foul play, refused to do so, and locked the doors. The Danites thereupon dismounted from their horses, broke down the doors, and shot down both Drown and Arnold. Drown died of his wounds next morning, and Arnold a few days afterwards. Hickman and his band rode off unmolested. (Waite, 84)
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Johnson professed to have enjoyed a sociable breakfast in the Lion House] No evidence has been found that Johnson was modeled on a real person. Mark Twain’s description of Young’s family closely resembles the farcical treatment that Artemus Ward had used to poke fun at Mormon polygamy. Clemens was probably familiar with Ward’s “A Visit to Brigham Young,” first published in Vanity Fair on 10 November 1860 as “Artemus Ward Visits Brigham Young” and collected two years later in Artemus Ward: His Book:
He don’t pretend to know his children, thare is so many of um, tho they all know him. He sez about every child he meats call him Par, & he takes it for grantid it is so. His wives air very expensiv. Thay allers want suthin & ef he don’t buy it for um thay set the house in a uproar. He sez he don’t have a minit’s peace. . . . “I find that the keers of a marrid life way hevy onto me,” sed the Profit, “& sumtimes I wish I’d remaned singel.” (Charles Farrar Browne 1862, 99–100)
Clemens met Ward in Virginia City in late 1863, and the two men quickly developed a mutual affection and professional respect (L1, 267–68, 269–70 n. 5). For further discussion of Ward’s influence on Mark Twain, see Branch 1967, Branch 1978, Rowlette, and Cracroft.
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how much more grandeur and picturesqueness . . . accompanied one of the tenderest episodes in the life of our Savior . . . I quote the following] Mark Twain alludes to Christ’s blessing of the children in the New Testament:
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And they brought young children to him, that he should touch them; and his disciples rebuked those that brought them. But when Jesus saw it, he was much displeased, and said unto them, Suffer the little children to come unto me, and forbid them not; for of such is the kingdom of God. Verily I say unto you, Whosoever shall not receive the kingdom of God as a little child, he shall not enter therein. And he took them up in his arms, put his hands upon them, and blessed them. (Mark 10:13–16)
The passage quoted from the Book of Mormon 1866 is 3 Nephi 8:5 (3 Nephi 17:19–25).
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like all the other “Noble Red Men” . . . thinking whisky is referred to] The concept of the “Noble Red Man” has been traced at least as far back as the work of John Dryden, who wrote of “the noble savage” uncorrupted by “the base laws of servitude” (The Conquest of Granada [1670], act 1, scene 1); Mark Twain was most familiar with its embodiment in James Fenimore Cooper’s Indian heroes (see the note at 128.19–129.12). In describing the Goshutes he may have recalled a passage in Beyond the Mississippi in which Richardson expressed similar sentiments:
Near a little road-side grocery, supported by a post and flanked by an empty cask, stood a Noble Red Man. Indifferent to his tattered clothing, which afforded no protection from the sharp, wintry nights—with his long black locks flying in the wind—his whole soul was wrapped in a whisky bottle. He regarded it with a fixed stare, in which satisfaction at the quality of its contents and pensive regret at their diminishing quantity were ludicrously blended. Mr. Cooper died too early. I think one glimpse of this Aboriginal would have saved his pen much labor, and early American literature many Indian heroes. (Richardson, 512)
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his Excellency Gov. Nye] James Warren Nye (1815–76), an outspoken Republican politician from New York, served in the late 1850s as police commissioner and first president of the New York City Metropolitan Board of Police. In 1860 he campaigned vigorously for Lincoln, who rewarded him the following year with an appointment as governor of the newly formed Nevada Territory. Nye arrived at Carson City early in July 1861. After Nevada became a state, he was elected United States senator from 1864 to 1873. During his frequent absences from the territory, Orion, as territorial secretary, served as acting governor. Both the Clemenses enjoyed consistently friendly relations with Nye during their stay in Nevada, although he later reportedly dismissed Clemens as “nothing but a damned Secessionist” (Frank Fuller to A. B. Paine, 7 Dec 1910, Chester L. Davis 1956d, 1; Mack 1961a, 9–11; BDUSC, 1579; L1, 145–46 n. 2). Clemens later recalled,
Governor Nye was an old and seasoned politician from New York—politician, not statesman. He had white hair. He was in fine physical condition. He had a winningly friendly face and deep lustrous brown eyes that could talk as a native language the tongue of every feeling, every passion, every emotion. His eyes could outtalk his tongue, and this is saying a good deal, for he was a very remarkable talker, both in private and on the stump. He was a shrewd man. He generally saw through surfaces and perceived what might be going on inside without being suspected of having an eye on the matter. (AD, 2 Apr 1906, CU-MARK, in MTA, 2:305)
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I . . . listened to that deathless incident four hundred and eighty-one or eighty-two times] Lillard and Hood make clear that the Greeley-Monk anecdote was indeed an exceedingly familiar story on the West Coast for many years. Mark Twain evidently first experimented with repeating the story for the sake of humorous satire sometime after delivering his first Sandwich Islands lecture in San Francisco on 2 October 1866, trying it out during his October-November lecture tour in California and Nevada (“Robbery of Mark Twain,” Virginia City Union, 12 Nov 66, 3; L1, 361–62, 366–67 n. 4; Lorch 1966, 45–46). He then included the anecdote in his second San Francisco lecture, on 16 November, an occasion he described in detail many years later:
For repetition is a mighty power in the domain of humor. If frequently used, nearly any precisely worded and unchanging formula will eventually compel laughter if it be gravely & earnestly repeated, at intervals, five or six times. I undertook to prove the truth of this, forty years ago, in San Francisco, on the occasion
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I told it in a level voice, in a colorless and monotonous way, without emphasizing any word in it, and succeeded in making it dreary and stupid to the limit. Then I paused and looked very much pleased with myself, and as if I expected a burst of laughter. Of course there was no laughter, nor anything resembling it.
Mark Twain told the story three times in all; after the third telling, the audience finally broke into a “tempest” of laughter:
It was a heavenly sound to me, for I was nearly exhausted with weakness and apprehension, and was becoming almost convinced that I should have to stand there and keep on telling that anecdote all night, before I could make those people understand that I was working a delicate piece of satire. I am sure I should have stood my ground and gone on favoring them with that tale until I broke them down, under the unconquerable conviction that the monotonous repetition of it would infallibly fetch them some time or other. (AD, 31 Aug 1906, CU-MARK, in AMT, 143–46)
The following spring, Mark Twain again included the anecdote in his New York lecture, delivered in Cooper Union on 6 May 1867,
remarking when he did so that it had not the slightest connection with the subject of his lecture; but that every one who had been to California held it to be a solemn duty to inflict this story on any innocent Eastern man whom fate might place in his power. (Review of Richardson’s Beyond the Mississippi in the New York Citizen, 24 Aug 67,3)
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the adventure it celebrates never occurred] It was Joseph Goodman (see the note at 274.25–26) who initially informed Clemens that Greeley had denied the truth of the anecdote. Shortly after the publication of Roughing It; when Greeley was running for president, Goodman wrote an anti-Greeley editorial for the Enterprise, which read in part:
In the Fall of 1869, we met Hank Monk at Reno, as we were about leaving for the East. With the recollection of that ride fresh in his memory, and a sentiment of fellowship toward his illustrious passsenger, with whom he had passed hand in hand into literature and fame, Hank requested us to call upon Mr. Greeley and tell him that in memory of their celebrated mountain ride he wished him to procure a pass that would enable him to visit his friends in the East. . . . We met the philosopher at the Astor House, and briefly delivered our message. The reply was concise and emphatic. “Damn him! that fellow has done me more harm than any man in America!” We protested our ignorance of any injury. “But there was not a damned word of truth in the whole story!” rejoined Mr. Greeley. . . .
In telling the story of the Placerville ride, will Democratic orators append this sequel, illustrative of the overbearing and illiberal nature of Mr. Greeley? . . . Hank Monk still handles the whip and reins, but we fancy he has more friends on this coast than Horace Greeley—though he is running for President. (Goodman 1872, 2; see also MTB, 1:303 n. 1)
On 24 March 1871—not long after the present chapter was written—Goodman began a visit with Clemens in Elmira, where he read part of the Roughing It manuscript. Presumably he then reported his 1869 encounter with Greeley. In August, when Clemens probably read this chapter in proof, he decided to ask Greeley himself whether the disclaimer was accurate, explaining that “a newspaper editor, who said he got it from you,” had told him that it had “never occurred” (SLC to Greeley, 17 Aug 71, NN; “City and Neighborhood,” Elmira Advertiser,
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made of old flour sacks . . . pictures from Harper’s Weekly on them] This description is similar to a passage in the letter Clemens published in the Keokuk Gate City on 20 November 1861. He may have referred to a clipping of the letter to refresh his memory:
The houses are mostly frame, and unplastered; but “papered” inside with flour-sacks sewn together—with the addition, in favor of the parlor, of a second papering composed of engravings cut from “Harper’s Weekly;” so you will easily perceive that the handsomer the “brand” upon the flour-sacks is, and the more spirited the pictures are, the finer the house looks. (SLC 1861)
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Congress had appropriated only twenty thousand dollars a year] Orion Clemens reported to the Territorial Council (or Senate, as Mark Twain calls it in this chapter) on 11 November 1861:
The expense of the present session of the Legislature will probably amount to $35,000, being $15,000 more than the appropriation made by Congress. The current expenses of the two Houses have amounted already to $13,000, and will probably reach $15,000 before the end of the session; and the printing is estimated at $20,000. (Marsh, 245)
He later informed William H. Jones, acting first comptroller of the Treasury Department after the death of Elisha Whittlesey (see the next note), “When I first arrived here people were surprised and incredulous when I talked of making the appropriation answer the purposes it was intended for in this Territory—they said it ought to be three times as much” (OC to William H. Jones, 29 Apr 63, “Territorial Letters Received”).
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In moving from Buffalo here I have lost certain notes & documents—among them what you wrote for me about the difficulties of opening up the Territorial government in Nevada & getting the machinery to running. And now, just at the moment that I want it, it is gone. I don’t even know what it was you wrote, for I did not intend to read it until I was ready to use it. Have you time to scribble something again, to aid my memory. Little characteristic items like Whittle-sey’s refusing to allow for the knife, &c are the most illuminating things—the difficulty of getting credit for the Gov’t—& all that sort of thing. Incidents are better, any time, than dry history. Don’t tax yourself—I can make a little go a great way. (SLC to OC, 4 Apr 71, CU-MARK, in MTLP, 62)
Elisha Whittlesey (1783–1863) was first comptroller of the Treasury Department from 1849 to 1857 and again from 1861 until his death.
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a horse-railroad from town to the Capitol] Andrew J. Marsh described this railroad for the Sacramento Union:
It runs—or rather trots—from Carson City across the Eagle Valley. . . . The rolling stock consists of a platform car, which carries freight from Curry’s stone quarry to Carson, and a windowless passenger car of primitive construction. Two mules . . . act in the capacity of locomotives. Into this car the assembled wisdom climb in the morning to be carted over the rough scantling track to the Capitol, and at night to be carted home again. The car has no springs, and the members think their daily rides afford excellent exercise for the dyspeptic. (Marsh, 47)
canvas partition . . . three dollars and forty cents would be subtracted . . . and it was] According to the Carson City Silver Age:
This large Hall is to be divided into four apartments, by partitions. The eastern end of the building is to be assigned to the Council, and the western end to the House of Representatives, while the central part is to contain two middling sized rooms for the use of the Committees and the Sergeant-at-Arms, of each House. (“Items from Washoe,” San Francisco Alta California, 11 Sept 61, 4, reprinting the Carson City Silver Age of 6 September)
In a letter of 13 March 1862, the Treasury Department comptroller questioned Orion about a voucher he had submitted for cotton fabric and thread, totaling $103.07. Orion explained:
This was for the walls and ceiling of the Legislative Halls, partition and Committee rooms, in lieu of plastering. In this part of the country, few houses are plastered. The custom is to take cotton cloth, stitch it together, cover the walls and ceiling with it, and cover the cloth on the walls with wall paper. (OC to Elisha Whittlesey, 2 May 62, “Official Correspondence”)
Orion’s explanation was apparently accepted, and the $103.07 was not “subtracted” from his salary.
one dollar and fifty cents . . . for press-work, in greenbacks] That is, $1.50 for setting 1,000 ems of type, and $1.50 for printing 250 sheets (Ringwalt, 156, 464–65). The comptroller’s office set the prices to be allowed for territorial printing after submitting a detailed questionnaire to local printers to determine current market rates. Mark
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Legal tender notes . . . are here merchandise (we have no bank notes in circulation) and gold and silver coin is the currency, while in the States the reverse is the case. . . . Any man in this Territory having a legal tender note must sell it for its market price in coin, or submit to an equivalent advance in price, before he can buy . . . any article of food or clothing or merchandise, or pay for freight or printing material or hire of hands. (OC to William H. Jones, 29 Apr 63, “Territorial Letters Received”)
When greenbacks had gone down to forty cents on the dollar . . . the printing of the journals was discontinued] Although Orion did have difficulty arranging for the printing of the laws and journals of the first (1861) legislative session, his problems did not become insurmountable until 1863, when he attempted to contract for the printing of the laws and journals of the second (1862) session. By that time, the gold value of greenbacks had fallen precipitously for ten months, dropping from $.98 to $.57 between April 1862 and February 1863 (it did not reach $.40 until June 1864) (L1, 223–24 n. 2; Mitchell, 211, 425–27). When Joseph T. Goodman of the Virginia City Territorial Enterprise responded in February 1863 to the government questionnaire about prevailing rates for printing, he indicated his willingness to take on the job of publishing the laws and journals in book form for $.75 “per 1,000 ems” and the same “per token.” Although these rates were only one-half the government allowance in greenbacks, Goodman still insisted on payment in gold. But the comptroller informed Orion on 5 March that greenbacks were the “only basis upon which you can contract for the execution of the Territorial printing” (Goodman to OC, 28 Jan and 16 Feb 63, enclosed with OC to Elisha Whittlesey, 5 Feb and 23 Feb 63, “Territorial Letters Received”; William H. Jones to OC, 5 Mar 63, “Territorial Letters Sent”). In July, Orion wrote to Robert W. Taylor, who had succeeded Whittlesey as first comptroller of the Treasury Department, giving a full account of his “trouble” over the public printing and
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Finally, about a month ago, I prevailed on the Territorial Enterprise (after they had held the copy several months) to undertake the printing of the laws, by promising to advance on delivery the whole amount allowed by the Government, on bills made out by them in such amounts as they might think they ought to have, giving them a chance to get more if they could. I expect the laws to be delivered to me soon. Shall I make the same offer to induce them to undertake the printing of the Journals? . . . Nobody seems to care much about the printing of the Journals, and it is so late now that I think it is hardly worth while to have them printed. (OC to Robert W. Taylor, 9 July 63, “Territorial Letters Received”)
The journals for the second legislative session were never printed; the manuscript copy for them is preserved in the Archives Division of the Office of the Secretary of State in Carson City (Marsh, ix, 662; RI 1972, 576, mistakenly states that the 1862 journals were printed “without interruption”).
with full exhibits of the high prices . . . a printed market report] In his explanatory letter of 29 April 1863, Orion wrote:
The printers express the opinion that they will do “pretty well” if they realize expenses from what the Department allows them. To show more clearly the difficulty the printer has to contend with in this respect, I enclose some advertisements clipped from a daily (loyal) paper published in the town of Virginia in this Territory. I do not see that there is any practicable remedy, but it will serve to throw further light on the probable cause of the high prices asked by the printers. (OC to William H. Jones, 29 Apr 63, “Territorial Letters Received”)
The enclosed “advertisements”—Mark Twain’s “full exhibits” and “printed market report”—do not survive.
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The knives cost three dollars apiece . . . out of the Secretary’s salary] Orion’s purchase of pocket knives for the second Territorial Legislature was challenged in Washington, prompting him to submit the following explanation:
The 16 pocket knives were disposed of as follows: I and my clerk had one each. There were six extra clerks employed by the Legislature, and I gave knives to five of them. The Legislature employed two pages. I gave one to each. Some of the members lost their knives and I replaced them; and several members who were not present when the session opened came afterwards, and I gave them knives.
On the verso of Orion’s letter an unidentified auditor noted:
Allow the expense for knives, except to extra clerks as a specialty, & instruct the Sec. not to furnish duplicates to those who may lose them. . . . The Legislature had no right to employ those 4 extra clerks—the Sec. could not pay them & should not have furnished them either with knives or Blank books. (OC to William H. Jones, 29 Apr 63, with notes on the verso in an unidentified hand, “Territorial Letters Received”)
member proposed to save three dollars a day . . . during the morning prayer] Mark Twain’s description of this legislator appears to conflate facts about two different Nevada characters, Jacob L. Van Bokkelen and Colonel Jonathan Williams. Van Bokkelen (d. 1873) had been a member of the 1851 San Francisco Vigilance Committee; in Nevada he served in both the first and second territorial legislatures and during the Civil War was Lincoln’s appointee as provost marshal for the territory
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Col. Williams, of the House, who says I mutilate his eloquence, addressed a note to me this morning, to the effect that I had given his constituents wrong impressions concerning him, and nothing but blood would satisfy him. I sent him that turnip on a hand-barrow, requesting him to extract from it a sufficient quantity of blood to restore his equilibrium—(which I regarded as a very excellent joke.) Col. Williams ate it (raw) during the usual prayer by the chaplain. . . . Col. Williams had his feet on his desk at the time. (SLC 1862h)
In 1866 Mark Twain again mentioned that Williams “used to always” engage in this irreverent activity “during prayer by the Chaplain” (SLC 1866w). Clemens had a more personal reason for lampooning Williams: in July 1863 Orion, in his capacity as acting governor, discharged him as a notary public for Lander County for being “a loud mouthed Copperhead”; Williams responded by calling Orion a specimen of “political vermin” (“Caustic Letter,” Placerville [Calif.] Mountain Democrat, 8 Aug 63, 3). Williams was a proprietor of the Enterprise from 1859 until early 1862; Rollin Daggett described him as “an erratic old gentleman who wrote strong, but in villainous English, and was given a great deal to his cups” (Daggett, 15). Williams later “drifted about Nevada for many years, ultimately committing suicide at Pioche in January of 1876” (Lingenfelter and Gash, 253–54).
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“Humboldt” was beginning to shriek for attention] This mining region was situated about a hundred seventy-five miles northeast of Carson City in the West Humboldt Mountains (see supplement B, map 2). Silver and gold were discovered in the area in 1860, and over the next year, Unionville, Humboldt City, and Star City—each in a separate mining district—emerged as the principal centers of mining activity. News of a rich strike in June 1861, before Clemens arrived in Nevada,
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The great extent and richness of the Humboldt mines have long since ceased to be questions of doubt. . . . New leads are being located almost daily beyond the limits of the mining districts now formed. The irresistible conviction is forced upon all who have prospected here during the past Summer that this is not only the richest but most extensive quartz region extant. (Simmons, 1)
The Humboldt region continued to attract miners, mill operators, and investors for a time, except for a decline in 1864–65 which temporarily emptied the mining camps (Kelly 1862, 13, 235–38; Mining and Scientific Press: “Interesting Correspondence from Nevada Territory,” 3 [15 June 61]: 2; “Nevada Territory,” 4 [2 Nov 61]: 5); Angel, 449–54).
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We remained cooped up eight days . . . their profusion is simply inconceivable] In his letter to the Virginia City Territorial Enterprise dated 12 February 1866, Clemens recalled his stay at Honey Lake Smith’s:
I was 15 days on the road back to Carson on horseback, with Colonel Onstein and Captain Pfersdorff, nine of which were spent at Honey Lake Smith’s, when there was but two hundred feet of dry ground around the house, and the whole desert for miles around was under water. The whole place was crowded with teamsters, and we wore out every deck of cards on the place, and then had no amusement left but to scrape up a handful of vermin off the floor or the beds, and “shuffle” them, and bet on odd or even. Even this poor excuse for a game broke up in a row at last when it was discovered that Colonel Onstein kept a “cold deck” down the back of his neck! He would persist in cheating, and so we played no more. Take it altogether, that was the funniest trip I ever made. (SLC 1866d)
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the trial of the great land-slide case of Hyde vs. Morgan] Mark Twain had already published two versions of the story he is about to tell in the next chapter. The first, entitled “A Rich Decision,” appeared in an August 1863 letter to the San Francisco Morning Call. The second, which appeared in the Buffalo Express in April 1870, was revised for inclusion in Roughing It (SLC 1863p, 1870e). Both earlier versions are reprinted in The Great Landslide Case, together with a discussion of the historical background and the evolution of the text (Anderson and Branch). James C. Merrell, who claimed to have shared a cabin with Clemens in Aurora, asserted that Clemens wrote an even earlier version of the story there during his 1862 sojourn. Merrell’s account, which incorrectly implies that the landslide itself occurred in Aurora, may well be apocryphal (see the note at 221.20–29):
I believe that I heard read the first letter which ever gave him encouragement to become a writer. There had been an avalanche, which carried down a miner’s cabin and deposited it on top of another miner’s cabin. This appealed to Clemens as a most amusing mix-up, and he wrote a long letter to the Virginia Enterprise, describing the incident and making a long argument as to which miner could claim the entire property.
He chuckled over it a good deal while he was writing it and when he had finished he brought it to us and said, “Listen, boys, to what I told ’em about the late catastrophe.” Then he read it all through to us.
Not long after, he got a letter from the Enterprise. I do not know the contents of it, but at supper table Clemens said, “I guess those fellows liked my stuff pretty well.” Soon afterwards he had money to pay his bills, and I always supposed the paper gave him something for the letter. (Cyril Clemens, 19–21)
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we would have a wild excitement . . . the whole population gone chasing after W.] On 3 July 1862 an Aurora correspondent of the Sacramento Bee (possibly Daniel Twing, one of Clemens’s cabinmates; see L1, 237 n. 2) wrote:
Our town is all excitement to-day, from the reported discovery of rich and extensive gold diggings over in the vicinity of Owens river. . . . Directly parties of horsemen were noticed to leave town during the still hours of night, stealthily moving away to the west. . . . Well, the next day succeeding the night of mystification, another and another party quietly took themselves out of town. . . . The cause of this epidemic is reports now industriously circulated through the
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Some people believed . . . he had not] On 28 July 1862 the Aurora correspondent of the Sacramento Bee commented:
One of the adventurers to the Cement diggings has just returned, and he tells me he thinks the diggings are a humbug, or else the first discoverers are humbugging everybody else by putting them on the wrong scent, and keeping them there till they get tired of prospecting and return home disgusted, when the pioneers will quietly take possession of their rich discoveries again and work them when and as they please, with no one to molest or make them afraid—except Indians. From what I accidentally heard one of the original proprietors say a day or two since, I am constrained to believe the latter conclusion is the correct one. (Veni, Vidi 1862b)
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a white feathery sort of worm . . . a fly . . . the Indians eat all three] The lake waters contain vast numbers of brine shrimp (Mark
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The Indians come far and near to gather them. The worms are dried in the sun, the shell rubbed off, when a yellowish kernel remains, like a small yellow grain of rice. This is oily, very nutritious, and not unpleasant to the taste, and under the name of koo-chah-bee forms a very important article of food. The Indians gave me some; it does not taste bad, and if one were ignorant of its origin, it would make fine soup. (Brewer, 417)
an unfailing spring of boiling water . . . a spring of pure cold water, sweet and wholesome] Browne also described these springs:
The larger island Paoha has a singular volcano in the interior, from which issues hot water and steam. Within a few yards of the boiling spring, the water of which is bitter, a spring of pure fresh water gushes out of the rocks. This is justly regarded as the greatest natural wonder of the lake. (J. Ross Browne 1865b, 418)
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he meant to have a look into the Wide West shaft . . . It’s a blind lead] According to Higbie’s recollection, the superintendent of the Wide West invited him to inspect the excavation:
While walking about and trying to get at the shape and formation of the deposit I discovered a cross vein running diagonally across this chimney and entering the walls at both sides. I called the attention of the superintendent to it. He thought it only a short spur and worthy of no attention, but as I had seen it entering both walls I was confident it was a permanent and distinct vein from the Wide West. Accordingly I made a mining location on this cross vein, as the mining laws permitted me to do, and put Sam L. Clemens’ name on the location notice. (Phillips, 70)
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He raved like a maniac . . . and swore a world of oaths that he would kill me] Clemens wrote Orion on 9 July, upon his return from nursing Nye:
Capt. Nye, as his disease grew worse, grew so peevish and abusive, that I quarrelled with him and left. He required almost constant attention, day and night, but he made no effort to hire anyone to assist me. He said he nursed the Governor three weeks, day and night—which is a d—d lie, I suspect. He told Mrs. Gardiner he would take up the quarrel with me again when he gets well. (L1, 224)
fourteen men, duly armed . . . proclaimed their ownership of the blind lead, under the new name of the “Johnson.” . . . A. D. Allen . . . said his name must be added] On 1 July 1862 Peter Johnson—an owner of the Pride of Utah mine and of the Union Mill near Aurora—recorded the relocation of a ledge he named the “Johnson,” in partnership with A. D. Allen and several others,
said location being a re-location of the ledges or claims known as the Harlem and Zenobia ledges and being a claim of One thousand (1000) feet, described as commencing at the Notice in the Pride of Utah Tunnel, and thence running on the Lode Eight hundred (800) feet east and Two hundred (200) feet West. (Esmeralda district mining deeds, Book E:44–45, Mono County Archives)
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The Wide West and the Pride of Utah companies struck the cross lead about the same time, and worked towards each other. . . . The men who work for the two companies located claims immediately after the discovery of the cross vein covering nearly the whole of it, as it was not the lead claimed by the original companies. (Veni, Vidi 1862a)
Johnson’s relocation did not go unchallenged. In December 1862 the Zenobia Lode Company published a notice that asserted
a superior title to the Johnson Co., claiming the same ground so far as said localities conflict. This ground is a portion of that now held by the Company known as the Wide West Company. The notice is signed by A. Waddell, J. C. Dorsey, S. P. Dorsey and James Elder. (“Esmeralda Mining Notices,” Mining and Scientific Press 6 [20 Dec 62]: 2, repeated weekly through 2 Mar 63)
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I was absolutely and unquestionably worth a million dollars, once] Independent documentary evidence proves that the story of the Wide West mine and its associated rich blind lead took place essentially as Mark Twain recounts it. It has not been demonstrated, however, that Clemens and Higbie were directly involved, in spite of their virtually identical recollections that they made a claim and lost it by default. Furthermore, Mark Twain’s explanation of the applicable mining law does not seem to correspond to recoverable fact. That the story was at best an exaggeration is suggested by the content of Clemens’s letters of the period, which make little mention of the Johnson lead, focusing instead on the nearby Annapolitan—a claim located in September 1861 which he, Higbie, and several other partners owned. On 22 June 1862, for example—two days after he is conjectured to have located the blind lead—he wrote to Orion:
We are most damnably “mixed” as to whether the “Annipolitan” will prove to be the “Dimes” or the “Pride of Utah.” We want it to be the former—for in that case we can hold all our ground—but if it be the “Pride of Utah,” we shall lose all of
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Three days later, on 25 June, he informed Orion, “No—haven’t struck anything in the ‘Annipolitan.’ No—down 12 feet—am not afraid of it. It will come out well I think” (L1, 223). In his next extant letter—written on 9 July, after his return from nursing Captain Nye and nine days after the relocation of the Johnson ledge—he told Orion, “From what I can learn, the Pride of Utah and the Dimes have run together, at a depth of less than 100 feet, and now form one immense ledge, of fabulous richness. I suppose the Annipolitan will share the same fate” (L1, 225). A week or so later Orion, who had evidently learned something of the Johnson excitement from Tom Nye (Captain Nye’s son), wrote to ask Clemens about his involvement, prompting his only known mention of the Johnson claim: “No, I don’t own a foot in the ‘Johnson’ ledge—I will tell the story some day in a more intelligible manner than Tom Nye has told it” (L1, 228). These letters suggest that it may have been the Annapolitan’s proximity to the rich strikes which stimulated Clemens’s dreams of wealth, and that the true story of the blind lead has not yet been told. For a full anaylsis see Edgar M. Branch’s article “Fact and Fiction in the Blind Lead Episode of Roughing It” (Esmeralda district mining deeds, Book B:501–3, Book G:383–84, Mono County Archives; L1, 134 n. 2, 216–224, 230 n. 6).
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Mr. Goodman said that I was as good a reporter as Dan] Goodman, in later years, reportedly had this to say about the relative abilities of his two local reporters:
Isn’t it so singular that Mark Twain should live and Dan De Quille fade out? If anyone had asked me in 1863 which was to be an immortal name, I should unhesitatingly have said Dan De Quille. They had about equal talent and sense of humor, but the difference was the way in which they used their gifts. One shrank from the world; the other braved it, and it recognized his audacity. (Drury, 216)
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he would give me twenty feet of “Justis” stock . . . nothing could make that man yield] The Justis (sometimes spelled “Justice”) mine, located in 1859, was in the Gold Hill district on the west side of Gold Canyon, conveniently situated near the main road and several mills. In mid-November 1863 Justis stock was hovering in the range of $10 a foot; on 11 December it had reached $70. By mid-February 1864, following a rich strike earlier that month, the price had risen to over $150 a foot (Lamb, 2; Virginia City Union: “Rich Strike,” 10 Feb 64, 3; “Justice Company,” 27 Mar 64, 3; “Washoe Stock and Exchange Board,” Virginia City Evening Bulletin, various dates in Nov 63–Feb 64). Mark Twain gave a similar account of Stewart’s offer in his letter to the Enterprise of 12 December 1863, taking the opportunity to launch an attack on the “disreputable old cottonhead”:
Stewart as good as promised me ten feet in the “Justis,” and then backed down again when the stock went up to $80 a foot . . . . Bill Stewart is always construing something—eternally distorting facts and principles. He would climb out of his coffin and construe the burial service. He is a long-legged, bull-headed, whopper-jawed, constructionary monomaniac . . . . I have my own opinion of Bill Stewart, and if it would not appear as if I were a little put out about that Justis (that was an almighty mean thing), I would as soon express it as not. (SLC 1863y)
My revenge will be found in the accompanying portrait] See the illustration on page 289. According to Stewart, Clemens exacted this “revenge” for quite another offense, dating from the winter of 1867–68. Stewart employed Clemens then as his private secretary and shared lodgings with him in Washington, D.C., an arrangement that allowed Clemens to begin work on his manuscript for The Innocents Abroad. Reportedly Clemens’s irregular and obtrusive living habits so bedeviled their elderly landlady that Stewart was forced to call him to account. “I called Sam in and repeated to him what the landlady had said,” Stewart recalled in 1891,
I told him I would thrash him if I ever heard another complaint. I said that I did not want to turn him out because I wanted him to finish his book. He made one of his smart replies at the expense of the landlady and I told him that I would thrash him then and there. He begged in a most pitiful way for me not to do so and I could not help laughing.
Seeing that he had gotten me into a good humor again he said that he would not annoy the old woman again, but that he would certainly get even with me for having threatened to thrash him if it took him 10 years to do so. (“Mark Twain’s Revenge,” New York Recorder, 5 Apr 91, clipping enclosed in Robert W. Carl to SLC, 5 Apr 91, CU-MARK)
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“If Mark didn’t see fit to come back at the Senator, why should Paine take up the cudgel now? I have always thought that Stewart considered that attack a masterpiece of humor, and that his object was to draw Mark into a controversy and thereby attract attention to his (Stewart’s) book.” . . .
There you have Stewart’s animus in a nutshell. (Gillis to Paine, 26 Feb 1911, Daley)
they had been buying “Overman” stock . . . These are actual facts] Between March and August 1863, the value of stock in the Overman mine, in the Gold Hill district, increased from $12 to over $600 a foot (Mining and Scientific Press: “Washoe Stock Remarks,” 6 [23 Mar 63]: 5; “The Mining Share Market,” 6 [31 Aug 63]: 4). In a letter written to his family on 18 July 1863, shortly after returning to Virginia City from a visit to San Francisco, Clemens gave a slightly different account of this failed opportunity:
A gentleman in San Francisco told me to call at his office, & he would give me five feet of “Overman.” Well, do you know I never went after it? The stock is worth $40000 a foot, now—$2,000 thrown away. I don’t care a straw, for myself, but I ought to have had more thought for you. (L1, 260)
The value of the stock on 16 July was in fact $400 a foot (L1, 261 n. 2).
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I owned in another claim . . . “East India” stock . . . did not cut a quartz ledge or anything that remotely resembled one] Clemens wrote to his family in April 1863:
Some of the boys made me a present of fifty feet in the East India G & S. M. Company, ten days ago. I was offered ninety-five dollars a foot for it, yesterday, in gold. I refused it—not because I think the claim is worth a cent, for I don’t, but because I had a curiosity to see how high it would go, before people find out how worthless it is. (L1, 247)
The East India “humbug,” Clemens later noted, was located “right in the middle of C. street” (SLC 1868e).
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the world-renowned tragedian, McKean Buchanan . . . we might have lost . . . from the stage] According to the Virginia City Evening Bulletin of 6 July 1863, a “prominent theatrical man” (presumably Buchanan) purchased a block of North Ophir stock for less than $10 a foot, sold out for $30, and then the next day bought it back for $60, believing it would rise still further (“Fluctuations of North Ophir,” 2). Instead, he lost everything when the stock collapsed. McKean Buchanan (1823–72) abandoned a lucrative mercantile career to pursue his theatrical ambitions after making a decided hit as an amateur in New Orleans. He made his New York debut in 1849 and toured extensively over the succeeding years, appearing in California, Great Britain, and Australia. He and his company toured Nevada in 1862—meeting with little success—and returned in May 1863 for an extended engagement in Virginia City. Buchanan had an established reputation as a tragedian, although his overblown, bombastic style did not endear him to the critics. Mark Twain himself remarked in 1869 in the Buffalo Express:
The great McKean Buchanan having been driven from all the world’s great cities many years ago, still keeps up a pitiless persecution of the provinces, ranting with undiminished fury before audiences composed of one sad manager, one malignant reporter, and a Sheriff waiting to collect the license, and still pushes his crusade from village to village, strewing his disastrous wake with the corpses of country theatres. (SLC 1869f)
And upon Buchanan’s death, the New York Times commented that many of his “warm personal friends . . . regretted his persistence in continuing on the dramatic stage” (“Obituary. McKean Buchanan,” 18 Apr 72, 2; Odell, 5:444–45, 7:3; “McKean Buchanan’s Death—Biographical Sketch of the Noted Actor,” Denver Rocky Mountain News, 17 Apr 72, 1; Rambler, 1; Watson, 91–94, 125–26, 145).
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The editorial sanctum . . . compressed into one apartment . . . general dinner table] The first Virginia City office of the Enterprise was on A Street near Sutton Avenue. Dan De Quille described the premises as
a one-story frame with a shed addition on the north side. In the main structure were the cases of the compositors, the table at which all the writing, local and editorial, was done, and the old Washington hand-press on which the papers were worked off.
The shed addition was used as a kitchen (an old Chinaman called “Joe” doing the cooking) and eating-room, and ranged on the sides were sleeping bunks, one above another in ship-shape. Here all hands ate at a long table, and here nearly all slept. (William Wright 1893a)
When Clemens joined the newspaper in September 1862, the office had been relocated to North C Street over a clothing store (“The Pioneer Journal Dead,” Virginia City Evening Chronicle, 16 Jan 93, 2).
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Gridley sold the sack in Carson City] No auction was held in Carson City, as Clemens explained to his family in May 1864:
Carson is considerably larger than either of these three towns Gold Hill, Dayton, Silver City, but it has a lousy, lazy, worthless, poverty-stricken population, and the universal opinion was that we couldn’t raise $500 dollars there. So we started home again. (L1, 283)
In the Enterprise Clemens provided another—even more offensive—reason for the procession’s failure to go to Carson:
The money raised at the Sanitary Fancy Dress Ball, recently held in Carson for the St. Louis Fair, had been diverted from its legitimate course, and was to be sent to aid a Miscegenation Society somewhere in the East; and it was feared the proceeds of the sack might be similarly disposed of. (Citizen, 2)
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he finally carried it to St. Louis . . . small cakes and retailed them at high prices] Gridley took his flour sack to St. Louis in the summer of 1865. Since it was illegal in Missouri to auction the same item repeatedly, “it was suggested that the flour be baked into cakes which could be sold. Gridley refused, for he felt that the flour came from the West and that was where it belonged. Thus the tour ended on a sour note” (Elizabeth W. Smith, 16). Curiously, the idea of selling the flour as small cakes may have originated with Clemens a year earlier. In May 1864 an Enterprise reporter, probably Clemens, listed the amounts already realized by the flour-sack auctions in Nevada and estimated how much could be raised in California and the East, computing a total of over $500,000. He continued,
Now supposing that the managers of the St. Louis Fair are smart enough to have this historical sack of flour ultimately made into thin wafer cakes—500 to the pound—it strikes us that 25,000 people would willingly give $5 a cake for it, if only for the sake of telling their children and friends that they had eaten a cake made out of flour that had sold for over $500,000 per sack! (SLC 1864g)
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a friend . . . sought him out, bought his “feet” . . . and sold the property for seventy-five thousand dollars] A similar story is told of John W. Mackay (1831–1902), who became famous in the 1870s as a “Big Bonanza” millionaire. In 1863 the owners of the Kentuck mine were prevented from incorporating by the disappearance of one of the original locators, who still owned several shares in the mine. Learning that he was with the Confederate army in Tennessee, Mackay traced him and returned
with the missing block of feet and a bill of sale to show his ownership. Mackay never revealed how he secured them but the legend insists he dogged his man into the front lines before Chattanooga and wrangled over the price while Parrott rifles boomed and Minié balls ripped overhead. (Beebe and Clegg, 66)
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a verdict of death “by the visitation of God.”] Clemens included a similar anecdote in his “People and Things” column in the Buffalo Express for 18 August 1869:
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The committeeman, “Scotty” Briggs, made his visit] Mark Twain apparently returned to one of his early Enterprise pieces for the germ of his description of Scotty Briggs’s interview with the minister. This recently discovered Enterprise article survives only in part, as a paraphrase quoted in the San Francisco Call and Post of 1 April 1921, and is reprinted here for the first time. The author of the article explained that Clemens had been dispatched by Goodman to interview the clergymen of the area; he “began with the Baptist Church, at Gold Hill,” and reported as follows:
The high price charged for water by the water company renders it impossible to immerse any but wealthy converts. For this and other reasons the pastor of the church informs me that he will be compelled to resign. His salary is small, only $24 a month. But the irregularity with which it is paid, or, to speak more accurately, the regularity with which it is not paid, is very distressing to him. He
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The Methodist Church, in Virginia City, presents different conditions. The congregation is large and contributions are liberal. The pastor is a broad man—as broad as he is long. He measures 62 inches around the waist and 62 inches from keel to main yard.
The Episcopal clergyman is a charming little gentleman just out from the effete East. He is as unlearned in sporting nomenclature as sporting men are unlearned in the technicalities of orthodoxy.
Last week, on the day before Andy Brown died, his brother Steve went to the Episcopal clergyman and said: “My brother is about to pass in his checks and he wants you to come down to the joint and start him off square before he becomes a stiff.”
“I am not a banker,” said the clergyman, “and I can not aid your brother in passing checks.”
“You don’t tumble,” said Andy. “My brother is going to die, and he wants you to do some praying over him before he goes. He doesn’t feel sure as to where he will land, and he thinks that your prayers might keep him out of a hot climate.”
“I see,” said the divine. “Is your brother a professor?”
“He was,” said Andy, “but since Baldy Thompson licked him in their last fight he has given up the profession of pugilism.”
“Do you think,” said the clergyman, “that your brother would like the Eucharist administered?”
“Well, partner,” said Andy, dubiously, “it looks to me like a queer time for that sort of thing. But you know best, and you can take your deck along or I’ll get you a pack of cards at the saloon.” (Wells 1921a)
Mark Twain’s portrait of Scotty Briggs, like his Buck Fanshaw, undoubtedly owed some of its features to actual Nevada figures. Briggs may have been drawn from John Van Buren (Jack) Perry, Virginia City’s popular marshal and, like his friend Thomas Peasley, an ardent Unionist and a mainstay of the Virginia Volunteer Fire Department. Just as Scotty Briggs brawled alongside of Buck Fanshaw, so Perry joined Peasley and other Unionists in defending a Union recruiter attacked by a Secessionist in a Virginia City street. Mark Twain at least twice made reference to Perry’s mastery of “vulgar phraseology” and recorded examples of his vivid slang quite similar to those of his fictional counterpart (SLC 1863c, 1863m). George Wharton James, an intimate friend of Perry’s, claimed that Clemens became “very fond” of the marshal and spent many hours listening to his stories: “It was Jack who told several of the stories that appear in ‘Roughing It’ ” (James, 530). Steve Gillis (see the note at 323.30–325.2), in later years, claimed that Scotty Briggs was drawn from one Ruef Williams, a neighbor at Jackass Hill in Tuolumne County—and possibly the “Riff Williams” whom Goodman mentioned as one of Peasley and Perry’s cronies in the Virginia Fire Department. Nothing further is known about Williams, except that he was probably the “M. R. Williams” who was chief of the department at
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some roughs jumped the Catholic bone-yard and started in to stake out town lots] The Enterprise local (possibly Clemens) reported on 25 December 1862:
On Saturday last, parties in this city took possession of the Catholic cemetery, located in the southeast part of the town, and commenced the work of fencing it in and building thereon a house. When this became known throughout the city, there came near being a most bloody row over the matter. Many armed themselves and were for proceeding instantly to the burying ground to drive the jumpers away by force of arms.
But peaceful counsel prevailed, while a decision regarding ownership of the ground was awaited (“Jumping a Graveyard at Washoe,” San Francisco Evening Bulletin, 29 Dec 62, 1, reprinting the Virginia City Territorial Enterprise of 25 December).
It was him that put down the riot last election . . . in less than three minutes] Paul Fatout has suggested that the model for this free-for-all was not an election riot, but a brawl that broke out between two rival fire companies after a major fire in Virginia City on 28 August 1863. The Virginia City Union reported:
Fire Companies Nos. 1 and 2 met at the intersection of Taylor and C streets, and by some means became involved in a general row. . . . Trumpets, sticks and faucets were freely used, and blood streamed from numerous heads. The efforts of the police to stop it were at first futile, the Marshal himself i.e., Perry receiving a severe blow on the head with a club. (“The Fire at Virginia, N. T.,” Sacramento Union, 31 Aug 63, 4, reprinting the Virginia City Union of 29 August)
Clemens reported on the fire and the riot in a dispatch to the San Francisco Morning Call (SLC 1863o). In composing this chapter, he may have conflated the riot with an incident in which Peasley made a lone stand before an anti-Union election rally in Virginia City on 22 October 1864:
Fiery speeches and a street parade were features of the demonstration. As the parade neared the International Hotel, . . . Tom Peasley advanced to the middle of the street, faced the leaders of the line, which numbered thousands, and leveled two six-shooters at their heads. They came to an abrupt halt. Peasley pointed to a picture of President Lincoln that had been suspended from a window of the hotel, head downward, to indicate the derision of the anti-Unionists for the president.
He demanded that the picture be righted, and the parade leaders, “knowing the deadly earnestness of the man, and not caring to trifle with one of his reputation,” complied; “only then did Peasley step aside and give the word for the parade to move on” (Levison, 7; “An Insult,” Virginia City Union, 23 Oct 64, 3; Fatout 1964, 81–82).
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Farmer Pease] Actually Langford (“Farmer”) Peel, known as Virginia City’s coolest, most gentlemanly gunman. Born in Liverpool, Peel had lived in Kansas and Salt Lake City before he fled to California in 1858 after killing a man in a duel. In 1863 he arrived in Virginia City, where on 30 September he seriously wounded the prize fighter Richard Paddock in a shoot-out following a saloon argument. About a month later, on 24 October, he shot and killed John (“El Dorado Johnny”) Dennis, who had challenged him to a gunfight; Peel was acquitted on the grounds of self-defense. On another occasion he severely beat a judge who had sentenced him, and then walked calmly out of the courtroom when none of the officers present dared to apprehend him. According to Goodman, the next morning William Wright (Dan De Quille)
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When Wright’s friends, as a joke, led him to believe that Peel was seeking vengeance for this column, Wright went looking for the desperado and found him in a saloon. He grabbed Peel, held a knife to his throat, and said, “I understand you are hunting for me. If there is any grudge we will settle it right here.” Peel responded, “There’s no hard feeling on my part, I assure you. . . . You wrote nothing about me but what was true and deserved, and I admire a man who is brave enough to say publicly what he thinks about a character like me” (Goodman 1891). Peel left Virginia City in 1867; in July of that year, at the age of thirty-six, he was killed in Montana by a former partner (Langford, 2:270–87; Angel, 345, 357; Gillis, 42–46; “Shooting at Virginia City,” San Francisco Alta California, 1 Oct 63, 1; “Fatal Shooting Affray,” Gold Hill News, 26 Oct 63, 3; Considine 1923a).
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a little printer . . . celebrated name whereat we shook in our shoes] The bellicose printer was Clemens’s good friend Stephen Edward (Steve) Gillis (1838–1918), known as a scrappy fighter. Gillis grew up in Mississippi and Tennessee, where he was trained as a typesetter.
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Of the three McNabb brothers, Tom was the only one that didn’t die with his boots on. In a row with another San Francisco sport he received a bullet in his brain. It didn’t kill him, but it seemed to change his nature. From that time on he was as docile a man as could be found in the city. (Considine 1923c)
By the time of his death in June 1872 at age forty-nine, McNabb had been “shot, stabbed and otherwise wounded over and over again” (Sacramento Union, 28 June 72: “Died,” 2; “By State Telegraph,” 3).
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“The Raging Canal,”] This humorous song was written and performed by the celebrated comic singer Pete Morris (b. 1821); a version of the text may be found in The American Songbag (Levy, 256–57, 259;
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Despite the reference to “The Raging Canal,” the author almost surely expected his readers to see through his (or his narrator’s) dodge. Recognition of the kinship with Coleridge’s famous poem would, in turn, enhance the ridiculousness of Mark Twain’s tempest on a canal. (Baetzhold, 277)
Dollinger’s repeated assurance, “Fear not, but lean on Dollinger, / And he will fetch you through,” echoes Jack’s remark in chapter 6, “Ben Holladay would have fetched them through in thirty-six hours!” (39.17–18).
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the Sutro Tunnel is to plow through the Comstock lode . . . and will develop astonishing riches] The Sutro Tunnel, planned and built by Adolph Sutro at a cost of about $5 million, was begun on 19 October 1869—after several years of heroic effort by Sutro to obtain the required political and financial backing. The main tunnel, which was bored from a spot near the Carson River, east of Virginia City, into the flank of Mount Davidson, was completed on 8 July 1878. According to the 1867 “Report of the Committee on Federal Relations, of the Nevada Legislature,” it was designed to intersect the
mines at a depth of 2,000 feet, draining off the water to that depth by its natural flow, securing the best ventilation, cooling the atmosphere in the mine, furnishing facilities for transportation, and making it possible to dispense with all pumping and hoisting machinery: for the miner can enter the mines from below, work upwards, and the ore will fall by its own gravity; whilst a railroad in
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In August 1871 Clemens queried Sutro (who was about to embark from New York for Europe) about the tunnel project, writing from Hartford, where he was hard at work revising the printer’s copy of Roughing It: “Can’t you run up here for one day? I’m awful busy on my new book on Nevada & California. And by the way you might tell me something about the tunnel that would make an interesting page, perhaps”; ten days later, apparently after a meeting with Sutro in New York, he sent a follow-up telegram requesting the length of the tunnel “when finished” (SLC to Sutro, 19 Aug 71, Koundakjian, and 29 Aug 71, NvHi). Sutro evidently supplied the information for this appended annotation: according to his own 1868 published defense of the project, the main tunnel was to run 4.0 miles, and the lateral branches to it another 3.4 miles, for a total of 7.4 miles. (As built, the branches were about a mile shorter than originally planned.) Although the tunnel was a benefit to the mines, especially as a means of drainage, it was built too late to be very profitable. No sizable bonanzas were discovered after its completion, and about fifty years later it was abandoned (Adolph Sutro, 23; Theodore Sutro, 37–38; Shinn, 194–208; Stewart and Stewart, 168).
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A dog can’t be depended on to carry out a special providence] In 1907 Clemens described the most effective way to deliver this joke:
A pause after the remark was absolutely necessary with any and all audiences, because no man, howsoever intelligent he may be, can instantly adjust his mind to a new and unfamiliar, and yet for a moment or two apparently plausible, logic which recognizes in a dog an instrument too indifferent to pious restraints and too alert in looking out for his own personal interest to be safely depended upon in an emergency requiring self-sacrifice for the benefit of another, even when the command comes from on high. The absurdity of the situation always worked its way into the audience’s mind, but it had to have time. (AD, 14 Oct 1907, CU-MARK, in MTE, 227–28)
It has been suggested that this “caricature of the doctrine of special providences links the monologue with Roop’s speech at the Buncombe trial” (Henry Nash Smith 1962, 67–68; see chapter 34).
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As I write . . . some boys have stoned an inoffensive Chinaman to death . . . no one interfered] Clemens probably read the following item in the New York Tribune for 3 June 1871 (1):
San Francisco, June 2.—The police are endeavoring to arrest a gang of boys who stoned to death an inoffensive Chinaman on Fourth-st. yesterday afternoon. Dozens of people witnessed the assault, but did not interfere until the murder was complete. No attempt was then made to arrest the murderers.
In May 1870 (and again in 1906), Clemens recalled having written a similar report himself in 1864, only to have it suppressed by his employer, the San Francisco Morning Call, because of the paper’s anti-Chinese bias. The 1870 article, published in the Galaxy, included an ironic defense of a San Francisco youth arrested for stoning a Chinese, concluding that everything in the boy’s training “conspired to teach him that it was a high and holy thing to stone a Chinaman, and yet he no sooner attempts to do his duty than he is punished for it” (SLC 1870f, 723; AD, 13 June 1906, CU-MARK, in MTE, 256–57; CofC, 24–27).
an exorbitant swindle . . . “foreign” mining tax . . . usually inflicted on no foreigners but Chinamen] In April 1850 California enacted a tax, in the form of an obligatory license, on all foreigners working mining claims; from 1856 to 1870 the fee for this license was four dollars a month. In practice the tax began within a few years to be “exacted exclusively from Chinese miners”:
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On 31 May 1870 the tax was invalidated by federal law (Wheat, 353–55 n. 4; Sanger, 140, 144).
Mr. Burlingame said that herein lay China’s bitter opposition to railroads . . . graves of their ancestors or friends] Anson Burlingame (1820–70) was educated at the University of Michigan and Harvard Law School. He practiced law in Boston before turning to politics, serving first in the Massachusetts state legislature, and then as a United States congressman from 1855 to 1861, when he was appointed minister to China. Clemens first met Burlingame in Honolulu in June 1866, when he was en route to China after a leave of absence; he helped Clemens secure an exclusive interview with the survivors of the Hornet shipwreck (see L1, 343–48). In November 1867 Burlingame resigned his ministry and shortly thereafter accepted an appointment from the Chinese government as a special envoy to the West. In February 1868 he left China on a goodwill tour of Western capitals, traveling first across the United States. In Washington, D.C., he helped to draft a treaty with the United States, the first by a Western power to recognize China’s sovereignty and allow unrestricted immigration (L2, 187 n. 2, 238–39 n. 1). Shortly after the ratification of the treaty in July, Clemens, with Burlingame’s collaboration, wrote a lengthy and laudatory analysis of it for the New York Tribune, in which he cautioned,
Let us remember that China is one colossal graveyard—a mighty empire so knobbed all over with graves that the level spaces left are hardly more than alleys and avenues among the clustering death-mounds. . . . The first railroad that plows its pitiless way through these myriads of sacred hillocks will carry dismay and distress into countless households. (SLC 1868g)
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I . . . copied an elaborate editorial out of the “American Cyclopedia,”] The New American Cyclopedia: A Popular Dictionary of General Knowledge was published by D. Appleton and Company in sixteen volumes between 1858 and 1863. Edited by George Ripley and
[begin page 692]
three-hundredth anniversary of Shakespeare’s birthday. . . . There wasn’t enough of what Shakespeare had done to make an editorial of the necessary length, but I filled it out with what he hadn’t done—which in many respects was more important and striking and readable than the handsomest things he had really accomplished. (AD, 19 Jan 1906, CU-MARK, in MTA, 1:354–55)
Another instance of such “borrowing” from the Cyclopedia, possibly by Clemens, was noted by the editor of the Virginia City Union. On 12 March he observed that the Enterprise, in its review of Adah Isaacs Menken in Mazeppa (then playing in Virginia City), was “beginning to devote its leading editorial space” to discussing “The Rationale of Obscene Exhibitions.” He further observed that “the historical allusion to ‘Mazeppa’ in the Enterprise of yesterday, is in the main correct. It was copied from the American Cyclopedia” (“A Few Words to the ‘Modest’ Women of San Francisco Who Ventured to See Menken,” San Francisco Evening Bulletin, 15 Mar 64, 5, reprinting the Virginia City Union of 12 March; see L1, 276 n. 2).
Mr. Goodman returned and found six duels on his hands—my personalities had borne fruit] One of Clemens’s provocative editorials may have been an item that appeared in the Enterprise on 30 March, entitled “An Item for Our Cotemporaries” and extant as reprinted in the Virginia City Union the next day. It charged collusion between the Union and several “careless or corrupt” legislators in “log rolling” a bill that appropriated $400 to the Union for printing a pamphlet version of the proposed constitution (see the note at 376.12–18), whereas the Enterprise and other newspapers had printed it “as a matter of news.” The Union responded by accusing the Enterprise of “twaddling unscrupulousness” and characterizing the editorial as “boobyish snivel combined with flat sneakishness” (“Several Items for the People,” Virginia City Union, 31 Mar 64, 2). Another humorous item by Mark Twain, in which he facetiously claimed that Thomas Fitch (see the note at 339.11–13) had lodged a complaint against Virginia City broker Warren F. Myers for voicing racial slurs, appeared in the Enterprise on 1 April and elicited a disgusted comment from the Virginia City Evening Bulletin to the effect that “he who is a fool all the rest of the year, has no special rights on this particular day” (“Another ‘Goak,’ ” 1 Apr 64, 3). The Bulletin continued its attack the following day, alluding to the “bitterness of [Mark Twain’s] remarks” in the morning’s Enterprise: “Merciless himself in perpetrating jokes on others, he winces like a cur with a flea in his ear when others retort; showing conclusively that he has quite misconcieved the nature of the character he has assumed—that of being Washoe’s wit!” (“A Misconception,” 2 Apr 64, 3). Clemens’s items and editorials in the Enterprise for 18–19 May nearly resulted
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editor had gone off to San Francisco too, and Laird was trying his hand at editing. I woke up Mr. Laird with some courtesies of the kind that were fashionable among newspaper editors in that region, and he came back at me the next day in a most vitriolic way. He was hurt by something I had said about him—some little thing—I don’t remember what it was now—probably called him a horse-thief, or one of those little phrases customarily used to describe another editor. (AD, 19 Jan 1906, CU-MARK, partially published in MTA, 1:355)
Goodman, who may well have been absent during any or all of these controversies (see the note at 377.31–32), was evidently not himself called to account for Clemens’s indiscretions (for a full discussion see L1, 287–301).
he had recommended them to apply to Marshall, the reporter of the other paper . . . furnishing me to them] Although Mark Twain’s claim about his understanding with Dan De Quille may be a fiction (see also the note at 403.18–38), the account of the plan to sell the mine in New York is essentially true. George M. Marshall, the local reporter for the Virginia City Union, entered into a business arrangement with Hurst and Rose, who, although not a member of the April–May prospecting party, was evidently an early investor in Hurst’s Pine Wood claim. On 29 June 1864 Marshall took the stage to San Francisco, where he met his two partners and shortly thereafter, on 4 July, sailed with them for the East (“Going to the States,” Virginia City Union, 29 June 64, 3; Collins, 165; Marshall, 1). While in San Francisco he wrote to Dan De Quille, who also owned feet in the Pine Wood claim:
An arrangement has been entered into & papers drawn up with a N.Y. firm by which they give us $10 per foot on our stock as a basis, and half what it is sold for afterward. So as you have 1800 feet . . . multiply it by ten and see how many
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a little tongue of rich golden flame . . . Vicksburg fallen, and the Union arms victorious at Gettysburg] The Union victories at Vicksburg and Gettysburg took place on 4 July 1863. The Virginia City Evening Bulletin described the dazzling effect of early sunlight on the recently installed flag atop Mount Davidson on the morning of the Fourth. The event Clemens recalls here, however—the remarkable flamelike appearance of the flag in a storm-darkened sky—occurred a few weeks later, on 30 July (Virginia City Evening Bulletin: “Celebration of the 4th of July,” 6 July 63, 3; “A Beautiful Sight,” 31 July 63, 3). Anna Fitch commemorated the event in her poem “The Flag on Fire,” explaining that
on the evening of July 30th, 1863, upon the breaking away of a storm, this banner was suddenly illuminated by some curious refraction of the rays of the setting sun. Thousands of awe struck persons witnessed the spectacle, which continued until the streets of Virginia, 1500 feet below, were in utter darkness. (Newman, 322)
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Nevada Mines in New York . . . wild-cat.] The Territorial Enterprise printing of this article is not known to survive. It probably appeared on 8 November 1864, the day on which a virtually identical report was published in the Virginia City Union (“Sale of a Nevada Mine in New York City,” 2). In a later article the Union explained the
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A number of capitalists bargain with the owners of the mine to give them a certain sum of money and a certain portion of the stock for it. They then form a joint stock incorporation; issue, say one-half of the stock and sell it in the market for cash, which constitutes the “working fund.” The stock, it must be borne in mind, is made unassessable. . . . As work is done and machinery erected the mine becomes valuable and the stock saleable, enabling the originators who hold the balance of the stock to sell, and thus realize more money. (“How Our Mines are Sold in the Eastern Market,” Virginia City Union, 16 Nov 64, 2)
Hurst (nicknamed “Sheba” from his most famous mine), Rose, and Marshall thus received a large lump-sum payment and a sizeable block of unassessable shares. Clemens may only have learned of their lucrative deal during his stay at Angel’s Camp, when he made the following entry in his notebook (probably on 24 January 1865), which suggests little or no personal knowledge of the transaction: “Geo N. Marshall, Geo. Hurst & another have sold a new mine in Humboldt for $3,000,000 in N. York” (N&J1, 73). In discussing “abortive mining enterprises” in his Story of the Mine, Charles Howard Shinn may have been alluding to the sale of “Pine Mountains Consolidated”: “Over in the lava of Pine Woods district in 1863 some Virginia City men sold a group of mythical mines and received a very large payment down. The New York buyers spent another fortune and departed, leaving the holes in the desert” (Shinn, 143).
I neglected my duties . . . one of the proprietors . . . save myself the disgrace of a dismissal] On or about 10 October 1864 George E. Barnes, one of the proprietors of the San Francisco Morning Call, gave Clemens the opportunity—which he took—to resign his position as local reporter. As Barnes later recalled, Clemens left the Call “on the most friendly terms, when it was found necessary to make the local department more efficient, admitting his reportorial shortcomings and expressing surprise they were not sooner discovered” (Barnes, 1; CofC, 23–24). One of the Call’s other proprietors, James J. Ayers, admitted that Clemens’s resignation was a relief:
However valuable his services had proven to a Nevada paper, where he might give full play to his fertile imagination and dally with facts to suit his fancy, that kind of reporting on a newspaper in a settled community, where the plain, unvarnished truth was an essential element in the duties of a reporter, could hardly be deemed satisfactory. It was true that we had long desired to dispense with Mark’s services, but had a delicacy about bluntly telling him so. (Ayers, 223–24)
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I was employed to contribute an article a week at twelve dollars] On 25 September 1864, almost three months after his final contribution to the Golden Era and six days before his first sketch appeared in the Californian, Clemens wrote to his family:
I have engaged to write for the new literary paper—the “Californian”—same pay I used to receive on the “Golden Era”—one article a week, fifty dollars a month. I quit the “Era,” long ago. It wasn’t high-toned enough. I thought that whether I was a literary “jackleg” or not, I wouldn’t class myself with that style of people, anyhow. The “Californian” circulates among the highest class of the community, & is the best weekly literary paper in the United States—& I suppose I ought to know. (L1, 312)
Mark Twain’s debut sketch, “A Notable Conundrum,” was the first of twenty-seven original contributions to the Californian between 1 October 1864 and 29 September 1866 (SLC 1864t–bb, 1865a, 1865c–f, 1865h–j, 1865m, 1865o, 1865q–r, 1865v, 1865z, 1865dd–ee, 1866dd, 1866jj).
Capt. Ogden, a rich man and a pleasant gentleman] Richard Livingston Ogden (1825–1900), a native of New York, joined the army early in his life and served in the Mexican War, after which he settled in California and tried his hand at mining. He attained the rank of captain in the United States Army Quartermaster Corps, serving in San Francisco in 1863–64. After leaving military service, he successfully pursued careers both in journalism and in business. As “Podgers,” he corresponded for the New York Times and the San Francisco Alta California (an 1865 letter to the Alta described the favorable reception in New York of Mark Twain’s “Jumping Frog” tale: see Ogden, 1). His business interests included the management of George P. Kimball and Company of San Francisco, manufacturer of carriages and cars (Shuck et al., 1015–20). An item in the San Francisco Morning Call of 4 September 1864, probably by Clemens, reported Ogden’s purchase of the Californian: “Mr. Webb has sold the paper to Captain Ogden, a gentleman of fine literary attainments, an able writer, and the possessor of a happy bank account” (SLC 1864r). Writing to Clemens in 1883, Ogden explained why he sold the Californian after only two months. He recalled
settling every Saturday with the literary talent—at a considerable loss over receipts—all because the public was not as appreciative as at the present day, i e
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For two months . . . I did not earn a penny . . . I became a very adept at “slinking.”] Mark Twain may be drawing upon memories of two periods of financial distress during his residence in San Francisco—the first in 1864, and the second in 1865—but he was not wholly unemployed at either time. The Roughing It chronology places the two-month “slinking” period in late 1864—from about 10 October, when he lost his position with the Morning Call, until he departed in early December for Jackass Hill in Tuolumne County. During this period he apparently earned only $84 ($12 for each of seven sketches he published in the Californian); his departure from the Call cost him $200 in lost wages ($25 per week for eight weeks). In addition, on 21 October he was obliged to pay an assessment of $100 on four shares of Hale and Norcross stock, even though, when he left for Jackass Hill, he was able to take $300 with him, perhaps from the sale of one of these shares (SLC 1864v–bb; L1, 312, 315, 316 n. 5, 318, 319 n. 5, 320). Clemens continued in straitened circumstances throughout the first half of 1865, but his situation seems to have become acute in the late summer and fall, even occasioning comment in the press. An item entitled “A Sheik on the Move,” presumably written by William K. McGrew, the Call’s local editor (see ET&S2, 546), appeared in the Call on 29 October 1865:
There is now, and has been for a long time past, camping about through town, a melancholy-looking Arab, known as Marque Twein. . . . His favorite measure is a pint measure. He is said to be a person of prodigious capacity, and addicted to a great flow of spirits. He moves often. Like all Arabs, Marque Twein is instinctively itinerant. He moves periodically. These periods occur at the end of his credit. . . . This Arab . . . wants to claim kin with respectable folks, but he labors under a difficulty in finding persons who are “on it.” He may feel all right, but he don’t look affectionate. His hat is an old one, and comes too far down over his eyes, and his clothes don’t fit as if they were made for him. . . . Beware of him. (McGrew, 3)
Nine days earlier, Clemens had written a letter to Orion and Mollie Clemens which tends to confirm McGrew’s description:
I have a religion—but you will call it blasphemy. It is that there is a God for the rich man but none for the poor.
You are in trouble, & in debt—so am I. I am utterly miserable—so are you. Perhaps your religion will sustain you, will feed you—I place no dependence in mine. Our religions are alike, though, in one respect—neither can make a man happy when he is out of luck. If I do not get out of debt in 3 months,—pistols or poison for one—exit me. (L1, 324)
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Dick Baker, pocket-miner] In his Autobiographical Dictation of 26 May 1907 Clemens identified Baker as Dick Stoker, Jim Gillis’s partner and cabinmate. Jacob Richard Stoker (1820–98), originally from Kentucky, left a successful business in Illinois to fight in the Mexican War. After the war, in 1849, he joined the California gold rush and went to Jackass Hill, where he remained, eking out a living as a pocket miner. Many years later, Jim Gillis’s brother Steve recalled Stoker:
Dick Stoker—dear, gentle unselfish old Dick—died over three years ago, aged 78. I am sure it will be a melancholy pleasure to Mark to know that Dick lived in comfort all his later life, sincerely loved and respected by all who knew him.
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Clemens always held Stoker in affection, recalling with particular pleasure his portrayal of a character in Jim Gillis’s skit “The Tragedy of the Burning Shame” (AD, 26 May 1907, CU-MARK, in MTE, 361; Stoker monument in the Masonic Cemetery, Sonora, photograph courtesy of Margaret Sanborn; Buckbee, 331; Gillis, 170–71; SLC to James Gillis, 26 Jan 70, PH in CU-MARK, courtesy of CCamarSJ, in MTL, 1:170–71).
I heard him talking about this animal once] Although Baker (i.e., Stoker) is represented here as the narrator, Clemens later identified Jim Gillis as the author of the story of Tom Quartz:
Every now and then Jim would have an inspiration, and he would stand up before the great log fire, with his back to it and his hands crossed behind him, and deliver himself of an elaborate impromptu lie—a fairy tale, an extravagant romance—with Dick Stoker as the hero of it as a general thing. Jim always soberly pretended that what he was relating was strictly history, veracious history, not romance. Dick Stoker, gray-headed and good-natured, would sit smoking his pipe and listen with a gentle serenity to these monstrous fabrications and never utter a protest. . . . I used another of Jim’s inventions in one of my books, the story of Jim Baker’s cat, the remarkable Tom Quartz. Jim Baker was Dick Stoker, of course; Tom Quartz had never existed; there was no such cat, at least outside of Jim Gillis’s imagination. (AD, 26 May 1907, CU-MARK, in MTE, 360–62)
Mark Twain made many changes when revising the Buffalo Express printing of this story, primarily in the spelling of dialect pronunciations (such as “ ’n’ ” for “and”), which brought the monologue closer to vernacular speech. Both the Express and the Roughing It versions were preceded by a manuscript sketch entitled “Remarkable Sagacity of a Cat,” probably written in June 1868 (SLC 1868f).
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Poi is the chief article of food . . . it produces acrid humors] Mark Twain derived his information about poi from Jarves’s History:
Poi, the principal article of diet, was prepared from the kalo [taro] plant. The roots, after being baked under ground, were mashed on a large platter, by a heavy stone pestle, or an instrument made of lava, resembling a stirrup, and were mixed with water, until a thick paste was formed. This is sometimes eaten in a sweet state, but generally put aside until it ferments, in which condition it is preferred. It is a highly nutricious substance, though, when solely used, has a tendency to produce acrid humors. (Jarves 1847, 42)
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contact with civilization . . . has reduced the native population . . . to fifty-five thousand] In a Hawaiian notebook Clemens noted: “Certainly were 400,000 here in Cook’s time—& even in 1820” (N&J1, 129). Captain Cook had estimated the population to be 400,000 in 1778, but Captain George Vancouver
some fifteen years after, puts it at a much lower figure, and intimates that Cook was misled by the multitudes that flocked to the shores whenever his ships appeared. But the fact nevertheless remains, that the natives have, since their first intercourse with foreigners, decreased at a fearful rate. (Bennett, 3)
Another estimate, probably more accurate, put the population at 142,000 in 1823; the official 1866 census figure was 58,765 (Bennett, 59).
David Kalakaua (the King’s Chamberlain)] Kalakaua (1836–91) held the office of chamberlain and secretary to Kamehameha V at a salary of $2,500 per year. Clemens met Kalakaua early in his stay in the islands, when, on 3 April, he was among Kalakaua’s guests at a dinner in honor of James McBride, the American minister. Kalakaua was also
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[He] is a man of fine presence, is an educated gentleman and a man of good abilities. He is approaching forty, I should judge—is thirty-five, at any rate. He is conservative, politic and calculating, makes little display, and does not talk much in the Legislature. He is a quiet, dignified, sensible man, and would do no discredit to the kingly office. (SLC 1866x)
Kalakaua, a descendant of ancient Hawaiian chiefs, became king in February 1874 after an abortive attempt to secure the throne in 1873. He reigned until his death in January 1891 in San Francisco (Honolulu Pacific Commercial Advertiser: “The Budget,” 5 May 66, 1; “Audience at the Palace,” 28 July 66, 3; MTH, 31; L1, 334; Withington, 229–34, 249, 275).
Prince William] As Kamehameha V’s cousin and the grandson of a half-brother of Kamehameha I, the popular William Charles Lunalilo (1835–74) was widely recognized as the likely successor to the throne. Mark Twain noted in a Union letter that Lunalilo was
of the highest blood in the kingdom—higher than the King himself, it is said. . . . Prince William is a man of fine, large build; is thirty-one years of age; is affable, gentlemanly, open, frank, manly; is as independent as a lord and has a spirit and a will like the old Conqueror himself. He is intelligent, shrewd, sensible—is a man of first rate abilities, in fact. . . . I like this man, and I like his bold independence, and his friendship for and appreciation of the American residents. (SLC 1866x)
In two articles entitled “The Sandwich Islands,” published in the New York Tribune on 6 and 9 January 1873, Mark Twain, although acknowledging Lunalilo’s excessive fondness for whiskey, urged that he be chosen as the next king. Lunalilo was elected—by popular and legislative vote—to succeed Kamehameha V in January 1873, but he reigned only briefly, until his death in February 1874 (SLC 1873b—c; N&J1, 124; Kuykendall 1953, 240, 242–44; Withington, 229–39).
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a brown, stately dame . . . with nothing . . . but a “stove-pipe” hat . . . a fiery neck-tie and a striped vest] A similar description in Bates’s Sandwich Island Notes may have inspired Mark Twain:
When civilized habits first dawned upon them, their personal appearance was the most eccentric that can well be imagined. In coming to church on a Sunday,
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†This . . . would certainly have been cannibalism if they had cooked him] This footnote misrepresents the view of Sandwich Islands historians. Jarves observed:
Some doubt formerly existed, whether cannibalism ever prevailed in the group. The natives themselves manifested a degree of shame, horror and confusion, when questioned upon the subject, that led Cook and his associates, without any direct evidence of the fact, to believe in its existence; but later voyagers disputed this conclusion. The confessions of their own historians, and the general acknowledgment of the common people, have now established it beyond a doubt. (Jarves 1847, 49)
Mark Twain often treated the subject of cannibalism humorously during this period—for example, in two items about Honolulu publisher Henry Whitney, in his Sandwich Islands lecture, in the sketch “Cannibalism in the Cars,” and in an 1870 Buffalo Express piece, “Dining with a Cannibal” (SLC 1866mm, 1870n, 884; Fatout 1976, 10; MTH, 144–45; SLC 1868i, 1870c).
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She desired me to confer with Mr. Greeley about turnips] Horace Greeley (see the note at 131.12), an enthusiastic amateur farmer at his home in Chappaqua, New York, aired his views on agriculture in speeches, books, and the columns of the New York Tribune. “It became the fashion for critics and fun makers to jibe at Greeley’s farming efforts, and the Chappaqua wood chopper was made the butt of much merriment” (Van Deusen, 147). In 1868, in a humorous but fundamentally respectful sketch of Greeley entitled “Private Habits of Horace Greeley,” Mark Twain wrote that every day before a late breakfast Greeley
goes out into his model garden, and applies his vast store of agricultural knowledge to the amelioration of his cabbages; after which he writes an able agricultural
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An 1870 Tribune series of Greeley’s essays, entitled “What I Know of Farming,” was collected in a book of the same name (Greeley 1871). In mid-April 1871 Greeley gave Clemens a copy inscribed as follows: “To Mark Twain, Esq., Ed. Buffalo Express who knows even less of my farming than does Horace Greeley. N. York” (Anderson, lot 204); a slightly different version of the inscription was quoted in “H. G. as a Joker,” Buffalo Courier, 21 Apr 71, 1).
I could not read it readily] Greeley’s hand was notoriously illegible: “No doubt the ‘worm fence’ handwriting was difficult for a stranger to decipher, but Tribune printers and proofreaders were familiar with it. Others compared it to gridirons struck by lightning” (Stoddard, 140, facsimile facing 241). The newspapers of the day frequently printed jokes about the difficulty of reading Greeley’s handwriting. In May 1871, for example, the following anecdote appeared in the Boston Post:
Greeley wrote a letter to the Iowa Press Association, in which he said: “I have hominy, carrots and R. R. ties more than I could move with eight steers. If eels are blighted, dig them early. Any insinuation that brick ovens are dangerous to hams, gives me the horrors. Greeley.” That is, they read it so. They have since learned what he meant to say was: “I find so many cares and duties pressing upon me, that with the weight of years I feel obliged to decline nearly every invitation that takes me over a day’s journey from home. Yours among them. Horace Greeley.” (“Varieties,” Buffalo Express, 10 May 71, 2, reprinting the Boston Post)
Mark Twain himself had commented on Greeley’s penmanship in “Private Habits of Horace Greeley” and in a Buffalo Express column of 4 September 1869. He may have been further inspired by the facsimile of Greeley’s hand published in Richardson’s Beyond the Mississippi (SLC 1868j, 1869h; Richardson, 163–64). In any event, the immediate occasion for the illustration on page 485 (possibly engraved from a drawing by Mark Twain himself), and its accompanying “transcriptions,” was undoubtedly a letter that Greeley wrote to Clemens on 7 May 1871, presumably in response to a letter from Clemens (now lost) thanking Greeley for the gift of his book (see the previous note). Greeley’s letter is reproduced in supplement C.
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William Kanui, fell from grace . . . went to mining . . . was a bankrupt . . . died in Honolulu in 1864] Mark Twain learned these facts about William Kanui (1798?–1864) from an obituary notice in the February 1864 issue of the Friend, which he quoted and cited in the Union letter on which this passage is based (SLC 1866ff). Kanui lost his money in 1855, when the San Francisco bank of Page, Bacon and Company
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Kanui then, being obliged to exert himself for a livelihood, opened a bootblacking stand, and continued it for some time. But sad to relate, in his religious interests he became quite reckless, and continued for a long time in a backslidden state. (“William Kanui Still Alive,” report dated 20 June 1860 from San Francisco, Friend 10 [1 Feb 61]: 13)
Kanui’s piety subsequently revived, and during his last years he “labored in San Francisco, and was connected with the Bethel Church of that city” (“Died,” Friend 13 [5 Feb 64]: 16; Rufus Anderson, 48–49 n. 1; Bradford Smith, 24, 58–59, 288; San Francisco Alta California: “The Crisis Past,” 23 Feb 55, 2; “Commercial,” 3 May 55, 2).
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Liholiho came up to Kailua as drunk as a piper] The feast at Kailua took place during the first week of November 1819, six months after the death of Kamehameha I (Kuykendall 1938, 68). According to Jarves, Kaahumanu
sent word to the king, that upon his arrival at Kailua, she should cast aside his god. To this he made no objection, but with his retainers pushed off in canoes from the shore, and remained on the water for two days, indulging in a drunken revel. Kaahumanu despatched a double canoe for him, in which he was brought to Kailua. (Jarves 1847, 109)
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a sort of coffin-shaped stone . . . When he stretched . . . on his lounge, his legs hung down over the end] This passage may have been inspired by a description written by S. S. Hill, an earlier visitor to the site:
Our guide pointed out to us a block of hewn lava, that we judged to be about thirteen feet in length, which was preserved in remembrance of an ancient chief, who is said to have been of the length of the block when lying with outstretched arms upon its surface. If this be no exaggeration, the chief must have been of enormous dimensions indeed. (S. S. Hill, 185)
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We rode horseback all around the island . . . We were more than a week making the trip] Clemens left Kilauea, probably on 7 June 1866, accompanied by Edward Tasker Howard (1844?–1918), an acquaintance made at the Volcano House. “Confound that island, I had a streak of fat & a streak of lean all over it,” he told his family on 21 June; “got lost several times & had to sleep in huts with the natives & live like a dog” (L1, 344). From the volcano Clemens and Howard headed north to Hilo on the coast, then northward to Onomea, the Waipio valley, and finally across the island to the west coast port of Kawaihae. In Hilo, Clemens later mentioned, he stayed for three days with John H. Coney, sheriff of the island. Other evidence suggests that he may also have been the guest of blustery and profane Captain Thomas Spencer, a leading citizen of Hilo and owner of an extensive ship chandlery. At Onomea, six miles north of Hilo, Clemens and Howard stayed overnight at the sugar plantation of Stafford L. Austin, whose son, Franklin H. Austin, later wrote a detailed account of that memorable visit (MTH, 74–79; L1, 346 n. 9; N&J1, 133 n. 74; Whitney, 73; Austin, 202–3, 250–54). Howard, a New Yorker who had lived in San Francisco since 1864, returned to New York after his Sandwich Islands trip and became a partner in Howard and Company, a Broadway jewelry and silverware firm (“Edward Tasker Howard,” New York Times, 9 Aug 1918, 11; advertisement, New York Times, 3 Oct 66, 3). “I don’t think an enormous deal of Howard,” Clemens later admitted to a Honolulu friend,
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We returned to Honolulu, and from thence sailed to the island of Maui, and spent several weeks there] Clemens and Howard embarked from Kawaihae on the interisland steamer Kilauea, reaching Honolulu on 16 June. As explained in the note at 475.3–5, Clemens’s trip to Maui actually preceded his trip to Hawaii. He sailed from Honolulu to Maui in mid-April (perhaps aboard the Mary Ellen on 17 April) and returned to Honolulu aboard the schooner Ka Moi on 22 May, on which day he wrote to Mollie Clemens:
I have just got back from a sea voyage—from the beautiful island of Maui. I have spent 5 weeks there, riding backwards & forwards among the sugar plantations—looking up the splendid scenery & visiting the lofty crater of Haleakala. It has been a perfect jubilee to me in the way of pleasure. I have not written a single line, & have not once thought of business, or care, or human toil or trouble or sorrow or weariness. Few such months come in a lifetime. (L1, 341)
Clemens limited his remarks about Maui in the Sacramento Union to a discussion of its sugar plantations (SLC 1866hh; Honolulu Pacific Commercial Advertiser: “Passengers,” 16 June 66, 2; “Departures,” 21 Apr 66, 2; N&J1, 234; MTH, 55).
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I seemed to stand on the portals of another world, or to cling, solitarily and sadly, to the wrecks of this, as if it were just emerging from the grave of a deluge . . . . Like Campbell’s “Last Man,” surveying the wrecks that old Time had flung over the lap of earth’s mightiest nations, I was alone on that naked summit. (Bates, 328)
one curious character in the island of Maui] The eccentric Francis A. Oudinot (1822?–71) of Lahaina, Maui, was a native of Kentucky. At the time of his arrival in the Sandwich Islands in 1851, he listed his occupation as “jeweler.” Claiming descent from Charles Nicolas Oudinot (1767–1847), the famous marshal of Napoleon’s forces, he celebrated French national holidays by dressing in a resplendent French uniform and carrying a French flag. Oudinot, alone among Lahaina’s American population, was known to be a Southern sympathizer during the Civil War. He also had a reputation as a spinner of yarns. Harriet Baldwin Damon, a resident of Lahaina in her youth, recalled him:
Oudinot, well known throughout the islands as something of a farmer, had wonderful stories to recount of the marvelous growth of his plantings. With him the sugar cane grew so fast, it rustled and rattled, and with a lantern at night, he had watched the progress. All his products were magnified, nor did there ever appear to be a doubt in his mind but that his stories were accepted. With his lack of veracity, he was however most generous, and we never left his place empty handed. (Mary Charlotte Alexander, 250)
According to his obituary notice, Oudinot was a deputy sheriff at Lahaina for a number of years: “His hospitality, cheerfulness of temper and many other good qualities, caused him to be universally known on these islands and secured for him a large number of friends. Through industry and energy he has accumulated a valuable property situated in Lahaina” (“Died,” Honolulu Pacific Commercial Advertiser, 22 July 71, 2; naturalization document of Francis A. Oudinot dated 18 June 55, Naturalization Book N:55, Hawaiian Ministry of Interior, Bureau of Immigration, H-Ar; William Ap Jones to Mr. Chapman of the Interior Ministry, 24 Aug 61, Miscellaneous File, Hawaiian Ministry of Interior, H-Ar; MTH, 57–58; N&J1, 120 n. 38).
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All the papers were kind . . . I had abundance of money] The press reviews of the lecture were uniformly favorable. The San Francisco Dramatic Chronicle called it “one of the greatest successes of the season” (“Academy of Music,” 3 Oct 66, 3), while the Evening Bulletin went so far as to praise it as “one of the most interesting and amusing lectures ever given in this city” (“Local Matters,” 3 Oct 66, 5). The Call noted that the lecture “evinced a good deal of shrewd observation on the part of the speaker, and was replete with valuable information and eloquent description, judiciously varied at intervals by telling bits of humor, which were given in the lecturer’s happiest manner” (“ ‘Mark Twain’s’ Lecture on the Sandwich Islands,” 3 Oct 66, 3, clipping in Scrapbook 1:61, CU-MARK). The reviewer for the Alta California concluded, “Mark Twain has thoroughly established himself as the most piquant and humorous writer and lecturer on this coast” (“City Items,” 3 Oct 66, 1, clipping in Scrapbook 1:61, CU-MARK). According to Albert Bigelow Paine, Clemens’s gross returns from ticket sales were about twelve hundred dollars, of which he kept about one-third after paying his expenses and his agent (probably Denis McCarthy: see the next note; MTB, 1:294). On the morning after the lecture the Dramatic Chronicle printed the following anecdote:
Meeting “Mark” this morning on Montgomery street, the following dialogue ensued:
“Mark”—Well, what do they say about my lecture?
We—Why, the envious and jealous say it was “a bilk” and a “sell.”
“Mark”—All right. It’s a free country. Everybody has a right to his opinion, if he is an ass. Upon the whole, it’s a pretty even thing. They have the consolation of abusing me, and I have the consolation of slapping my pocket and hearing their money jingle. They have their opinions, and I have their dollars. I’m satisfied. (“ ‘Mark Twain’s’ Consolation,” 4)
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Nauvoo was invaded by the Missouri and Illinois Gentiles, and Joseph Smith killed] External antagonism and internal dissension focused increasingly on Smith himself, particularly his political ambitions and self-serving economic and theological policies. On 19 June 1844, he ordered the destruction of the office and press of the Nauvoo Expositor, a newspaper founded by apostates trying to reform the church, which brought matters to a climax:
Angry crowds . . . were swarming the streets of Carthage and Warsaw Illinois. Missourians and Iowans were crossing the river in droves. . . . Armed bands already were threatening isolated Mormon families and driving them into Nauvoo. There was lynch talk everywhere—always in the name of justice and liberty. (Brodie, 378)
Smith was arrested on a charge of treason and then murdered by Illinois militiamen in the Carthage jail on 27 June 1844 (Brodie, 362–94; Donna Hill, 387–418).
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They camped . . . on the western verge of Iowa . . . and many succumbed and died . . . Two years the remnant remained there] For more than a year (until April 1847), the exiled Mormons lived in temporary
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It is strange how this lost tribe has kept its faith through so many years of sorrow and disaster. These are people who were scattered in tents for miles and miles along the roads through Iowa when the Mormons were driven out of Nauvoo with fire and sword, twenty-five years ago. Their heavy misfortunes appealed so movingly to the kindly instincts of the Iowa people that they rescued them from starvation, and gave them houses and food and employment, and gradually they became absorbed into the population and lost sight of—forgotten entirely, in fact, till this Convention of young Joe’s called them out, and then from every unsuspected nook and cranny crept a Mormon—a Mormon who had for many a year been taken for a Baptist, or a Methodist, or some other kind of Christian. (SLC 1867f)
In 1849 the Mormons organized a “free and independent” government . . . but made Brigham Governor of it] Mark Twain quotes from Waite, who quoted from the preamble of the “Constitution of the State of Deseret,” submitted to the constitutional convention on 18 March 1849:
We, the people, grateful to the Supreme Being for the blessings hitherto enjoyed, and feeling our dependence on Him for a continuance of those blessings, do ordain and establish a free and Independent Government, by the name of the State of Deseret; including all the territory of the United States within the following boundaries. (Waite, 21–22)
Deseret included some two hundred and sixty-five thousand square miles, extending from the Rockies to the Pacific Coast in present-day southern California, and from present-day southeastern Oregon to southern Arizona. Waite characterized the “formation of this government for the State of Deseret” as “the first effort to throw off the yoke
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President of all Mormondom, civil and ecclesiastical; . . . he proclaimed himself a God] This passage owes something to Waite’s listing of Young’s various “rôles“
as “Governor of Utah and Superintendent of Indian Affairs;” “President of the Church, Prophet, Seer, and Revelator;” “Trustee in Trust for the Church;” “President of the Emigration Company;” “Lord of the Harem;” “Eloheim, or Head God;” and “Grand Archee of the Order of the Gods.” (Waite, 20)
The final accusation was based in part on Waite’s claim that Young “has encouraged a doctrine, which he dare not put in print;—no less than to arrogate to himself the attributes of Deity” (Waite, 174–75). Mormons believe that every man is capable of becoming a god after death, but there is no evidence that Young made any more grandiose claim for himself (Arrington 1985, 205).
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Judge Cradlebaugh . . . proceeded to make Mormondom answer for the massacre] Cradlebaugh held court in the town of Provo in March 1859 and attempted to prosecute a number of crimes, including the Mountain Meadows massacre. The following month he traveled with a military escort to the towns nearest Mountain Meadows, where he gathered testimony about the massacre and issued writs for the arrest of thirty-eight men. None was served because those named were all in hiding. Cradlebaugh’s strong judicial stance won him high regard in some quarters: when he returned to Nevada in December 1863 he was hailed as a hero, both for his war record and his actions in Utah. “His fearlessness and impartiality in the administration of justice secured him the enmity of the Mormons of Salt Lake,” noted the Carson City Independent:
Pistols were drawn in the Court room, and men threatened to shoot him if he persisted in his course. The stern and plain-spoken old Judge told them to “shoot and be d—d, but he intended to do his duty.” Neither threats nor persuasion could swerve him one hair’s breadth from what he deemed to be the path of duty. (“Judge Cradlebaugh,” Sacramento Union, 28 Dec 63, 1, reprinting the Carson City Independent)
Mark Twain, who was then reporting for the Virginia City Territorial Enterprise, would surely have seen this article or others like it (“Ovation to Colonel Cradlebaugh,” Sacramento Union, 4 Jan 64, 4, reprinting Carson City Independent of 30 December; Furniss, 214–19; Cradlebaugh, 15–16, 19–20; Waite, 70, 74; Brooks 1970, 173, 177).
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Conrad Wiegand, of Gold Hill, Nevada] Conrad Wiegand (1830–80), a native of Pennsylvania trained as a chemist, worked at the Philadelphia mint before relocating to the Pacific Coast. During the early 1860s he was the supervising assayer at the San Francisco branch mint. (There, in July 1861, Wiegand engaged in a public controversy with a fellow employee, accusing him of assault—much as he accuses John B. Winters in the document reproduced in this appendix.) Wiegand, described by the Virginia City Union as “one of the best assayers in the United States,” accepted a position with the Gould and Curry works near Virginia City in November 1863 (“Ex-Assayer Wiegand,” San Francisco Evening Bulletin, 6 Nov 63, 3, reprinting the Virginia City Union). He opened his own assay office in Gold Hill, Nevada, in June 1865. In June 1880, in debt and suffering from nervous depression, he committed suicide. It was sometime after Clemens left Nevada in 1864 that Wiegand became familiar to Virginia City and Gold Hill residents through frequent articles in the local newspapers. The Virginia City Territorial Enterprise tended to view Wiegand’s crusading journalism with indulgence:
Mr. Wiegand means well. All his instincts are humane and moral. He is among the worthiest of a class of reformers, who, in the abstract, perhaps, think rightly, but who fritter away valuable lives in attempting to accomplish impossibilities.
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(“The Mint Again—Wiegand’s Statement,” San Francisco Alta California, 22 July 61, 1; “Assaying at Gold Hill,” Virginia City Union, 1 June 65, 3; “A Shocking Suicide,” Virginia City Evening Chronicle, 14 June 80, 3; “The Suicide of Conrad Wiegand,” Virginia City Territorial Enterprise, 16 June 80, 3.)
he was a street preacher, too, with a mongrel religion of his own invention] In December 1867, Wiegand became rector of Virginia City’s newly formed “Humanitarian Christian Society.” He resigned in disgust two months later, after his fellow Humanitarians objected to his lecturing on “politico-religious” themes (“Humanitarian Christian Society Organized,” Gold Hill Evening News, 23 Dec 67, 3; Virginia City Territorial Enterprise: “Politico-Religious Notice,” 23 Feb 68, 3; “A Card from Conrad Wiegand,” 25 Feb 68, 2; “Resignation,” 27 Feb 68, 3). At that time the Enterprise published an editorial about Wiegand (almost certainly written by Joseph T. Goodman), coining the word “Wiegandish” to characterize his views and attempting to explain the “Humanitarian” creed of “this erratic genius.” In conclusion the editorial described Wiegand as
a slight built man, with regular and pale features that wear an indescribable expression of mildness and intellectuality, and large blue eyes that are full of fire and thought yet impress you only as singularly pure and gentle, which, together with a profusion of soft brown hair and whiskers, make up a countenance that will irresistibly recall to mind the likeness of the Savior. (“Wiegandish,” Virginia City Territorial Enterprise, 23 Feb 68, 2)
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what even the Gold Hill News has pronounced a disgraceful affair . . . because of some telegraphic mistake in the account of it] Lynch explained in the News:
We regret that this disgraceful affair occurred in the News office, and it happened without any collusion whatever on the part of anybody connected with the office. The senior editor, who was the only witness of the affair, besides the parties themselves, especially feels aggrieved, as the report has been telegraphed all over the State that he was “cowhided like the devil” on Saturday! When in fact it was all a mistake. Several telegrams have been received by him to-day, from different sections, inquiring after his health, the price of raw-hides, etc., etc. (Lynch 1870a, 3)
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